-

IGNATIUS LOYOLA

AND

THE EARLY JESUITS.

BT

STEWART ROSE.

PARVUM INGENTIS PIGNUS REVERENTI/E.

SECOXU EDITION.

LONDON:
LONGMANS, GREEN. AND CO.

1871.

PREFACE.

THANKFUL for the very unexpected favour with which
the first edition of the Life of Ignatius has been received,
I must express my hope that in the present volume
some errors will be found corrected, and that the cen-
sures of its indulgent critics have been carefully con-
sidered. On one point only I venture to protest. It
has been asserted that the narrative of the early life of
Ignatius has been partly supplied by invention, or over-
laid with panegyric ; but not a single trait or action is
given that is not taken, either from the early biographies,
chiefly the Spanish ones, or from old histories of Spain,
or the traditions still lingering and reverentially pre-
served in the country around Loyola. And it is
literally a fact that Ignatius was a hero of romance
before he became a hero of religion. He had formed
himself on the chivalric model, which seems to remain
accepted still as the utmost perfection of the manly
character. Nature and fortune combined in him to
make an accomplished knight. In after life the traces
of what his youth had been are often discoverable, and
much of his subsequent success is undoubtedly owing
to the training he received in the court of Ferdinand.
The work he was called on to do was unprecedented!

vi PREFACE.

and in some sense inimitable. He was prepared for it
by such a career as nearly all the young nobles of
Europe were then aiming at. There is nothing in-
credible in his story until he passes into the preter-
natural state, which some will regard as an illusion,
and others as a favour, granted by Providence to a
sinful world, then struggling into intellectual light.

S. R.

CONTENTS.

BOOK I.

FEOM HIS CONVERSION TO LEAVING PABIS.

Family and residence of Ignatius — Early education — At Court — The
Princess whom he served — Death of King Ferdinand, and of Gonsalva
de Cordova — Wars on the accession of Charles V. — Defeat and death of
Padilla — War of Navarre — Pamplona — Ignatius wounded, and trans-
ferred to Loyola — A vision — Reading — Prodigies — Writings — Leo X.
— Adrian VI. — Ignatius leaves home — The Morisco — Monserrato —
Pascoala — The Beggars — Manresa — Experiences — Hospital of St. Lucy
— Las Inigas — Surrender of Rhodes — Diminished austerities — Barcelona
— Isabel Roser — Voyage to Gaeta — Rome — Venice — The Senator Trevi-
sani — Voyage to Palestine — Jerusalem — Voyage to Venice — Journey to
Genoa — Return to Barcelona — Isabel Roser — Ignatius begins to study —
The Convent of the Angels — His life at Barcelona — Removes to Alcala —
Incidents of his life there — Inquisition — Francis Borgia — Pious indis-
cretion of Two Ladies — Figueroa — Prohibition — Resolve to remove to
Salamanca — Plunder of Rome, 1527 — Dominicans at Salamanca —
Imprisonment — Removes to Paris — Letters — Success and opposition —
Flanders — Govea — London — Letters — Degree of Master of Arts — Con-
versions— Peter Faber.

The ' Spiritual Exercises ' — Faber ordained — Francis Xavier — Xavarro —
Fresh recruits — All assemble at Montmartre, 1534 — State of the University
— Inquisition again — State of Europe — Death of Clement "VII. — Accession
of Paul III . PAGE 1

BOOK II.

I

FBOM HIS FINAL LEAVING AZPEYTIA TO HIS ESTABLISHMENT

IN ROME.

Ignatius returns to Azpeytia — Preaching — His acts there — Voyage from
\ alencia to Genoa — Bologna — Venice — Letters — Hosez — Pietro Contarini
— D'Eguia — War — The Students summoned from Paris — Incidents of
their journey — Arrival at Venice — All but Ignatius start for Rome — lit-

viii CONTENTS.

forms of Paul III. — Contarini — The Companions in Rome — Their return
to Venice — Ordination — Dispersion — Letter — Accusations — Antonio
Rodriguez — The name given — Ferrara — Vittoria Colonna — La Storta —
Rome, 1537 — Hosez — Bologna — Rome — Suspicions — Strada — Codure —
Letter — Augustine — Trial and acquittal — Famine — Ignatius' first Mass —
Corruptions of the Church — The Society formed — And confirmed by
Paul III. — Ribadeneira — Joam III. of Portugal — Letter — Xavier sails for
the Indies — 1540 — Parma — Balnereggia — Naples — Bobadilla — Ochino —
Inquisition at Naples — Jesuits established there — Bull of Paul III. —
Dominic Soto — Name of the Society — The Seal — Choice of a Superior —
Ignatius reluctant — All make their vows at St. Paul's — Death of Codure
— Ignatius preaching — Conversions — Araoz — Borgia — Emiliano — Rules
— The Constitutions — Journal — Admissions — Studies — Ireland, 1541 — •
Nadal — Zapata — Brouet — Ochino — Faenza — Modena — Cardinal Morone
— Sienna — Portugal — Tivoli — Habits of the Gesu — Prudence of Ignatius
— Truth — Expulsions — Emond Auger — Palmia — Koster . PAGE 157

BOOK III.

THE WORK OF THE SOCIETY TO THE ATTACKS OP THE
SOEBONNE.

1539. — Permission given by the Protestant authorities to the Landgrave of
Hesse to many two wives — The Viaticum of St. Ignatius — Laynez —
Frusis — Elia — Achille — Faber — Worms — Ratisbon — Nuremberg — LeJay
— Bobadilla — Ingoldstadt — Salzburg — St. Martha at Rome — Piazza
Altieri — Faber in Spain — Mayence — Cologne — Canisius — Archbishop
Hermann — Faber at Louvain — Adrian! — Chartreux of Cologne — Media-
tion of Ignatius with Joam III. of Portugal and the Pope — Physicians in
Rome — Grande Chartreuse — Ribadeneira and others sent to Paris —
Viterbo — Arrival at the Lombards — Domenech — Banished from Paris —
Brouet — Postel — Persecutions — Domenech and Ribadeneira leave Lou-
vain — Mayence — Venice — Rome — Francis of Villanova — Faber, Araoz,
and others, well received in Spain — Philip and Maria — Madrid — Michel
Torrez — Salamanca — Melchior Cano — Laynez at Brescia — Peace between
Francis and Charles — Inquisition in Portugal — Abyssinia — Ribadeneira's
illness — Polaiico — Death of Luther — of Faber — Bologna — New Persecu-
tions— Letters — Judgment — Dignities refused — Ignatius renounces all
direction of women — Letters — Attacks of Isabel Roser — Letter — Council
of Trent — Jesuits there — Death of Francis I. — Council at Bologna —
Retirement of Ignatius proposed — Battle of Miihlberg — Bobadilla —
Interim — Otelli — Murder of Piero Farnese — Death of Paul III. — Consti-
tutions— Francis Borgia — Letters — Displeasure of Ignatius — Duke of
Bavaria — College of Messina — Letter on Ingoldstadt — Vienna — King
Ferdinand — Letter to Albert of Bavaria — Pope Julius III. — Sicily —
Nadal— Laynez — Ribadeneira — Miona and Polanco — Africa — Lnynr/ --
Trent — Olave— Salmeron — Maurice at Inns-prut1 k— Council >u.-i>t>nded —

CONTEXTS. ix

Ignatius again wishes to resign — Alcala — Opposition — Simon Rodriguez
— Letters — Archbishop of Valencia — Coimbra — Godin — Paris — Ferrara
— Borgia at Rome — Cardinal's hat — Onate — Saragossa — Letter to Duke
of Bavaria — Canisius — Antonio of Cordova . . . PAGE 287

BOOK IV.

THE LAST TEABS OP IGNATIUS AND HIS DEATH.

Brouet — Philip Neri — Xavier — Xadal — Kessel at Cologne — Roman College
— Letter — Olave — Ciarlat — St. John of the Cros* — Circular Letter —
Bernard Olivier — German College — Frusis — Letters — The ' Adelphi ' —
Giovanni Colonna — Mission to Ethiopia — Corsica — The Gesii at Rome —
Death of Joam III. — Marriages in the Family of Loyola — Letters — Ger-
many— The Turks — Jerusalem — England — Augsburg — Julius IIL leaves
the throne to Marcellus n. — Paul IV. — Poverty — Persecution — Letters
— Sta. Balbina — Belgium — Spread of the Society — Prague — Ingoldstadt
Letters — Inquisition in Portugal — Letters — Loretto — Manarez — Nadal
sent for — Quirogas at Rome — The Physician — Rules — Belgium — Letters
— Ledesma — Brussels — Letter — Death of Ignatius — His surviving Com-
panions— Conclusion PAGE 409

BOOK I.

FROM HIS CONVERSION TO LEAVING PARIS.

Family and residence of Ignatius — Early education — At Court — The
Princess whom he served — Death of King Ferdinand, and of Gonsalva
de Cordova — Wars on the accession of Charles V. — Defeat and death of
Padilla — War of Navarre ; Pamplona ; Ignatius wounded, and trans-
ferred to Loyola — A vision — Reading — Prodigies — Writings — Leo X.
— Adrian VI. — Ignatius leaves home — The Morisco — Monserrato —
Pascoala — The Beggars — Manresa — Experiences — Hospital of St. Lucy
— Las Inigas — Surrender of Rhodes— Diminished austerities — Barce-
lona— Isabel Roser — Voyage to Gaeta — Rome — Venice — The Senator
Trevisani — Voyage to Palestine — Jerusalem — Voyage to Venice —
Journey to Genoa — Return to Barcelona — Isabel Roser — Ignatius
begins to study — The Convent of the Angels — His life at Barcelona
— Removes to Alcala — Incidents of his life there — Inquisition —
Francis Borgia — Pious indiscretion of Two Ladies — Figueroa — Pro-
hibition ; resolve to remove to Salamanca — Plunder of Rome, 1527
— Dominicans at Salamanca — Imprisonment — Removes to Paris —
Letters — Success and opposition — Flanders — Gove"a — London —
Letters — Degree of Master of Arts— Conversions — Peter Faber.

The ' Spiritual Exercises ' — Faber ordained — Francis Xavier — Navarro —
Fresh recruits — All assemble at Montmartre, 1534 — State of the
University — Inquisition again — State of Europe — Death of Clement
VII. — Accession of Paul III.

LIFE

OF

IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

BOOK I.

FROM HIS CONVERSION TO LEAVING PARIS.

IN the beautiful province of Guipuscoa, on a hill rising on
the southern slopes of the Pyrenees, stands the old Tower of
Loyola, where Ignatius was born ; now concealed by the
buildings of the Jesuit College which surround it, but then
conspicuous in the valley traversed by the small stream of
the Urola, dominating the little town of Azpeytia, which lay
close beneath. The mountains all round are abundant in
iron ores, worked from long distant times by the people of
Azpeytia and Azcoytia, about a mile apart.

When Henry of Castille, to restrain the power of the nobles Castle of
and put an end to their continual feuds, caused all the strong- destroyed
holds of Guipuscoa to be demolished, that of Loyola, by a an(i re-
special grace, was exempted from the general doom. The
tower, indeed, which had originally been constructed through-
out of massive squared stones, was by his orders half pulled
down ; but he allowed it to be rebuilt to the summit with
brickwork, and such is its condition to the present day.

Over the gate remain the curious arms of the old family, Arms.
answering to their name, and descending from the misty
tenth century, in which tradition loses itself, — a camp-kettle
hung by a chain between two wolves, — 'Lobo y olla,' the
wolf and the pot. The country people, still full of remem-
brances of Ignatius and his ancestry, relate that this name
was given in those feudal times when great lords made war
on one another with a band of followers, whom they were

£

2 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

bound to maintain ; and this the family of Loyola used to do
with such liberality, that the wolves always found something
in the kettle to feast on after the soldiers were supplied.

Attached to this tower, or fortress, was a large and rich
domain, which, in the thirteenth century, by the marriage
of Inez de Loyola with Lope de Onaz, passed into the pos-
session of the latter house. The house of Onaz was held in
high repute in Spain, not only on account of its ancient
estates, but because it had produced men famous alike in
arms and letters.1 It was connected with the most illus-
trious families of the county, and was one of those called
' parientes may ores,' which had the privilege of being per-
sonally invited by the sovereign, whenever the nobles of the
land were summoned to do homage to the crown, or for any
other cause ; a privilege which was shared by only one other
family in Guipuscoa.

Parents. The parents of St. Ignatius were Beltram Janez de Oiiaz
y Loyola and Marina Saenz di Licona y Balda. The family 2
of the latter were related to that of Loyola ; they resided
in no great opulence at Azcoytia, and their house is still
shown. It seems, indeed, that the people thereabouts recall
all the particulars of the Saint's kinsfolk and history with a
personal pride and attachment; they show the spots con-
nected with his name, relate incidents that have been
carried down from his time to this by popular affection ; and
every male child born in that neighbourhood is christened
after him, though the eldest only is addressed by the name.
Marina had five daughters and eight sons, of whom Ignatius

Birth in was probably the youngest. He was born in 1491,3 the year
in which Columbus set out on his voyage of discovery;
Innocent VIII. being Sovereign Pontiff, Frederic III.
Emperor of Germany, Charles VIII. King of France, and
Ferdinand and Isabella reigning in Spain. His mother was

1 Two brothers of their ancestry, Juan Perez and Gil Lopez, were leaders
of the Guipuscoans in the famous battle of Beontivar, where eight hundred
Spaniards defeated seventy thousand French, Navarrese and Gascons, an in-
equality which, if the circumstances had been reversed, might have suggested
the idea of a gasconade.

2 They claimed a descent from the Gracchi and Scipios of Rome.

8 This is the date always given ; but it seems hard to reconcile with St.
Ignatius' own account, that his conversion was in his twenty-sixth year.

TRAINING AT COURT. 3

remarkable for her piety ; and tradition avers that, from a
motive of humility, she chose to bring her latest-born sou
into the world in a stable, that his birth might be as lowly
as our Divine Lord's. This stable (as usual in Spain and
some other countries) was on the ground-floor, beneath the
staircase of the ancient castle ; and when St. Francis Borgia
visited Loyola, during the lifetime of Ignatius, he knelt down
and reverently kissed the floor. A small chapel, or rather
altar, was afterwards erected over the spot. The child was Baptism,
baptized in the church of St. Sebastian, at Azpeytia, being
the parish church of Loyola, where he received the name of
Enico, or Inigo, by which he commonly signed himself. He
told Francis Borgia that he afterwards called himself Igna-
tius out of reverence to the martyred Bishop of Antioch.
Hafiei, who knew the Saint well, says that his father, Don
Beltram, was severe towards his children, and not judicious
in his training ; adding that, from early childhood Ignatius
had become imbued with worldly notions, common among
persons of his station. Nevertheless, it is said that Beltram
took his son Inigo every year to the shrine of St. Jago di
Compostella. Probably his mother died while he was still
very young ; for he was soon removed from home and sent to
one of his aunts, Dofia Maria de Guevara, a lady of remark-
able piety, who lived at Arevalo, in Castille. He remained Arcvalo.
with her until he was old enough to be transferred to the
court of King Ferdinand.

There he was trained, with other young lords of his own
age, in all knightly exercises, the Duke de Najera, kinsman
and warm friend of the Loyola family, taking charge of his
education. He caused him to take lessons in fencing daily ;
taught him the art of war, and along with this made him
acquire the skill in writing and speaking held in those days
to furnish ' the two wings of letters and of war,' which were
to lift him up to the summit of honourable distinction
whereto his thoughts aspired.

According to the usage of the time, he devoted himself to Training
the service of a noble lady, whose name in after days never at court'
passed his lips. The Saint, indeed, never adverted to this
passage in his life except very slightly, and then only to
characterise the whole affair as a piece of worldly vanity ;

B 2

4 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

yet thus much he said of the lady in question to Gonzales,
that she was not a countess nor a duchess, but of a rank
more exalted than either — a lady of very illustrious and high
nobility. The circumstance is one which may serve as an
early indication of a mind and character which had a natural
affinity with lofty aspirations and noble and arduous enter-
prises ; but the Jesuit Genelli though he discreetly says he
will not hazard a conjecture, remarks that there were only
two ladies at the Spanish court at that time who could be
thus designated. One was the Princess Catherine, daughter
of Queen Joanna and the Archduke Philip ; but the complete
retirement in which she lived with the poor crazy queen
makes it, he thinks, improbable that she was the person to
whom Ignatius alluded. The other was Germaine de Foix,
the youthful wife of Ferdinand.

Princess But two other royal ladies were living at this time under
Naples0 ^ne protection of the king ; and the younger of these we
may conclude with some certainty to have been the object
of Inigo's devotion. When Ferdinand I. of Naples, mar-
ried to the sister of Ferdinand of Arragon, had left her
a widow with one daugher, his uncle Frederic succeeding
to the throne, was invited by the Spanish king to affiance
his young heir, the Duke of Calabria, with this daughter,
Juana ; but Frederic liked neither the Queen-Dowager nor
her daughter, and thought also that the alliance with
France would be more advantageous to him than that of
Spain. Ferdinand of Arragon consequently summoned the
widowed queen and princess to Spain, where they were re-
ceived with affectionate courtesy by Isabella at Grenada ;
Ferdinand gave them a residence with royal appointments
at Valencia, a town ever full of stir and bustle, and fre-
quently visited by the court. The year after, Frederic found
he had made a mistake, and endeavoured to revive the pro-
ject of marriage between his heir and Ferdinand's niece.
Ferdinand by that time had also changed his mind ; he
coveted the kingdom of Naples for himself.

It is probable that Ignatius was in attendance at court,
and formed part of the brilliant escort which accompanied
her when the king met Germaine de Foix at Duenas, in
Castille, and was there married to her on the 18th of March,

CHARACTER OF IGNATIUS. 5

1506, to the great disgust of the Castilians, not yet con-
soled for the recent loss of their own Queen Isabella, and
who still remembered her marriage to Ferdinand, thirty
years before, in the same place. Germaine was the daughter
of the Yicomte de Narbonne, and niece of Louis XIL, King
of France. At the time of her nuptials, she is described as
being handsome, haughty, gay, fond of show and amusements,
and astonishing the Spaniards, who had so much revered the
grave and pious Isabella, by her French manners and tastes.
She was particularly fond of having entertainments given
for her ; and without any great stretch of the imagination,
we may suppose that the wealthy and gallant Don Inigo
often helped in contriving pastimes for her diversion.

It is not surprising that at this time Ignatius took a
poetical turn ; his sonnets and canzones were usually ad-
dressed to the lady he served, but they were often of a reli-
gious character ; and one which has been preserved seems to
have suggested those well-known lines on the love of God
attributed to St. Francis Xavier. He also wrote a long
poem, now lost, in honour of St. Peter. With his heart and
imagination thus occupied, he was not tempted to indulge in
the common excesses of young men thrown upon courts and
camps ; he avoided even gambling, the dominant vice of
Spain ; he delighted in romances of chivalry, and read dili-
gently the twenty-four volumes of ' Amadis de Gaul,' and
others, to whose popularity, not many years after, Cervantes
gave a fatal blow.

The descriptions that have reached us of Ignatius repre-
sent him to us as possessed of all those chivalrous quali-
ties and accomplishments which formed the character of
a Spanish gentleman. He was generous, high-spirited, an
honourable lover, a loyal courtier, well versed in every
branch of knightly education ; with something, too, of taste
and skill in his handling of the pencil and the pen. He
loved splendour and new devices for display or amusement ;
he liked to show himself in the saddle, managing alike skil-
fully the jennet or gineta, used in the tourney or the ring,
and the heavy war-horse which bore him with his lance into
the field. He followed the war, says Padre Garcia (but
without saying in what quarter), and gained himself a name

6 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

1506. that seemed to promise him the highest place in military
honours ; he made himself beloved by the soldiers ; he re-
spected the churches and convents, and all consecrated
things ; and once defended a priest who was in considerable
danger against a crowd of men.1 He was scrupulous in
speaking always the strictest truth, holding that as indis-
pensable to true nobility ; his words were ever guarded and
modest, such as a lady might have heard ; he was master of
his wrath, and never drew his sword on slight occasion ; he
thought it unworthy of his nobility to assert a right of pre-
cedence ; more than once he had appeased dissensions among
the soldiers, even at his personal risk, and averted mutiny
in the field ; impetuous and quick to resent an insult, but
equally ready to excuse and forgive ; and the gift of influen-
cing men's minds, which was afterwards so remarkable in him,
showed itself amongst his companions, whether in the camp
or court. He was not tall of stature, but active, lithe of
limb, and light of heart — easily moved to mirth ; his com-
plexion olive, his hair very black, glossy, and clustering ; his
features well formed ; his forehead high ; his countenance so
expressive and varying, that no painter could ever make a
true portrait of him. His dark eyes had the deep lustre of
the south ; and, to the close of his life, their eloquence could
command, console, and speak the liveliest sympathy, even
when he did not utter a word. We hear often afterwards,
from persons not among his followers, of the power of those
marvellous eyes, then .seldom raised from the ground except
to gaze on heaven, but fraught with a fascination and per-
suasiveness exceeding that of language. When young he was
conscious of his good looks, delighted in gay and splendid
attire, and in paying his court to ladies; his movements
were remarkably graceful, his manners most courteous and
noble; his high birth betrayed itself even when he had
assumed the disguise of extremest poverty.

Of this early portion of his life very little has been left on
record, and of that little scarcely anything was derived from
the Saint's own lips. He said of himself that ' up to his
twenty-sixth year, he was entirely given up to the vanities of
the world ; but that he especially delighted in martial exer-
1 I 'm\ callo ontora (a street full ).

FERDINAND AT NAPLES. 7

cises, being led thereto by an ardent and innate desire of
military glory.'

Some of his biographers think Inigo served in the army CAPE-
of Naples ; his brothers apparently were there, under the
illustrious Gonsalvo of Cordova, whose wife was their kins-
woman, a sister of the Duke de Najera. Inigo certainly
aided in the conquest of Navarre, lost and retaken more than
once by King Ferdinand ; for we are told that when the
town of Najera and some others, occupied by the French
army, were captured by his soldiers, he refused to share in
any part of the spoils.

It is probable that Pamplona, where he was afterwards
taken prisoner, was also the scene of some of his early
exploits ; for we hear that the Duke of Najera ' fought there,
about 1512, ' surrounded by almost all the young nobility of
Spain.'

In the autumn of 1506, Ferdinand, desirous of settling KingFer-

the affairs of Italy somewhat to his own advantage ; coveting at

Naples, and not quite confiding in the fidelity of Gonsalvo of
Cordova, whose enemies represented him as seeking to make
his own terms with the French king, Louis XTT., sailed from
Barcelona for Italy, accompanied by all the court, in twenty-
three galleys, escorted by as many other vessels, Raymond
de Cordova commanding the fleet. Gerrnaine was with the
king, the Queen of Naples, and Princess Juana, in another
galley ; and Inigo probably not far off. When they ap-
proached Genoa, Gonsalvo of Cordova met them, and passed
into the royal galley, where he was well received, and suc-
ceeded in justifying himself with his suspicious master, for a
time at least. At Genoa Ferdinand would not land, but re-
ceived the senators on board ; and they parted excellent
friends. The weather had been all along unfavourable ; the
ships took shelter in the Bay of Porto Fino, where Ferdinand
heard of the death of his son-in-law, the Archduke Philip ;
which news, says Ferreras, * he received with great resigna-
tion to the will of God ' — as he well might, since the two
princes had never concealed their mutual dislike to one
another. The royal party stayed a few days at Gaeta, then at
Puzzoli, while splendid preparations were making for their
1 Don Pedro Henriquez.

8 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

reception at Naples. The joy seemed universal ; it was very
probably sincere, for the Spaniards were more acceptable
than the French as protectors to the kingdom of Naples, too
weak to defend itself. Splendid fetes were given to the
king and the royal ladies. The Princess Juaiia must have
remembered that she had been offered a crown in that lovely
country ; but the companion intended for her, the Duke of
Calabria, was apparently of a character that would have
made the dignity not an enviable one. . After illuminations
came politics; the States of the kingdom were held; but the
Spanish king, ' maliciously,' it was said, prevented his bride,
Germaine, from being present when the oath of fidelity was
received, in order to secure the right of succession to his
grandson Carlos. Many envoys came from the Pope and
other Italian powers, to recognise Ferdinand as sovereign of
Naples ; the Emperor Maximilian also sent ambassadors.
There were claimants on all sides for compensation of past
services, which Ferdinand knew not how to satisfy ; and
Gonsalvo of Cordova made the generous offer, which was
imitated by some other nobles, of giving back to the king
the estates he had received from him as the just reward of
1507— incomparable services. In June Ferdinand sailed for Savona,
June 4. where the King of France awaited him ; thence, after three
days of hospitalities, he sailed for Valencia ; left Germaine
July 20. to act as regent of Arragon,1 and went himself to his unruly
kingdom of Castille.

At this time we cannot trace lingo's career distinctly, but
as outbursts of civil war were perpetually calling the king's
soldiers into the field, we may be certain that his sword was
not allowed to rest. Isabella had governed Castille with great
judgment and good fortune ; when Ferdinand succeeded her
as regent on behalf of his half-witted daughter, widow of
Philip, the nobles and the common people, opposed to one
another, were both opposed to Ferdinand ; and even in
Arragon there were disturbances which often resulted in
bringing the royal exchequer very low indeed. When Ger-
maine held the States of Catalonia at Lerida, she could
obtain nothing for the King ; but going to Saragossa, where
the archbishop had great personal influence, they prevailed
1 She held the States at Calatayud.

DEATH OF FERDINAND. 9.

on the nobles to offer a large and much-needed subsidy. But P.

now the miraculous bell of Villila was heard to toll of itself;

a sound invariably the forerunner of some misfortune, for in

the metal of the bell the country people believed was melted

one of the thirty pieces of silver received by Judas. It might JDeath of

have foretold the death of the Great Captain, but both Castille j^n. iei6.

and Arragon thought when Ferdinand died, that the country

had sustained a heavy loss. He left not money enough in his

treasury to pay for his funeral ; his people then forgave what

they had called his covetousness ; and Spain, neglected by

its arbitrary and distant sovereign, and plundered by the

foreigners whom he placed over it, long had reason to look

back with regret on the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella.

King Ferdinand had made the Duke of Najera, who when
Inigo went to the court was known as the Count de Trivino,
Viceroy of Navarre, when he took it (1512) from its rightful The King
sovereign, Jean d'Albret, and annexed it to the crown of
Spain. But on the death of Ferdinand (1516), arid under «
the regency of Cardinal Ximenes, the unfortunate monarch,
taking advantage of the absence of Charles V., and the dis-
content and disaffection that prevailed among the Spanish
nobles, attempted, with the aid of France, to recover possession
of the country, whose inhabitants for the most part retained
their attachment to his family. He besieged St. Jean-pied-
de-port; but Ximenes, with his characteristic vigour, dis-
patched additional troops, who defeated and drove out the
French ; he then razed all the principal castles of Xavarre,
and began forthwith to strengthen the defences of Pam-
plona. Meanwhile, certain Castilian towns, always ripe for
revolt, having profitably seized the occasion to reclaim their
liberties by force of arms, Ignatius was sent to suppress the
insurrection. He himself led the attack on the small town
of Najera, on the frontier of Biscay, which was taken by
assault, chiefly through his personal valour. But the sword,
in that state of affairs, could not do very much.

The young king Charles brought with him from the Low 1.517.
Countries a host of counsellors and favourites, who treated
Spain as if it had been a conquered province, with little

10

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Ximenes.

Jiuie 28,
1519.

May 22,
Io20.

War of
the Com-
mons.

Adrian
regent.

regard for legitimate claims or national susceptibilities.
Ximenes had deprived the nobility of a large proportion of
their privileges, which were both excessive in themselves
and oppressive to the people, and had even succeeded, by a
diminution of their territorial possessions, in reducing their
exorbitant power. By his decision and firmness, by a saga-
cious combination of force and forbearance, by the justice of
his measures, and their popularity with the burgher class,
ever ready to lend their aid to the humiliation of their aris-
tocratic rivals, he had so conducted and executed what in
effect was a great social revolution, that with the exception
of some slight commotions quickly appeased, the internal
tranquillity of the country suffered no interruption. When,
however, Charles became emperor of Germany, and, being
about to leave Spain, demanded large subsidies from the
Cortes of Castille, whom for his better security he had
assembled, not at Valladolid, but, contrary to custom, at
Compostella, the people of the chief towns, jealous of their
privileges, showed determined signs of resistance, and re-
quired that their grievances should be redressed before they
would vote the supplies. The inhabitants of Toledo were
especially loud in their remonstrances, while those of Valla-
dolid, who resented the transference of the Cortes to Com-
postella, rose in open mutiny, and would have prevented
Charles continuing his journey to the latter town, had he
not succeeded in making his escape in the midst of a violent
tempest. A majority of the Cortes, however, sided with the
king, and granted the money for which he had applied ; and
Charles, now indifferent and defiant, left Spain without
paying any attention to the complaints that had been laid
before him, or making any provision to meet the threatening
insurrection.

Then began the war known in history as the War of the
Comuiieros, so fatal in its termination and so remarkable in
its lasting results.

Disturbances broke out at Segovia ; and Cardinal Adrian,
whom Charles had made regent of Spain, sending Honquills,
one of the king's judges, attended by a large body of troops,
to proceed against the delinquents with all the terrors of the
law, the inhabitants shut their gates against him ; and,

WAR OF THE COMMONS. 11

having been reinforced from Toledo, compelled him to retire Padilla.
with the loss of his baggage and military chest. The leader
of the insurgents, who had driven Eonquills to make this
ionominious retreat, was Juan de Padilla, son of the Comen-

O 7 w

dator, or Grand Seneschal, of Castille — a young nobleman of
great popular talents and chivalrous courage, the only person,
besides Pedro de Giron, belonging to the high nobility that
had taken part with the towns. To repair this disaster, the
Cardinal ordered Antonio Fonseca, commander-in- chief of
the forces in Castille, to assemble an army and proceed to
Segovia with all the appliances for a regular siege. But the
cannon he needed were at Medina del Campo, the inhabit-
ants of which refused to deli ver them up to be used against
their compatriots. Fonseca, foiled in an attempt to seize
them by force, set fire to some houses, in the hope of com-
pelling the citizens to abandon the defences; but he was
again repulsed with great loss, while the flames, spreading
rapidly, reduced almost the whole town to ashes. Exas-
perated by an act so wanton and cruel, all the other chief
towns of Castille, including Valladolid itself, which Adrian
had made the seat of his government, formed themselves into
a confederation, and held a general convention at Avila, at
which deputies presented themselves from nearly all the
places entitled to send representatives to the Cortes. Bind-
ing themselves by solemn oath to live and die in the service
of the king — the usual phraseology on such occasions — and
in the defence of the privileges of their order, they assumed Revolt of
the name of the Santa Junta, and proceeded to deliberate on
the measures to be taken for the redress of their common
grievances. Their first act was to decree the deposition of
the Cardinal Adrian, as a foreigner. Their next was to re-
move their sittings to Tordesillas, where Padilla had seized
the person of the crazy queen, and to carry on their deli-
berations and issue orders in her name. Charles, now sen-
sible of his imprudence in disregarding the clamours of his
subjects, issued circular letters to all the cities of Castille,
offering pardon to the rebels on condition of their laying
down their arms, promising not to exact the subsidy voted
by the late Cortes, and engaging that no office for the future
should be conferred on any but natives of the country. At

12 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

the same time, he summoned the nobles, who had hitherto
remained inactive, to the defence of the throne, and gave as
coadjutors to Cardinal Adrian, two Spaniards — Don Fabrique
Enriquez, the High Admiral, and Don Inigo de Velasco,
Constable of Castille.

But these concessions to the Commons came too late. The
Junta answered by a fresh remonstrance, setting forth their
numerous grievances, some of which doubtless were well
founded, and concluding with a long list of demands dictated
in great part by a selfish regard to the interests of their
class, and by the revolutionary spirit then rife. The nobles
with the instinct of their order, now actively embraced the
cause of the king, whom hitherto, from dislike of the
Flemings, they had neglected to support. Adrian and his
Spanish coadjutors assembled all their troops at Rio Seco,
a considerable body of veteran infantry having been drawn
out of Navarre, and gave the command to the Conde de
Haro, son of Velasco. • This able officer at once marched on
Tordesillas, took it by surprise, and captured the poor queen
with several of the Junta.

Valladolid was now the head-quarters of the insurgents,
and Padilla took the chief command. Their army grew
stronger every day, but money was wanted to pay the troops.
From this difficulty they were extricated by the audacity and
address of Dona Maria Pacheco, the wife of Padilla. This
extraordinary woman proposed to strip the altars in the
cathedral of Toledo of their richest ornaments ; but not to
shock the piety of the people, she proceeded with her retinue
to the church in penitential habits, and there, falling on their
knees and beating their breasts, they implored the forgive-
ness of God and His saints for the sacrilege which dire ne-
cessity compelled them to commit. Meanwhile, continual
overtures were made by the regents to the Junta, but with-
out success ; and Padilla's soldiers, wearied with delays,
having laden themselves with plunder and deserted from him
in great numbers, he was attempting a retreat, when De
Haro overtook him near Villalar, compelled him to fight, and
put his forces, which consisted mostly of raw recruits, en-
tirely to the rout. Padilla himself, after vainly seeking death
amongst the ranks of the enemy, was taken prisoner, and be-

DEATH OF TADILLA. 13

headed the next day. His end was as heroic as his short Death of
career ; calm and patient, he met his fate like one who was April ^3>
conscious that he fell without disgrace. 1521«

When one of the two companions who went to execution
with him, gave vent to his indignation at hearing himself
proclaimed a traitor, Padilla rebuked him with a gentle dig-
nity : ' Senor Juan Bravo,' he said, ' yesterday it was our
part to fight like gentlemen : to-day we have to die like
Christians.'

Thus ended the war of the Commons, and with it the last
hope of the partisans of the ancient liberties of Spain.
Toledo, indeed, still held out at the instigation of Padilla's
widow. She levied soldiers, and paid them by an impost on Maria
the clergy of the town, while she left no means untried to
stimulate the passions and sustain the energies of the people.
She ordered crucifixes to be used instead of standards, and
went through the streets of Toledo with her young son seated
on "a mule, clad like herself in deep mourning, and bearing a
banner with a device representing how his father had died, a
martyr for the liberties of his country ; and even when the
French, whom she summoned from Navarre, had failed her,
she maintained her attitude of defiance, and in several sallies
beat off the royal troops. But at last she was driven from
the city, and retired into the citadel, which she continued to
defend for four months longer ; then, reduced to the last ex-
tremity, she made her escape in disguise, and fled into
Portugal.

Meanwhile, tranquillity had been re-established throughout
Castille, and the only result of this determined struggle for
freedom was to consolidate the power of the crown and aris-
tocracy, which it had been the object of the Commons to
diminish and restrain.

In Navarre, events had been passing which were to reverse
the interests and future career of Ignatius. By the treaty
of Noyon (August 13, 1516), Charles had engaged to examine
into the claims of Jean d'Albret and his heirs to the kingdom
of Navarre ; and, on his failing to do them justice, the King
of France was to be at liberty to assist them with all his

14

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

forces. Of this engagement, Charles had, on frivolous pre-
Francis I. texts, eluded the performance ; and Francis seized the op-
portunity offered by the Spanish troubles to assist Henri
d'Albret in recovering his dominions ; though, to avoid being
brought into direct collision with the emperor, he had or-
dered the troops to be levied, not in his own name, but in
that of the dispossessed family. Their leader, Andre de Foix
de I'Esparre, who had been entrusted with the command by
Francis, in order to gratify the young man's sister, the beau-
tiful Countess de Chateaubriand, proved unequal to the posi-
tion; and, having imprudently crossed the frontiers of Castille,
in compliance with an invitation from Padilla's intrepid
widow and the insurgents of Toledo, was defeated and taken
prisoner with the principal officers of his army. For a time,
however, there being no forces in the field to oppose him, he
was successful. Aided by the French party in Navarre, and
favoured by the bulk of the population, his troops speedily
overran the country, and advanced without hindrance up to
the very walls of Pamplona. Here it was that Ignatius was
stationed; not that he was actually in command, but it
would seem that he had received a special charge from the
Duke of Najera to see to the defence of the place, while he
himself went to obtain reinforcements. The fortifications
began by Ximenes were still uncompleted ; the garrison was
Pamplona, -^eak, artillery and ammunition insufficient ; the townspeople
regarded the French as their friends, and were urgent for
granting them immediate entrance. The magistrates, de-
sirous of obtaining favourable terms, were willing to yield to
their demands ; and the more so because they believed that
the Spaniards would never be able to retrieve their losses and
retain possession of the country. Ignatius was of another
opinion ; he urged resistance, and said, ' I do not think even
Eneas worthy of admiration, when I see him escaping from
the flames that consumed his city ; for to shun the common
peril is the nature of cowards ; to perish in the universal
ruin is the mischance of brave men. I should hold him to
deserve immortal glory if he had died a holocaust of his
fidelity.'

Knowing how important it was that the capital should
hold out until the viceroy had time to return to its succour,

CAPTURE OF PAMPLONA. 15

he would have defended the place at all hazards. But in
this resolution he was seconded by none ; not even by his
brother officers, who, seeing the disposition of the inhabit-
ants and the superior numbers of the enemy, considered
the case to be desperate. They accordingly proceeded to
evacuate the town; but Ignatius, denouncing their cowardice,
turned from them with disdain, and retired alone into the
fortress, where he prevailed on the commandant to prolong
his resistance.

On the retreat of the Spaniards, the French marched in,
and instantly summoned the garrison to surrender ; at the
same time preparing for a vigorous assault. The commandant
now decided on negociating ; and for this purpose repaired
to the head-quarters of the French, accompanied by three
others, of whom Ignatius was one. The French, aware that
it would be impossible for the besieged to hold out long, pro-
posed hard and humiliating conditions, which the Spaniards,
in their state of hopelessness, might have accepted, had not
Ignatius made such energetic remonstrances that the inter-
view was abruptly terminated, and the commandant and his
companions retired. The siege was thereupon immediately
opened.

Ignatius, seeing himself and those around him in imme-
diate danger of death, prepared to meet it as devout Catholics
have often done when no priest was near, by making his con-
fession to a comrade in arms, a gentleman, with whom, he
said, he had often fought. Then he addressed the officers
and men ; he represented to them how much better was an
honourable death than a cowardly capitulation ; he reminded
them of the duties of a loyal soldier, and the glory that
crowns an heroic sacrifice. The assault of the fortress and
its defence were equally obstinate. The French, endeavouring
to effect a breach in the walls, directed the fire of their bat-
teries against a quarter where Ignatius was combating with
desperate valour, when a stone, detached from the wall by a
cannon-shot, struck him on his left leg, and the ball itself,
by a fatal rebound, shivered the right. Under these two
blows he fell, and with him sank the courage of the garrison.
On the same day, being "Whit-Monday, the French made May 20,
their entrance into the citadel.

16 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

From the victors, who honoured him for his determined
resistance, Ignatius received the utmost consideration. In-
stead of treating him as a prisoner, they conveyed him to his
own lodging in the town, where he remained for twelve or
fifteen days, attended by the most skilful surgeons in the
camp. Here he was frequently visited by the officers of the
French army, to whose courteous attentions he responded
with that winning grace and cordiality which was natural to
him ; and, when he quitted Pamplona, he presented them
with almost all he had left to give — his sword, his helmet,
and his shield. It was soon apparent that his wounds were
of so dangerous a nature as to need longer and more as-
siduous treatment than in his present position it was possible
for him to receive ; and then his late opponents carried their
generosity still further, and caused him to be carefully trans-
ported in a litter to the Tower of Loyola.1

Ignatius' father was dead ; and his brother, Don Martin

Garcia, now become the head of the house, inhabited Loyola

Inigo's re- with his family. He had married Dona Magdalena de Araoz,

me' one of a family whose property extended to the south of the

Loyola territory, already connected with the house of Onaz ;

and of whom a son became one of the most active and

attached of Ignatius' adherents. Dona Magdalena seems

to have been a pious and lovely personage; in later years

Ignatius found her resemblance in a picture of the Virgin

Mary, and pasted paper over it to hide it from his eyes.

The distance from Pamplona was considerable to one in
his condition ; and, whether the journey had disturbed the
fractured limb,2 or that the surgeons had done their work
imperfectly, on Inigo reaching home, it was announced to
him that it would be necessary to break the bones again, and
reset them, if he wished to prevent a permanent deformity.
Inigo at once consented to undergo the painful operation,

1 The fortress of Pamplona was afterwards demolished, but on its site
now stands a chapel, dedicated to the Saint, replacing another monument
which had marked the spot where he fell.

2 It was the right leg which was most shattered ; twenty pieces of bone
were taken out of it.

THE BROKEN LEG. ] 7

and bore it with no otlier signs of suffering than the rigid
clenching of his hands. But fever supervened, and his weak-
ness became so great that he was reduced to the last extre-
mity. Apprised of his danger, he desired to receive the Last
Sacraments.

It was the eve of the feast of St. Peter and St. Paul, and
the physicians declared that he must inevitably sink if a
salutary crisis did not occur before morning. That night he
was favoured with a vision of the Apostle St. Peter, to whom
he had always had a particular devotion, and who promised
him that he should recover From that moment a sensible
improvement began ; his strength returned, and the wounds
healed. But upon examination it was found that, whether
from the unskilfulness of the operators, or from the nature
of the fracture, a portion of the bone of the right leg pro-
jected below the knee, and that the limb would consequently
be shorter than the other, so that he would not be able to
walk without limping. The prospect of such a life-long de-
formity, which would have been mortifying to any man
desirous of making a figure in the world, was intolerable to
a proud and energetic spirit like that of Inigo. Agility and
dexterity were in those days indispensable qualifications of
the true knight and gentleman in the court no less than in
the camp ; besides, Inigo de Loyola was a cavalier of nice
and elegant tastes, and one who took no little pleasure
in the adornment of a person remarkable for its graces.
He anxiously inquired if there were no remedy. The
surgeons replied that all they could do was to re-open the
wound and saw off the bone where it protruded ; but they
warned him that the operation would cause him far greater
suffering than anything he had yet gone through ; he bade
them commence at once.'

Ignatius owned himself that he was chiefly induced to bear
the operation by his wish to be able to wear the rich boots or
leggings then in fashion ; and such was his resolution, that
he would not allow himself to be bound, as usual in such
cases, where a slight movement is attended with the utmost
risk. Don Martin, as he watched his brother all through the
terrible process, was struck with astonishment, and declared
that lie should never have had the courage to encounter such

c

18 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

pain. But Ignatius endured all with an unflinching forti-
tude. Nor was this all : as the right leg was still shorter
than the other, an attempt was made to lengthen it by means
of an iron machine ; and to this treatment he submitted for
several weeks together, though, as the event proved, with
only partial success, for he was sensibly lame for the re-
mainder of his life. In after days the Saint used to speak
of this martyrdom of vanity, as he called it, with a feeling of
deep compunction, and as a motive for suffering great things
for the glory of God and the salvation of souls.

For weeks and months Ignatius lay as if stretched upon
a rack; but it was his own resolve that had doomed him
to it, and in this his proud heart found its satisfaction.
Nevertheless, the time passed heavily, and he sought to
relieve the weary hours by some diversion for his thoughts.
He did not as yet look for it in heavenly things ; he con-
sidered the apparition of St. Peter, and the recovery that
followed, as a favour from heaven, granted to enable him to
continue his former life — not as a summons to leave it. He
was full of new hopes, and suspected nothing of the designs
of Providence regarding him. The better to indulge those
dreams of daring exploits and romantic adventures in which
his imagination loved to revel, he asked for one of those
books of chivalry in which he had been wont to take so
much delight. But none being found in all the castle of
Loyola, there were brought to him instead, a ' Life of Our
Saviour,' by Ludolphus of Saxony, a Carthusian monk, and
a treatise 011 the ' Lives of the Saints ; ' both in the Castilian
tongue.

As may be imagined, such reading was very little to his
taste, but gradually it began to produce a sensible effect
upon his mind. Speaking afterwards of this time, he said
that his first feeling was one of extreme astonishment at the
vigorous austerities practised by the Saints, and the contrast
which the motives and objects of their lives presented to his
own : how they kept God always before their eyes, and acted
and suffered simply for the love of Him, and for the accom-
plishment of His will, while he sought only to please him-
self, and laboured solely for his own glory and worldly
renown.

INFLECTIONS. 19

At times the interest excited in him was so great that he
even felt drawn to imitate them. He would pause and
reason thus with himself : ' If Francis did this great thing
and Dominic did that, why should not I, bj the grace of God,
do as much?' And so, the old instinct of ambition rising in
him, but now with a new and higher object, he would propose
to himself grave and arduous undertakings in the cause of
God; and the more he did this, and the longer he dwelt
upon such thoughts, the more courage and capacity he
seemed to feel within himself for achieving what he medi-
tated. But then, again, a crowd of worldly, flattering images
would present themselves before him, and his imagination
would feast itself with the remembrance of the pleasures and
enjoyments of his former life and the hope of the military
glory he was yet to win.

He has himself related how for three or four hours to-
gether his mind would be wholly engrossed with the thought
of the noble lady whom he served as he pictured to himself
in what way he could best display his devotion to her, in
what guise he would approach her, in what terms he would
salute her, what gallantries he would address to her, what
motes they would have together (motes are a sort of language
known only to the two persons concerned) ; what feats of
martial prowess he would perform to win her favour. Yet
there was always this difference — to which at first he did not
advert, but which at length he deeply realised — that while
thoughts of worldly vanity and ambition were gratifying at
the time, they left him dissatisfied and sad ; whereas when he
considered heavenly things, and how he might imitate the
Saints and their dear Lord, his meditations produced in him
a state of entire contentment and ineffable repose. And this
was the first lesson that Ignatius received from God relating
to the interior movements of the soul. He was led by his Genelli.
reflections to perceive that a sure rule for discovering the
source from which interior movements come, is to consider
the impression left upon the mind when its agitations have
subsided ; seeing that from the Prince of Peace proceed joy,
calmness, and repose, while from the powers of darkness
come depression, confusion, and unrest. Eoused to self-
watchfulness, he observed the changes and the issues of his

20 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

thoughts and inmost feelings : be began to have a profound
insight into the intricacies of his own heart ; and, from this
continual habit of self-inspection, conjoined with after expe-
rience, it was that he derived those marvellous rules for the
discerning and trying of spirits which are contained or
indicated in the book of ' Spiritual Exercises.'

He woke as from a lethargy; his senses were divinely-
quickened, light streamed in upon his mind ; and, together
with this light, there was infused into his soul a high and
holy fortitude, by which he was enabled to spurn the allure-
ments of the world, and resist the exactions of human
respect. He was no longer disturbed by the thought of the
ridicule and reproaches to which he might be exposed from
his former companions, when they came to learn why he had
withdrawn from military service; but, day by day, as he
revolved the new ideas that had been imparted to him,
remorse for past actions, never perhaps blamable in his
eyes till now, came to stimulate him onward in a course
which was naturally congenial to a spirit so intrepid, and a
will so resolute as his. The more firmly he resolved to change
his life and serve God henceforth with a perfect heart, the
more he felt himself impelled to follow in the very footsteps
of his Lord and of the Saints. Actuated by a deep contrition,
but, in his ignorance, conceiving that the essence of repent-
ance consisted almost exclusively in bodily mortifications, he
determined on making a pilgrimage, barefoot, to Jerusalem,
and by repeated macerations of the flesh wreaking that ven-
geance on himself which his sins deserved. On his return,
he would enter secretly the Carthusian house at Seville,
where he hoped to remain unknown, living on herbs alone,
and engaged in the continual practice of the severest penance.
But not being sure that even there he should be able to carry
out his desire with sufficient liberty, he charged one of the
servants of Loyola, who was going to Burgos, to obtain for
him exact information as to the nature of the rule. The report
that was brought to him pleased him well. But God had
other designs concerning him ; and the only result of the
purpose he had entertained was the close friendship which
always continued to exist between Ignatius and the holy
order of St. Bruno. While he was revolving these projects

VISION. - 1

iii his mind, a strange portent happened. Being now able to
leave his bed, he had begun the practice, which he ever after
continued, of rising in the night for prayers. One night, as
he was on his knees before an image of Our Lady, and, with
a heart more than usually inflamed with love, was offering
himself to Jesus Christ, by the hands of His Virgin Mother,
to be His champion and servant for the remainder of his days,
a sudden violent shock was felt throughout the castle. In
the chamber of Ignatius the windows were broken, and a
rent was made in the wall, which is visible to this day. It
was the effect of no ordinary earthquake, for in the castle of
Loyola alone was the concussion felt. But as to the nature
of the prodigy the Saint's biographers are divided in opinion
— some taking it as a sign of approbation and acceptance
from heaven, such as was once given to the Apostles ; others,
as a last effort of despairing hell. Be this as it may, from
that moment the transformation in him was complete. He
had made the resolve which was to decide all his subsequent
career, and had given himself finally to God.

This generous act of self-devotion was rewarded by a
transporting vision. On another night, when he was again
engaged in prayer, his heavenly Benefactress, who had led
him thus far by an invisible hand, his holy Mother, his true
Mistress, appeared to him with the infant Jesus in her arms.
Standing before him at a little distance, she regarded him,
without speaking, with a look of maternal tenderness, suffer-
ing him to gaze upon her and feed his soul with her celes-
tial beauty. And so he continued for a space, contemplating
that vision of the Immaculate Mother and the Divine Child ;
and when it disappeared, all his heart's affections had passed
with it, once and for all, from earth to Heaven. That look
had ravished his soul. All that the world loves and prizes,
all that had hitherto enchanted and enthralled him, now
became wearisome or hateful to him.

Henceforth his time was spent in prayer and devout read-
ing; and the better to impress upon his mind the lessons
which he had learned, he employed himself in writing out
the principal events in the lives of Christ and of the Saints,
with much care and skill, for he was an adept in the art.
The words and acts of Jesus he inscribed in vermilion or Gonzales.

22 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

in gold ; those of his Blessed Mother in blue ; and those of
the Saints in various other colours. He thus compiled a
quarto volume of three hundred pages; and this was the
only thing he carried away with him when he quitted
Loyola.

Ignatius confided to none of those about him, not even to
Don Martin, the secrets of God's dealing with his soul ; but
his brother and the servants of the house were well aware
of the change that had taken place in him ; noting, as they
did, his love of retirement and prayer, his reserve in conver-
sation, his indifference to all that had before engrossed his
thoughts. Those, also, who came to visit him were amazed
at the luminous manner in which one whom they had known
only as a courtier and a soldier reasoned on divine things.
It was observed, too, that he would remain for hours gazing
up into the starry firmament — a habit which he seems ever
after to have retained ; because, as he said, the contempla-
tion of the glorious vault of heaven inspired him with con-
tempt for the false grandeurs of earth, and with courage to
dare great things in the service of Almighty God ; and he
thirsted now for the new life he had marked out.

The year which had been so important to Ignatius was
one eventful in history. War raged over half the continent
of Europe ; and it was but a small compensation for the
miseries it caused, that brilliant deeds were done and admi-
rable characters displayed. Lautrec fought at Milan ; Guic-
ciardini defended Eeggio and Parma ; Bayard, the blameless
and fearless, in whose history we may fancy that we see
something of what Inigo would have been, ha,d he escaped
the cannon-ball at Pamplona, defied all the strength of the
Imperialists at Mezieres, and drove them off. Luther, now
hidden in the Wartburg, had become an European power.
Henry VIII., replying to his attack on the Seven Sacra-
ments, had received the title, so soon forfeited, of Defender
of the Faith, which he carried that same summer to the field
of Ardres, with protestations of a friendship no less fickle
than his religious faith.
LeoX. But in the winter a greater e vou t happened. Leo X., not

ADRIAN VI.
yet an old man, died after a very short illness ; and to the Adrian VI.

midc

surprise of all parties, and chiefly of the successful candi- Pope<
date himself, the Conclave chose for his successor Cardinal
Adrian, who has been already mentioned as having
governed Spain during the war of the Comuneros. Like
so many other great men in the Catholic Church, he
had risen from small beginnings. Margaret, widow of
the Duke of Savoy, daughter of the Emperor Maxi-
milian, who governed the Netherlands during the minority
of her nephew, Charles V., passing late one winter's
night by the College of Louvain, as she returned from an
entertainment, saw a light in an upper window, and
asked who was burning a lamp at that unusual hour. It
was Florent, they said, a young boy from Utrecht, whose
passion for study kept him up through the cold midnight,
though he was so poor that he could not afford himself a
fire. Next day she sent him, anonymously, money to pur-
chase fuel and books; but he soon learned who was his
benefactress, and she never afterwards lost sight of him.
He was pious and gentle; the Regent procured that he
should be made tutor to the young prince. He was named
by Charles Y. Governor of Spain, and then chosen Pope,
with no consent of his own. All his life he preserved the
name of his father, Adrian ; and when he was dying, he de-
sired that this epitaph should be placed on his tombstone : —

HERE LIES ADRIAN VI.

Who accounted it the greatest misfortune of his life
that he was forced to govern.

In the royal court, as afterwards in his own, Adrian lived
with the simplicity and piety of a recluse. He was respected
no less for his learning and good sense than for his many
and admirable virtues. He was profoundly impressed with
the necessity for a wide and thorough reform in the Church,
and asked advice from all his clergy whose judgment and
character he could trust ; and if he had not fallen on evil
men and evil times, his short pontificate might have been as
useful as it was blameless. But it pleased God to suffer the
holy barque of Peter to float long in seeming helplessness
on the stormy waters — perhaps to show that He Himself,
and not the wisdom of man, was its protector and iruide.

24 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

1522. The spring of 1522 arrived before Ignatius was sufficiently

recovered to be able to leave home. He then went quietly
to the house of a married sister at Aran9azu, among the
hills, where he hoped to lead a penitential life in the caves
and rocks of the Pyrenees, unobserved and uninterrupted ;
but he was too near his own neighbourhood, and he re-
turned to Loyola resolved on greater efforts. He then
asked permission of his brother, Don Martin, to quit Loyola,
saying that he wished to pay a visit to the Duke of Najera,
his kinsman and early patron, who had sent often to him
during his illness. Don Martin, who probably had learned
something of that inquiry which Ignatius had commissioned
a servant of the house to make at Burgos, and who any-
how was averse to the altered life which he suspected his
brother was meditating, began to remonstrate with him, using
every argument which reason or affection could suggest. In
the agitation of his feelings, he is described as leading Ig-
natius into an inner chamber of the castle where they would
be free from interruption ; and, enjoining him to consider
Garcia, well what he was doing, said, f I know, my brother, that
you meditate some great change ; I cannot believe it is be-
cause Fortune has for once betrayed you ; she is fickle ; it is
after disasters specially that you may look for a speedy suc-
cess. And why do you refuse to our house the future honours
we had expected from you, when you had already given us
so much ? It is worse to lose what we have hoped for, than
never to have hoped at all. Do not disappoint the liberal
gifts of Heaven to you, your good abilities, judgment, valour,
the favour of princes, the applause of the people, and that
which seems like magic in you — the influence you exercise
over all minds. I myself have no advantage over you, ex-
cept in being born before you ; in all other points I admit
your superiority ; you may found, if you will, your fortunes
on your own merit alone. If you tell me you desire to be-
come a saint, I say, there are many holy men in the army.
You need not leave this house for that reason ; we are not such
bad Christians that we should interfere with your good inten-
tions; but if we were, you ought to convert us by your example.
I oppose no obstacle to your designs; only, as an elder brother,
I exhort you never to forget that you are a Loyola. '

LEAVING HOME. 25

From such affectionate and honest words, it seems hard
that no sympathetic response was elicited. But Ignatius
had already begun to practise that entire self-repression
which regards with jealousy any object of earthly love or
duty, and seeks to please God by renouncing the ties that
He has formed.

Ignatius briefly assured Don Martin that he might trust
him for doing nothing unworthy of his ancestors, or that
would bring discredit on his family. He thought himself
obliged, he said, on the ground both of duty and courtesy,
to present himself before his late commander, who must be
aware that he had now recovered from the effects of his
wounds ; but as to his subsequent movements, he was as yet
undecided. In all which he was careful (says Gonzales), TmtMul-
while disclosing to his brother nothing of his future plans, nes8'
to adhere strictly to the truth ; * to which even then he
paid a scrupulous regard.' l His brother, seeing he could
neither gain his confidence nor move him from his pur-
pose, whatever it might be, accorded the permission he
sought ; and Ignatius hastened to make preparations for his
departure.

The hour, so long desired, had come at last. Ignatius
bade farewell to home and kindred, in obedience to what he
knew to be the voice of God, though as yet ignorant whither
that voice was calling him. But in going he bequeathed
unconsciously an odour of sanctity to the old Tower of
Loyola ; for tradition says, that the room which he had oc-
cupied, the scene of so much suffering, where so great a
change had passed upon him, and where the vision of the
Holy Mother and her Divine Child had been vouchsafed to
him, became possessed of a wonderful virtue. They who re-
tired to rest in it, having good and pious thoughts, would
find themselves sweetly wakened in the night, their minds
filled with heavenly consolations, and with a devout horror
of their past skis ; while ungodly men felt the house tremble
to its foundations, and beheld sights which struck terror
into their souls ; as happened once to a foreign soldier, and

1 f De hoc enim magna illi jam turn erat religio; ' and Padre Garcia says
he answered, ' sin faltar a la verdad, porque yo tenia tanto escrupulo, que
no dixera una mentira por cosa. del mundo.'

26 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

on one occasion to a knight, while occupying the chamber of
the Saint.

During the lifetime of Ignatius, and while his niece, the
daughter of Don Martin, was possessor of the domain, the
room continued to be inhabited by the family ; but not long
afterwards it was converted to the purpose for which it
seemed designed by Heaven, and it continues to this day to
be a chapel consecrated to God and His servant Ignatius.

The whole of the house has been reverentially preserved,
though the buildings of the Jesuit College, which surround
it on three sides, conceal it from the outer view : it has
ceased to command, except on one side, the most exquisite
and romantic prospects ; this side is the one where Ignatius'
room remains, looking over the town of Azpeytia. The
great church beneath the dome is a noble structure, en-
riched with jaspers from the neighbouring hill, Izarrais, and
ornamented with bold carvings illustrative of incidents in
the Saint's life. Strange to say, it still remains unfinished ;
so that it is a proverb in the country, when an undertaking
proceeds slowly, ' It will take as long as the church of Loyola.'

The Tower of Loyola became one of the places most vene-
rated in Spain, the resort of countless pilgrims from all parts
of Christendom. So great were the multitudes which year
after year thronged together to keep the feast of the Saint,
that mass was celebrated outside the walls, the open country
and the blue vaults above serving for a church. It was cal-
culated (says Bartoli) that more than 15,000 pilgrims usually
confessed and communicated during the festival ; and innu-
merable were the graces, and wonderful the conversions, by
which God was pleased to testify to the merits of His ser-
vant. Thus Ignatius abundantly redeemed the promise
which he made his brother, and in a sense other and higher
than either dreamed of at the time — not only to tarnish
nothing of the glory of his ancestors, but confer immortal
honour on their house.1

Ignatius left home mounted on a mule, accompanied by

1 In 1683 Marianne of Austria, wife of Philip IV., purchased the Tower
of Loyola from the heirs of the Margraves of Alcanizet, whose property it
had become, and gave it together with the laud immediately around it, to
the Society of Jesus for the foundation of a college, of which the king \\a>

JOURNEY COMMENCED.

one of his brothers and two servants on horseback. His
first destination was Arancazu, twelve miles distant, where
his married sister lived. There he persuaded his brother to
pass a night with him in prayer in the church of Our Lady
of Aranjuez, thus (as Mariani piously expresses it) ' returning
the visit which his heavenly mistress had paid him.'

The chapel was attached to a Franciscan convent ; and he
looked on it, says Padre Garcia, as the first harbour opened
to him after the tempests through which he had passed.

Before dawn he quitted Aran£azu, leaving his brother at Ignatius
his sister's house, and rode on to Navarrette, attended by the
two servants. He spent some days with the Viceroy ; and, re-
membering that a few ducats, which he had formerly lent to
one of the Duke's household, were still owing to him, he
gave written directions to the steward for part of the money
to be distributed among certain persons to whom he was
indebted, and the rest to be spent in the restoration of an
image of the Blessed Virgin. He then took leave of his
kinsman, sent back the two servants to Loyola, and being as
yet too weak to walk, again mounted his mule and rode on
in the direction of Catalonia. He had resolved to pay his
devotions at the famous shrine of our Lady of Honserrato,
and thence to set out on his pilgrimage to Jerusalem.

Ignatius was now alone — alone with God. His heart
burned with the desire to do great thing for Jesus. He
would do and suffer all and more than all that any of the
saints had done and suffered, to prove his loyalty and his
love; and in all this (as he himself said afterwards), he
thought, not so much of expiating his sins — although they
were grievous in his eyes — as of doing what would be most
pleasing to God, and would most conduce to His glory.
The glory of God — the greatest glory of God — this was his
chief thought and aim. But as for interior acts of virtue —
humility, charity, patience, self-abjection, and that discretion
which prescribes the rules and measures to be observed in
the interior practice of them — he as yet, according to his
own account, knew nothing. The chivalric element was still

to be perpetual patron. Her son Charles II. confirmed the donation, and to
satisfy his mother's devotion to the birthplace of the Saint, ordered that
every portion of the ancient walls should be preserved.

28 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

predominant, affecting all the ideas he had of piety ; and it
was only by degrees that it was extinguished, or rather, that
it became absorbed and sublimated in a higher sentiment.
Of this he was now to give a signal proof — unless it were
more true to say, receive a signal lesson.

He had passed through the town of Cervera, and was pro--
ceeding slowly along the high road to Barcelona, when he
was overtaken by a man like himself, mounted upon a mule,
The whom he perceived to be of the unhappy race of the Moris-

coes (as the Moors, or Spanish Arabs, had now begun to be
called), still numerous in the south-west of Spain, especially
in Aragon and Valencia. Many hundreds of them had left
the country rather than comply with the conditions imposed
by Ferdinand ; but the vast majority, being loth to abandon
their native land, had made profession of Christianity ; and
of these, as was inevitable, a large proportion remained Ma-
hometans at heart. The man who now joined Ignatius seems
to have made no attempt to disguise his misbelief; for, on
learning that his fellow-traveller was on his way to Our Lady
of Monserrato, he began disputing with him about the Blessed
Virgin ; admitting that she was a virgin when she conceived
and gave birth to the Redeemer, but denying that she had
retained her right to the title afterwards. In this opinion he
persisted, in spite of all the arguments which Ignatius, in
his faith and zeal, could urge against him. The dispute
soon waxed hot and vehement on both sides ; till the infidel,
whether incensed at his opponent's retorts, or alarmed at
the warmth of feeling he displayed, suddenly put spurs to
his mule, and, without any word of leave-taking, galloped
off at full speed. He was scarcely out of sight before
Ignatius began to take blame to himself, as well for having
failed to convince him of his errors, as for having allowed
the follower of the false prophet to depart unscathed. The
fierce spirit of the zealot was roused within his breast, and
so bore down and stifled, for the time, every sentiment of
Christian charity and pity, that he seriously debated with
himself whether he ought not, as a knight and gentleman,1
to follow the blasphemer and wash out the stain cast on Our

1 'A Churchman should refute heresy with argument j a Knight with
his dagger.'— Quoted by 'SW ll'tilfcr

TEMPTATION OVERCOME. 29

Lady's honour in the offender's blood. But then, the fear
arose lest, by so ruthless a proceeding, he should be angering
both her and her Divine Son ; and, unable in the heat of his
excited feelings to decide between right and wrong, he de-
termined to refer the matter to the judgment of God.
.Coming, therefore, to a point where the road divided, lead-
ing on the one hand to the place, about fifty paces further
on, to which the man had told him he was going, and on the
other to a steep and stony mountain-pass, he threw the
bridle on his mule's neck, and left her to take which way she
pleased. ' If,' thought he, * she follows in the direction in
which the infidel has gone, it is a sign that I am to pursue
and despatch him with my poniard ; but if she takes the
other rode, Heaven does not intend that he should perish by
my hand.' In His mercy, God had regard rather to the un-
tutored zeal than to the rash resolution of His champion;
for, strange to say, although the road along which the
Morisco had gone was broad and smooth, the mule turned
up the rough ascent, and Ignatius was saved from the com-
mission of a great crime.

At this time his dress was that of a cavalier and courtier.
A short tunic of crimson velvet, trimmed with minever, the
fur which only those were entitled to wear who were about
the person of the king ; hose of the same, full above and
fitting close at the knee, below which they were hidden by
a boot of soft leather, decorated with a golden pendant, and
furnished with a brilliant spur. At his side hung a richly-
hilted sword, and in his belt was stuck the poniard, of finely-
tempered steel, which just now his hand had clutched so
fiercely ; while from his cap, covered with embroidery, waved
the long plume, which was a sign of noble blood. On
reaching the little town of Iguelada, which lay at the foot of
Monserrato, Ignatius purchased for himself a long coarse
sackcloth gown reaching to the ankles, and a rope to fasten
it round the waist ; a shoe for his wounded foot, made of
esparto, or atocha, a fibrous grass indigenous in Spain, such
as was worn by the country people ; and a pilgrim's staff
and gourd. These he placed before him on his mule, and so
rode onward, regardless of all external things, and medita-
ting, as was his wont, high deeds for God, up the winding

30 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

way that leads by a gradual ascent to the church and
convent of Our Lady of Monserrato.

At the distance of a day's journey from Barcelona stands
a lofty mountain, remarkable for the series of singularly-
shaped cones or pinnacles, of which its summit is composed,
resembling somewhat, from a distance, the jagged teeth of a
saw (serra) ; whence its name. Standing apart, detached
from the great Pyrenees chain, to which it might have been
thought of right to belong, its elevation and isolated position
would seem to have marked it out as one of the chartered
places of the earth, about which sacred associations, and
venerable traditions would be sure to gather. Such, in fact,
has been its destiny; for here is the far-famed sanctuary
of the Madonna, second in rank and sanctity, among all her
numerous shrines throughout the world, only to the Santa
Casa of Loretto. The pinnacles from which the mountain
takes its name are all surmounted by tall crosses.

On a terrace about half way up the acclivity, where there
was just enough space to build between the sheer precipice in
front and the mountain wall behind, stands the celebrated
church of Our Lady, an ancient place of pilgrimage', and close
by its side the great Benedictine abbey. Upon the heights
Monsor- above, accessible only by steep staircases cut in the rock,
were thirteen detached chapels and cells, each dedicated to
its particular saint, and occupied by hermits, who were
subject to the authority of the abbot of the monastery ; one
of their number (the inhabitant of the cell called by the
name of St. Benedict) having the immediate direction of the
rest. The life of these recluses was one of great austerity ;
their only diet being bread, herbs, and fish, * seasoned with
frequent fastings.' Once only in the year, on the festival of
their great patriarch, the thirteen brethren took their mid-
day repast together in the cell of the Superior, after receiving
Communion from his hands ; and on the feast days of the
saints to whom the respective hermitages were dedicated,
they met to hold spiritual converse with each other. Except
on these occasions, or when serious illness obliged them to
have recourse to the care of the infirmarian, they never left
the cell in which they dwelt, until they were carried down to

MONKS OF MONSERRATO. 31

burial; but (as Laborde expresses it), * elevated above the
earth, they breathed the pure atmosphere of heaven, and lived
the life of angels.5 There were never wanting candidates for
these solitary abodes, and not a few of these were men of
rank, who, wearied with the world, sought a retreat in which
they might find peace to their souls. After a year's proba-
tion they made their profession of perpetual seclusion ; but
for seven years more they were permitted to descend to
choir both night and day, though they took no part in the
chanting of the monks. The seven years ended, they entered
on a life of complete solitude, not being allowed even the
companionship of pet beast or bird — at least in a cage ; but
the feathered songsters, it is said, became so familiarised
with their presence, that they would come at their call, and
pick crumbs out of their hands. Each hermitage, besides its
chapel, had its cistern or fountain, and its little garden-plot
filled with flowers and odoriferous plants ; wild pinks, roses,
and violets bloom there all the year round. They employed
themselves also in making wooden bowls, which were eagerly
purchased by the pilgrims. The gardens of the monastery
were famous for their magnificent cypresses and box-trees,
and aromatic herbs still grow in great variety and abun-
dance on the mountain-sides.

In the convent the rule and discipline of St. Benedict were
strictly followed ; and there was a confessor for every lan-
guage in Europe. The pilgrims averaged daily throughout
the year from four to five hundred, and on festivals as many
thousands ; to each of whom the abbey supplied lodging for
three days, together with bread, wine, oil, salt, vinegar, and
fuel ; and if any fell sick, they were received into the infirmary
and carefully tended by the brethren.

Besides the monks, who were seventy in number, there were
some ninety lay brothers, religious like the rest, and bound by
the three monastic vows, whose office it was to receive the
guests, wait on the sick, discharge all the domestic duties of
the establishment, and act as the external police of the com-
munity.

In the monastery also there was always a band of youths,
thirty in number, who went by the name of 'Our Lady's
pages.' They were received from the age of seven to that of

32 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

twelve, and remained till they had completed their fifteenth
or sixteenth year. Most of them were the children of noble
parents, whose piety prompted them to consecrate their sons
to the service of the Blessed Virgin. They took their meals
in the refectory with the lay brothers, but at a separate
table ; and were placed under the special care of one of the
oldest and most venerable of the monks, who superintended
the instruction they received from their several masters.
They chaunted at the solemn Mass of our Lady, which was
celebrated every morning at four o'clock; and they sang can-
ticles to her honour every evening after compline. On Satur-
days, Sundays, and at all the greater festivals, they joined
instrumental music to their singing ; and one might have
thought (says an old writer) that he was listening to a choir
of angels, descended from the sky — such entrancing melody
did they make with their tuneful voices and various instru-
ments, filling the hearts of the worshippers with a most
sweet and heavenly devotion.

Little probably had Ignatius noted of the beauty or the
grandeur of the scenery through which he passed ; now be-
neath majestic oaks of ancient growth, just putting on their
summer foliage ; now amid scarped and naked rocks, where
the stillness of the solitude was rather deepened than broken
by the ceaseless flowing of the torrent streams. Perhaps, as
he gained the aerial height on which the convent stood, he
cast a hasty casual glance to where — far below, and far away,
beyond the level plain, beyond the town and port of Barce-
lona— the surface of the Mediterranean glittered and sparkled
in the sunbeams, and where his eye might perchance have
caught the faint, uncertain outline of the distant Balearic
Isles. His mind, we may be sure, was intent on other
thoughts and prospects, brighter and more glorious, stretch-
ing beyond the furthest horizon of a world doomed to perish
on account of the sins of men.

There was in the convent at this time a very saintly priest,
a Frenchman by birth, but whom the Spaniards called Juan
Chanones. He had been Vicar-General of Mirepoix, and, in
his thirty-second year, had come simply as a pilgrim to visit
Our Lady of Monserrato ; but, edified. by the holy and blame-
less lives of the monks, he joined their community and per-

VIGIL OF THE ARMOUR. 33

severed with them in a course of great sanctity until his Chanones.
death at eighty-eight years of age. He observed always the
strictest abstinence ; and every day he gave away in alms a
third part of his allotted portion of food. He wore a long
hair-shirt, and passed the greater part of the night in prayer,
either in choir with the brethren, or alone in his cell. It
pleased God to visit him with great infirmities, which he
bore not only with patience, bnt in a spirit of devout thank-
fulness. His life was a model of religious virtue to his
order; and convents which had become relaxed, returned,
under the influence of his exhortations and example, to a
strict observance of their rule.

To this holy man Ignatius now addressed himself, desiring
to commence his new career by a general confession. For
this purpose he had written down all the sins of his past life
with the minutest care ; and such was the completeness and
exactness with which the enumeration was made, interrupted
as it was with frequent sobs and tears, that three whole days
were spent in reading it. To this priest also Ignatius dis-
closed what he had never made known to anyone, even in
confession — the great projects he had formed for the glory
of God, and the manner of life to which, so far as light had
been yet vouchsafed, he felt himself called — receiving in turn
all that instruction and encouragement which so experienced
a master of the spiritual life knew how to impart. His mule
he gave for the service of the monastery ; and incited, as he
afterwards acknowledged, by what he had read in * Amadis de
Gaul,' and other books of old romance, he desired to do at
the commencement of his spiritual warfare what the heroes
of chivalry were wont to do before receiving their sword
and spurs, the insignia of knighthood. His noble nature
prompted him to inaugurate the life-long contest he was
about to wage with the powers of evil, by an act of consecra-
tion of himself to God, which should resemble that by which,
at no very remote date, the candidates for knighthood had
actually prepared themselves for their career in arms. As
they had watched through the night before the altar, stand-
ing in their panoply of mail, and praying to God to grant
them grace to fulfil the obligations to which their new con-
dition bound them ; so did he perform his ' vigil of the

D

34 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

armour ' ere he went forth to do battle for his liege Lord
and for the royal Lady whose true knight and servant he had
vowed to be.

It was the eve of the feast of the Annunciation when Ig-
natius went out at nightfall in search of some poor object
on whom he might bestow his worldly clothing. Such a one
he soon found among the numerous pilgrims who filled the
hospice of the monastery. Great, doubtless, was the wonder
of the man when he was requested to exchange his rags and
tatters for the splendid dress of the cavalier before him.
But being told that it was in order to the fulfilment of a
vow, his wonder would be less. To Ignatius it mattered
nothing what the man imagined or suspected. Gladly, like
the great patriarch, St. Francis, when he took the peerless
maiden, Poverty, for his bride, he stripped himself of his gay
and soft apparel, even to his shirt, receiving instead the
beggar's rags ; then with great joy put on his true knightly
garb as a soldier of Jesus Christ — the sackcloth gown, with
its girdle of rope ; his head and left foot bare ; his right
covered with a shoe of grass, because the leg, not perfectly
healed, had become inflamed and swollen by the journey.
Vigil of Then he placed his sword and dagger beside Our Lady's
mour> image. And thus he watched and prayed the whole night
before her altar, one while kneeling, at another leaning, from
weakness, on his staff; lamenting1 his sinsj renewing his re-
solutions, and commending himself and 'his designs to the
aid and protection of her who, on this same night, became
the Mother of the Eternal Son Incarnate.

At early dawn, Ignatius received his Lord in the Blessed
Sacrament; and then he left the monastery, in order to
avoid the crowd of pilgrims that always flocked to the church
on the Festival of the Annunciation, and by some of whom
he feared he might be recognised. Clad in his penitential
garb, he had become, in his interior life as in outward guise,
another man. Inigo de Loyola was no more ; and he who
now descended from the heights of Monserrato was, as he
called himself, ' El pobre ignoto pellegrin ' — the poor un-
known pilgrim.1

1 The sword and poniard long remained where Ignatius had suspended
them. The sword was afterwards given to the Jesuits' College at Barcelona,
where it is still religiously preserved.

INEZ PASCOA1.

To escape obserration, Ignatius, instead of leaving the
mountains by the high road to Barcelona, took the way that
led, by a steep and wooded descent, to the little town of
Manresa, which, from what appeared to be the mere chance
visit of an obscure stranger, was to gain a name of undying
renown in the annals of the Church,

It is from a narrative left by Juan Pascoal, the son of one
of those who were the Sainfs companions on the road, that
we learn how Ignatius reached Manresa, and what was the
manner of his life there.

Pascoal's mother. Inez, whose usual residence was at Bar- PascoaL
celona, being detained at Manresa by affairs of business, was
in the habit of going frequently on Saturdays to visit Our
Lady of Monserrato, twelve miles distant. She had not
failed to be present on the Feast of the Annunciation, and
was returning home about noon, in company with three other
women and two young men, when near the Chapel of the
Holy Apostles, some short way down the mountain, they were
accosted by a man clad in a long coarse garment, whose
comely and still youthful countenance was full of gravity and
dignity ; he kept his eyes almost constantly fixed upon the
ground. Moving painfully, and limping, he advanced towards
them, and with humble courtesy asked if they could tell him
of an hospital in the neighbourhood where he could be lodged.
Inez, as she looked at him, was touched with a feeling of
compassion and respect. They were going, she said, to
Manresa, where was the nearest hospital, and if he would
accompany them, she would provide for his necessities as long
as he should remain. Ignatius thankfully accepted the prof-
fered kindness ; but when they begged him to mount an ass
they had with them, he refused. The party therefore slack-
ened their pace in order to enable him to keep up with them.

The surmises which Dona Inez had entertained as to the
rank of their companion were not long in receiving a striking
confirmation. For they had not proceeded more than three
miles from Monserrato, when they were overtaken by an
official of the monastery, who inquired of Ignatius whether
he was the person who the day before, as alleged, had pre-
sented a beggar with a rich suit of clothes ; adding that the
story being disbelieved, the man had been put in prison until

36 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

further information could be taken. Ignatius was affected
to tears by this recital, and reproached himself bitterly for
the distress he had occasioned an innocent person ; saying
within himself, ' Ah, sinner that thou art ; thou couldst not
even do thy neighbour a service without causing him an
injury.' Charity obliged him to acknowledge that the beg-
gar had only spoken the truth, but on the officer .further
asking who he was, and whither he was going, Ignatius
refused to give any account of himself, or of the motives
which had led to this act of beneficence. When they drew
near Manresa, Inez desired Ignatius to go on forward with a
lady of her company, a widow like herself, named Geronima
Cavera, who was superior of a hospital for the sick and
infirm, called the hospital of St. Lucy, from the church of
that name which stood some forty paces outside the town ;
desiring her at the same time to furnish him with a chamber
and bed, and promising to provide his meals from her own
table.

Manresa, one of the most picturesque towns in Catalonia,
is situated on the banks of the river Cardenero, which flows
into the Llobregat, the ancient Rubricus. At the present
day it is astir with the hum and clatter of thirteen thousand
busy clothmakers, but at the time of the Saint's visit it
numbered scarcely three thousand inhabitants, although it
was formerly a bishop's see.

Ignatius had intended to remain in the town only a few
days, until his strength was sufficiently recruited to enable
him to set out on his pilgrimage. He wished also to avail
himself of an interval of repose to make some additions to
that book he carried with him, and which he cherished with
so much care. What it was that induced him to prolong
his stay we are not expressly informed. He abode at the
hospital five days, and then removed into a lodging which
Dona Inez procured for him, and where he hoped he might
enjoy a more perfect seclusion. But, in spite of his desire to
remain unknown and disregarded, his appearance in that
pla.ce caused a great sensation. It was not long before his
doings at Monserrato were noised abroad, and the most
extravagant reports as to his former wealth and position in

SELF-NEGLECT. -j .

the world were in circulation. But all this he turned into
an occasion of greater humiliation, endeavouring by his
poverty and austerities to render himself despised, and to
bring himself into perfect subjection. Every day he devoutly
heard mass and attended vespers and compline. Seven hours
he gave to private prayer, and always on his knees. He
slept only for a few hours in the night, with no other bed
but the bare floor, and a stone or log of wood for his pillow.

The food sent him by liiez Pascoala (a pullet and a bowl
of broth, which had been prepared for herself) he gave away
to the sick and poor ; eating but once a day, and then only
of hard black bread, which he received in alms, together
with one glass of water. In fact, during the week he kept a
continual and rigorous fast. But on Sundays, after solacing
himself with the Bread of Angels, he added to what he called
his dinner a glass of wine — if it were offered to him — and
some herbs ; yet lest even these should prove too great an
indulgence to his palate, he mingled with them earth and
ashes, as he himself told Laynez. He always went bare-
headed and barefooted, and wore next to his skin, under his
sackcloth dress, a rough hair-shirt ; but not being able even
thus to satisfy his thirst for suffering, he afterwards fastened
round his waist a heavy iron chain ; for which, when he
visited the church at Our Lady at Yilladordis, distant a mile
and a half from Manresa, he would sometimes substitute a
girdle, which he had woven for himself of sharp and prickly
leaves, still reverently preserved (say his biographers) in the
former town.

But his interior mortifications were of a kind still more
painful. He sought in all things to contradict his natural
tastes, and to kill in himself that pride and ambition and that
love of admiration and of display, which had hitherto been
dominant in his character. He became the associate of the
lowest of the people, adopted their uncouth manners and ways
of speaking, and as he had hitherto taken a pride in his
delicate hands, his well -trimmed beard, and clustering locks,
6O now his hair was neither cut nor combed, his beard re-
mained unshorn, and the nails of his hands and feet were
allowed to grow to deformity. To such an excess did he carry
liis ill-usage of himself, that the very beggars looked down

38 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

on him with disdain, and treated him as one who might oe
insulted with impunity. The children in the streets called
after him, * Look there at Father Sack ! ' and pursued him
with hootings and laughter.

The time not given to prayer was devoted by him to the
sick in the hospital ; especially to those whose disorders or
whose tempers rendered them the most revolting. He waited
on them, washed them, and performed for them the meanest
offices.

And all this he did for the love of God. Not only did
he suffer patiently the contempt and ill-usage which he
courted, but such also as came to him against his will, and
accompanied with just those provocations which a temper
like his must have found it most difficult to brook. There
was a man of the place notorious for his libertine life, who
from the first had denounced Ignatius as a hypocrite. This
man made it his daily practice to follow him about with
mockings and grimaces, ridiculing his gait and gestures,
and at last closing the pantomime with a torrent of the
coarsest abuse ; and he against whom all these insults were
directed was the gallant gentleman, the fiery and intrepid
soldier, so haughty in spirit, and so keenly sensitive, that at
a word or a look that seemed to touch him on the point of
honour, he would instantly lay his hand upon his sword.
There was one moment (as he afterwards avowed) when the
tempter had nearly gained an advantage over him. While
attending on the sick, he was suddenly seized with an intense
feeling of repugnance at the disgusting maladies and habits
of those whom he was serving — the rudeness and squalor of
all about him ; but resolving (as Bartoli expresses it) to
conquer at one blow both the tempter who assailed and the
nature that betrayed him, he ran into the midst of the poor
creatures, embraced them, assisted them, and remained
amongst them until he had wholly vanquished his aversion.

He thus passed some four months at Manresa, and then
began to look about for some hidden retreat, where he might
commune alone with God, and practise his austerities far
removed from the eyes of men.

At the distance of about two hundred paces from Manresa,
•at the foot of those rocky heights which enclosed the deli-

CAVE OF MAXRESA. 39

cious valley called by tlie peasants the Vale of Paradise, and
on the further side of the Cardenero, -was a cavern known but Cave of
to few, and visited by none, Opposite this cave, and between
it and the high road leading to Hanresa, stood a stone cross,
before which Ignatius frequently performed his pious stations.
It was probably this cross that led him to discover the cave.
In shape and aspect it was not unlike an ancient sepulchre,
being about twenty feet long and six wide ; its elevation at
the highest point eight feet, but in its furthest depths nraeh
less. On the side which looks towards Monserrato, a little
opening in the rock admits a distant view of the church of
Our Lady ; the entrance was overgrown with briars and
bushes, through which Ignatius had to make his way. Here
it was, about the time when Luther, at the Diet of Worms,
declared before Charles V. his persistence in his hostility to
the Church, that his great antagonist, the man raised up by
God to stem the tide of heresy and unbelief, took up his
abode in darkness and in silence ; — here he redoubled his
prayers and penances, striking his breast with a flint stone,
like another St. Jerome, fasting three or four days continu-
ously, and kneeling or lying all through the night on the
earth, with no other covering than his sackcloth dress.

Hitherto he had enjoyed great peace of mind and con-
science, together with a sense of buoyant exultation which
had carried him over all obstacles. All at once, without any
transition or perceptible cause, Ignatius was assailed by
terrible trials and temptations. One day, when in a state of
more than ordinary debility, he was entering the church in
which it was his custom to hear mass, a voice seemed to say
to him, * How will you be able to support this for forty
years or more ? ' For the moment a horrible dread came
over him ; then recognising the source from which the insi-
dious question had proceeded, he replied, ' Can you promise
me, O wicked one, another single hour of life ? And what are
forty years of suffering compared with the ages of eternity?'
For the time the enemy fled, but only to renew his assault
with greater malignity. Henceforth he was subject to con-
tinual and sudden alternations of joy and sadness ; sometimes
his soul was left in utter gloom and desolation, and then
it was in a glow of happiness and content. So sudden,

40 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

yet so complete, were the vicissitudes through which he
passed, that, to use his own expression, it was like putting
off one garment and putting on another ; and, astonished at
his own experiences, he said to himself, 'What is this new
phase of existence into which I have entered ? '

The severities practised by him so exhausted his strength,
that his life seemed to be prolonged only by a miracle. His
youthful comeliness was succeeded by a deathlike pallor ; his
fasts caused him excruciating pains ; frequently he lay sense-
less ; and, on more than one occasion, he was found appa-
rently dying. Once, especially, when praying in the church
of Villadordis, he fell into a swoon, in which he remained
for several days ; and, on coming to himself, his weakness
was so great that, even after he had been revived with food,
provided for him by some pious women, he was unable to
reach the hospital without support. It was now that the
tempter took occasion to change the mode of his attacks ;
he sought to work his ruin by thoughts of pride and self-
sufficiency.

Believing himself to be in danger of death, Ignatius com-
menced a strict examination of his conscience. Satan, here-
upon, suggested to him that he might and ought to die with
a perfect assurance of his acceptance with God, inasmuch as
by his extraordinary austerities he had deserved eternal hap-
piness. Ignatius quickly turned his thoughts upon his sins,
and dwelt with compunction on the most humbling recollec-
tions of his former life. Still the tempter returned, and con-
tinually increased in force ; and there were times when the
agony of his soul far surpassed in intensity all his bodily
sufferings and the dread of approaching death. On the fever
abating, he was filled with horror at seeing the precipice
down which he had been, as he thought, so nearly falling ;
and certain noble matrons being present, who, out of charity
and the devout interest they took in his recovery, had assisted
him in his illness, he entreated them, if ever they beheld him
in like extremity, to keep repeating to him, ' Remember, O
sinner, all the evil thou hast commuted in the sight of God.'
But it was not until after a struggle of two years' duration
that he succeeded in freeing himself from these toils.

Another and worse trial now awaited him. During the

COUNSEL. 41

last months of his sojourn at Manresa he was tormented
by scruples of conscience which almost drove him to despair.
He began to be assailed with doubts as to the sufficiency of
his general confession at Monserrato. In the hopes of reco-
vering his peace of mind, he again examined his conscience
rigorously, and made his general confession a second time ;
but only to entangle himself in a thicker labyrinth of uncer-
tainties. He sought counsel of spiritual persons; and,
amongst the number, of a learned priest, who was preacher
at the principal church. This good man prescribed a remedy,
which only aggravated the disease. He advised Ignatius to
write down all the sins he could remember, and, having once
confessed them, to banish them from his mind. But in this
minute and anxious repetition his scruples did but find fresh
material to feed upon ; and Ignatius, deeply feeling, not the
misery only, but the danger of his state, sometimes thought
of begging his confessor to command him, in the name of
God, never to refer to the past, and longed for him to do so ;
but, fearing lest he should be merely following his own sug-
gestions, he refrained from saying a word. His confessor
now, of his own accord, bade him accuse himself only of such
things as he knew to be clearly and unquestionably wrong.
But as Ignatius, in his scrupulosity, regarded even the most
innocent actions to be sinful, he was incapable of the very
discrimination which he was told to exercise.

In this state of mind he found no comfort in prayer or in
penance, to which he devoted himself more assiduously than
ever. Even Holy Communion, that perennial fountain of
peace to pious souls, brought him no relief. On the con-
trary, it did but increase his mental torments, believing him-
self, as he did, the enemy of Christ ; and more than once it
happened that, as he was in the act of receiving, the dreadful
thought would dart into his soul that he was communicating
to his own destruction.

At length the crisis came. He was now in the Dominican
convent at Manresa, the inmates of which had received him
with great kindness when he was suffering from one of those
paroxysms of illness to which he was subject at this time.
One day, when he was more than usually overwhelmed with
terrors, lifting up his eyes to Heaven, he cried, * Come Thou

42 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

to my aid, O my God, for I find no help in man or in any
creature. Show me whither I shall turn for a remedy in my
woe : if it be to follow some wretched dog, I will surely do
it.' There came no answer to this burst of agony ; and the
tortures he endured increased in their intensity. In the
floor of his cell there was a deep opening, close to the spot
at which he knelt ; and the tempter whispered to him to
cast himself down through it, and so end all his miseries.
But the next moment, struck with horror, * No, never ! ' he
exclaimed — ' never will I so offend Thee, Lord ! As he kept
repeating these words to himself again and again, he be-
thought him of what he had read of a certain father of the
desert, who, to obtain some favour from Heaven which he
had long desired, abstained from food for several days until
his prayer was heard. Ignatius resolved to do the same ;
and neither to eat nor drink until he had obtained relief,
provided only that his life was not endangered. He began
his fast on a Sunday, after his usual weekly communion, and
he continued it until the following Sunday, intermitting
nothing of his accustomed devotions and austerities. Nor
would he have desisted even then, had not his confessor on
learning from him what he had done, threatened to refuse
him absolution unless he promised immediately to break his
fast. Ignatius humbly obeyed ; and for the time he seemed
delivered from his scruples. But on the third day after-
wards they returned with a fresh accession of strength ; and
at the same time he was seized, while engaged in prayer,
with a profound disgust for his present manner of life, and
felt himself urged to abandon it, along with the great de-
signs he had been contemplating. But it was the fiend's last
effort ; the season of trial was past ; God had proved the
constancy of His servant by the deepest afflictions which
the heart of man can know. The temptations departed as
suddenly as they had come ; his noviciate was concluded ;
and he who was destined to become one of the most skilful
physicians of souls, so gifted that no one afflicted with
scruples of conscience ever had recourse to him without
finding certain relief, had learned by his own experience the
lessons which he was soon to teach to others. He had ac-
quired the faculty of discerning spirits. He had himself

EXPERIENCE. 43

passed through all the states and stages of the spiritual life.
He had learned that the sole rule of our will must be the
will of God ; and then peace or trouble, light or darkness,
fervour or desolation — all will be indifferent to us.

Long afterwards, Ignatius wrote to a nun of Barcelona : —

* God has two methods of instructing us ; one He employs
Himself, the other He permits. From himself proceeds the
inward consolation which dissipates our troubles and fills our
hearts with His love. The intelligence which it brings with
it enlightens the mind, and fortifies it by revealing to it
wondrous secrets, and showing it the paths that should be
followed or avoided in the spiritual life. The fervour it com-
municates to the soul converts the most painful labours into
pleasures, and fatigues into repose ; all burdens become
light— all austerities attractive. But these consolations are
not lasting; they have their times and their seasons, ac-
cording as it pleases God to grant or to withdraw them ;
but always for our greater good.

' \V hen the heavenly light vanishes, the demon introduces
disquiet and desolation into our hearts, in order to detach us
from the service of God. Frequently we are overwhelmed
with melancholy ; prayer becomes arid — meditation weari-
some. Then come disheartening thoughts about ourselves.
We see ourselves as it were repulsed and abandoned by God
—separated from Him ; and it seems to us that nothing we
have hitherto done has pleased Him — that nothing we can
do in future will profit us. Hence, discouragement, distrust,
despair, which represent all our faults as mortal, all our
miseries irremediable. But neither is this sad condition
lasting ; and we ought to use the one to enable us to sup-
port the other. So in time of consolation we must humble
ourselves, and, when despair overwhelms us, recollect that at
the first rays of divine light all that darkness will vanish,
and our peace will be restored.'

Thus the trials of his own soul taught Ignatius how to
prescribe for others. He possessed in the highest degree the
art of healing scruples ; and for the help of persons so tor-
mented, he wrote down the following rules : —

1. Many persons think that a scruple is the regarding a
thing to be sinful which is not so ; as, for instance, that they

44 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

have committed sacrilege by walking upon a cross acci-
dentally formed by two straws that lay in their path. This
is not so much a scruple as a false judgment.

2. A true scruple would consist in imagining that we had
walked upon these straws through contempt of the cross,
and then, notwithstanding the secret testimony of conscience,
remaining in a state of disquiet and perplexity, which the
devil causes and keeps up.

3. Of these two sorts of scruples, we should always hold
the first in abhorrence, as a source of error, full of dangers
and snares. The second may, during a certain time, redound
to the profit of the newly -converted soul ; it may tend to
render it pure, by withdrawing it from everything which has
in it even the shadow of sin ; according to those words of St.
Gregory — Bonarum mentium est, ibi culpam agnoscere, ubi culpa
non est (Good people are apt to think themselves in fault
where no fault is).

4. The enemy carefully studies the nature of the con-
science he attacks, examining whether it is strict and deli-
cate or easy and obtuse. The first he endeavours to contract
and intimidate still more, until he shall have reduced it to a
state of such intolerable anxiety, that it ends by abandoning
itself to despair, and is lost. Thus, when he observes that
far from consenting to the slightest fault, it flies even from
the shadow of one, he will make it believe that sin exists
when really there is no sin ; as, for example, in certain ex-
pressions or in sudden and unguarded thoughts. With the
obtuse conscience he acts quite differently, and by familiar-
ising it gradually with slight faults, finishes by blinding it
to the most grievous sins.

5. He who wishes to advance in the spiritual life, ought
to follow the path which is exactly contrary to that towards
which the Enemy endeavours to attract him. If his con-
science be naturally too lax, he must try to draw it closer ;
if, on the contrary, it be too contracted, he must labour to
expand it. Between those two extremes he may walk in
peace and safety.

6. If we contemplate doing or saying anything which is
contrary neither to the usages of the Church nor to the
order of our superiors, which may contribute to the glory of

ILLUMINATIONS. 45

God, and yet which is suspicious in our eyes as being tainted
with vanity, we must raise our hearts to God ; and if in His
sight we judge the action to be conducive, or even not con-
trary, to His glory, we ought to follow our first impulse,
saying, like St. Bernard — Nee pr&pter te ccepi, nee propter te
finiam (It was not for your sake that I began, and you shall
not make me leave off).

Ignatius had come to Manresa with a fervent desire of
subduing the flesh and mortifying the pride of his natural
heart, but (as already stated) with small knowledge as yet of
spiritual things. He did not so much as know how to make
mental prayer or meditation, nor even what it was. At first,
therefore, his seven hours of devotion were passed in vocal
prayer ; and we incidentally learn, from what he told Gon-
zales, that his way of assisting at mass was by reading the his-
tory of the Passion, as given in the Gospels. When he spoke
of this time in after days, he said God had treated him as a
skilful teacher treats a child, not giving him much to learn
at once, nor allowing him to pass on to a second subject
until he has well mastered the first. So great was his inex-
perience, that when a devout woman, with whom he often
conversed on religious subjects, said to him, ' Oh, that Christ
our Lord would appear to you some day,' he understood her
literally, and replied in his perplexity, ' How could our Lord
appear to me ? ' And these words were actually fulfilled to
him. Certain it is that Ignatius made rapid progress in
divine knowledge, and became deeply versed in the pro-
foundest mysteries, without the intervention of human aid.

Like the great Apostle of the Gentiles, Ignatius Loyola
was favoured with ecstasies and visions; being as it were
carried out of himself, and hearing secret and unutterable
words. One day, as he was sitting on the banks of the Llo-
bregat, after having spent some time in prayer in the neigh-
bouring church of St. Paul, he was wrapt in spirit and filled
with such supernatural light, that in a moment he understood
a multitude of things relating to faith and even natural
science, of which before he had been perfectly ignorant ; and
this too with such clearness, that he afterwards said, that if
all the communications he had since received from God —
and he was then upwards of sixty-two years of age — could

46 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

be collected into one, they would not equal the illumination
that was granted him in that short rapture.

From this moment, as he told Gonzales, he felt himself in
intelligence another man. On coming to himself, he ran and
threw himself at the foot of the cross of which mention has
been made, to pour out his heart in thankfulness to God,
when suddenly there appeared above it a spectacle which he
had frequently beheld before while living in the hospice. It
was a sort of luminous spiral trail, resembling the figure of
a serpent spotted with numerous eyes of fire — which yet
were not eyes — whence a vivid glare proceeded. Hitherto
this vision had always excited while it lasted a certain sen-
sible pleasure in him, because of its brilliancy and beauty,
though when it vanished it always left him depressed and
sad ; but now, seen above the cross, it inspired him. only
with abhorrence ; and, enlightened by the lessons he had
received, he knew that it was an illusion of the devil. This
phantom showed itself to him on many subsequent occasions,
both during his stay at Manresa and on his journeys to
Eome and Paris, but always hideous and deformed, and he
had only to make a gesture of disdain with his staff to drive
it from his sight.

The revelations which Ignatius now received were of the
most transcendent character. The sublimest mysteries of
faith were communicated to him immediately from God,
either by means of a pure spiritual radiance cast upon his
soul, or under images of things presented to his mind. Fre-
quently and for long together he was visited in the night by
divine consolations and interior lights, so penetrating and
engrossing that sleep fled frem his eyes. Now, too, he con-
ceived a great and special devotion to the Mystery of the
Blessed Trinity. But a still more wondrous grace was ac-
corded to him. One day, when he was reciting the Little
Office of Our Lady on the steps of the Dominican church,
while waiting for a procession, he was enabled in an instant,
as by a supernatural illustration of the intellect, clearly to
discover and contemplate the profound mystery itself. When
the vision had passed, his soul remained inundated with such
an exuberance of joy, that all the time of the procession he
was unable to restrain his tears ; nor could he cease to speak

HOSPITAL OF ST. LUCY. 47

of this during the whole day ; illustrating and expounding
this cardinal verity of the faith, so that all who heard him
were filled with admiration and awe.

From this time forth Ignatius was admitted — in such de-
gree as it is possible for a creature to be admitted — into close
and intimate communion with the Three Divine Persons;
and he recorded in a book the lights he had received on this
high subject, so far as they were capable of being expressed
in human language ; but of these only a few fragments re-
main, which escaped by some accident the destruction to
which he destined all that he had ever written.

On another occasion, as he was standing in that same
church, he saw with a most perfect distinctness the whole
plan and order observed by God in the creation of the uni-
verse; but in a manner and under figures which he was
unable afterwards to explain or describe. Again, while hear-
ing mass, he beheld the infant Jesus at the moment of the
elevation of the Host, and discovered how the Divine Body
of Christ dwells under the consecrated species. But the
vision with which he was most often favoured was that of
the Sacred Humanity of Our Lord, which showed itself to
him under a luminous form ; yet, as he told Gonzales, always
by an interior perception, and without sensible distinction of
the corporeal members : adding that he should speak within
bounds if he said that he beheld this vision from twenty to
forty times while he was at Manresa. Sometimes also he
saw the Blessed Virgin in the same manner.

At the Hospital of St. Lucy he had a chamber from which
a window looked into the church. He was assisting at com-
pline one Saturday evening, when he fell into a trance,
which lasted till the same day and hour in the following
week. During the whole of that time he had all the appear-
ance of a dead man ; and it was only by the faintest palpita-
tion of his heart that he was known to be still alive. On
returning to himself, he opened his eyes like one awakening
from a placid sleep, and murmured, * O Jesus, Jesus ! ' He
then relapsed into silence ; nor was he ever known afterwards
to utter a word as to what had been revealed to him during
those eight days.

But the first members of the Society, who had lived with

48 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA

him and had heard him speak of the time, have always be-
lieved that it was then that God revealed to Ignatius what he
was destined to do in the service of the Church, and traced
for him the plan of the Religious Order he was to found.

The Saint himself told Everard Mercurian, afterwards
General of the Order, that the first sketch of the Society was
impressed upon his mind when he began to meditate on the
kingdom of Christ; and when he was asked why he had
made this or that regulation in his constitutions, his usual
answer was, ' I saw it thus at Manresa.' He told Laynez
that he had there learned more during one hour's mental
prayer than all the doctors in the world could teach him ;
and he declared that if the Holy Scriptures were no more,
and if the Catholic religion were destitute of all other testi-
mony, he should be ready to lay down his life for the faith
of the Church, on the sole evidence of what he had then seen
and learned.

Notwithstanding these extraordinary favours, Ignatius
lost none of his childlike docility, regarding himself as a
novice in the spiritual life. He often visited his first friend,
the holy monk Chanones, revering him as the father of his
soul, and laying bare his inmost heart before him. The
aged Benedictine, on his part, while fulfilling the office of a
teacher and director to Ignatius, secretly entertained the
greatest veneration for his penitent ; and would often say to
the other monks, that Ignatius Loyola was destined to
become a champion of the Church.

By this time also many pious persons had discerned in
him the marks of a true sanctity. Thus, it is related by
Maffei, that he was seen by one who for some time had
watched him narrowly, raised up from the ground, his face
shining like that of Moses, by reason of his familiar inter-
course with God.

The rigid austerities he practised, and which, in his igno-
rance and the natural ardour of his character, he carried to
an excess which in after years he would not have allowed to
others, at last seriously affected his health. After that vio-
lent attack of which we have spoken, when he was carried
senseless to the hospice, his emaciation was so great that
a rich burgess of the town, named Andre's Amigante, had

SUCCESS AT MANTES A. 49

compassion on him, and conveyed him to his own house. A
second illness seized him in the winter ; and this time the
magistrate took charge of him, and confided him to the care
of one Ferreira, directing that his needs shonld be supplied
at the public expense. Here some of the highest ladies in
the place watched by his bedside, talcing their turn to wait
upon him. This illness left him with a great weakness of
digestion, which lasted all his life. He seems also to have
had several relapses ; once while with the Dominicans, when
the devout women who ministered to him, not being able
to attend upon him in the monastery, caused him to be
removed a second time to the house of Amigante. "Warned
by experience, Ignatius began, towards the end of his so-
journ at Manresa, to moderate the rigour of his penances ;
but he resolutely refrained from eating meat, though on
more than one occasion he was seized with an almost un-
controllable desire to yield to the temptation.

All this time, it was not possible in the nature of
things but that the populace generally should be moved by
the sight of a man so young, and evidently bred to a far
different station, leading so hard and so solitary a life. His
very look was enough to rivet attention and excite respect ;
and thus it came to pass that when he went to pray at the
foot of some cross outside the town, the people would follow
and observe him at a distance. After awhile they began to
assemble around his retreat, and then Ignatius was con-
strained to speak to them ; and his words were those of
another John the Baptist preaching penance in the wilder-
ness. A rock is still shown in front of the whole hospice of
St. Lucy, where Ignatius, in his coarse sackcloth gown, with
its hempen girdle, his hair dishevelled, his head and feet
bare, his face pale and haggard, but inflamed with divine
love, spoke, like one inspired, of the things of God. But
his look, his presence, preached even more powerfully than
his words. Many of the most noble ladies in the town sur-
rounded him when he spoke in the open air, treasured up his
instructions, and so profited, that they went regularly to
confession and communion on every Sunday ; a thing so ex-
traordinary, that people called them * las Inigas.' His slight-
est actions had a virtue and a charm in them which few

50 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

could resist : when he received alms, he ever accompanied
his thanks with some charitable prayer for the spiritual wel-
fare of the giver; — men were moved to contrition, they scarcely
knew why ; they were roused from their state of indifference,
and animated by a desire to lead a more strict and holy life.
Thus, by degrees, Ignatius gathered about him a circle of
disciples, to whom he communicated, in a measure, the im-
pulses which he had himself derived from his prayers and
meditations, as also from his spiritual readings, especially of
the Holy Scriptures. They felt drawn to him as to a man
who walked with God and was the friend of God ; and many,
it is said, followed his example, abandoned the world and
entered the religious life.

But among them all Ignatius found none who were ca-
pable of co-operating with him in the great project he had
conceived ; for it is clear that he had already formed the
design of drawing to him associates who, modelled after the
ideas which he afterwards embodied in the ' Spiritual Exer-
cises,' should accompany him to Palestine, and unite with
him in spreading the kingdom of God among the infidels.
He said afterwards that he found none, either at Manresa or
at Barcelona, who could aid him to advance in the spiritual
life, or who seemed to have a knowledge of divine mysteries,
with the sole exception of the aged matron who had prayed
that our Lord might be made visible to him. Her name we
are not told, but it is recorded that her reputation for sanc-
tity and wisdom was so great, that King Ferdinand had been
wont to consult her in affairs of conscience.

But though he had produced a striking change for the
better among the people of Manresa, his adversaries were
all the more enraged against him. From reviling, they
passed to defaming him ; and those who favoured and
assisted him met with no better treatment at their hands.
When Amigante received him into his house, these people
called him, in derision, Simon the leper, and his wife Martha,
because they tended God's servant in his sickness. But none
met with greater molestation than Inez Pascoala, who had
brought him to the town, and had always shown him much
devotedness ; all these things caused Ignatius especial pain.
On the one hand, his humility suffered from the veneration

DEPARTURE FOR PALESTINE. 51

paid him ; and, on the other, the reputation of his friends
was compromised by the calumnies that were spread abroad.
For their sake, therefore, if not for his own, he was desirous
of leaving the place. For some time his departure was
delayed by the plague at Barcelona, whence he intended to
embark for the Holy Land ; but learning that the port was
again open, he resolved to commence his journey.

One of the friends from whom Ignatius parted with grate-
ful affection wss Cavalla, a good priest who had nursed him
tenderly during one of his many illnesses. To him he gave,
by way of remembrance, the book of the Little Office of Our
Lord, which he had constantly used, and which was almost
the only property he possessed.

Before Ignatius left Manresa, the news came that Villiers
de 1'Isle Adam, abandoned by the Christian potentates, to
their eternal disgrace, had been compelled to surrender
Rhodes to the Sultan Solyman ; and for many years after, Christmas
till the Battle of Lepanto broke the maritime power of the Da-v' 1522-
infidel, the Turks continued to be ' lords of the Mediterra-
nean? and foes to all who sailed upon its waters.' This event
was a bad augury for the project of Loyola, and one that
was soon realised. Did the old martial ardour revive for a
moment in his once fiery breast, and did his hand instinc-
tively seek the hilt of that sword which he had left sus-
pended by Our Lady's altar at Monserrato ? or did he not
rather press the cross more closely to his heart, and renew
again his vow to Him who hung thereon, to do His will
bravely in His own sweet and gentle way ? Ignatius had in
him the very spirit of the true Crusader ; the high courage,
the enduring hardihood, the generous devotion, the daring
zeal, the burning personal love of the Redeemer ; but in Him
all was sublimated by an interior crucifixion — a deadness
alike to the world's glory and the world's contempt; the
warfare to which he was summoned was to be waged only
with spiritual weapons, and solely for spiritual ends.

The Church, unlike the world, knows and honours its
greatest men. In later times Cardona, Bishop of Yigue,
raised a pillar with an inscription, in front of the Hospital
of St. Lucy, to commemorate the Saint's sojourn there ; and
the building itself he gave to the Society of Jesus, having

E 2

52 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

transferred the sick elsewhere. The chamber where Ignatius
remained in his seven days' trance is still shown — the old
brick floor on which he lay, covered with boards to preserve
it, which are removed when the faithful desire to kiss the
holy spot.

From Ignatius quitted Manresa in January 1523, after a residence

Manresa of nearly ten months. He had already (as we have stated)
lona, 1523. abated something of his rigorous austerities, both for his
health's sake — the winter being particularly severe — and
because he had learned by experience that excessive mortifi-
cations are an impediment in the service of God, no less
than of our neighbour. He desired also to avoid the appear-
ance of singularity; and, to this end, had for some time
ceased to exhibit that neglect of his person to which he had
hitherto submitted from penitential motives. He no longer
allowed his hair to grow in disorder; he wore shoes, and
exchanged his sackcloth gown and cord for a garb more
resembling that of some poor scholar ; an upper and under
coat of coarse grey cloth, with a sombrero or hat of the
same colour. All these he received from some charitable
hands, but he would accept no money. His friends would
fain have persuaded him to take some companion with him
on his travels, if it were only because he could speak neither
Latin nor Italian ; but he replied, with the energy character-
istic of him, that if the Duke of Cordova's own son were to
propose to accompany him he would decline the offer ; that
he was content to have no other society but that of the three
virtues, Faith, Hope, and Charity; that if he had a com-
panion, he should be ever looking to him in need ; and he
desired to have no help, or hope, or confidence, save in God
alone.

We learn from Juan Pascoal, that his greatly persecuted
mother sent for her brother, Antonio Pujol, a priest who
resided with the Archbishop of Tarragona, and begged him
to conduct Ignatius to Barcelona, and procure lodging for
him. On arriving, they found that some days must elapse
before he could embark. But Ignatius did not concern him-
self about the preparation for his voyage, and occupied all the
time that remained to him, after his seven hours of prayer,

BARCELONA. 53

in visiting the prisoners and the sick. He begged in the
streets, and relieved the poor with the alms which he collected.
He had a great desire to meet with persons who were expe-
rimentally acquainted with the mysteries of the spiritual life,
and for this purpose visited several hermitages in the neigh-
bourhood ; but nowhere could he find the help for which he
looked. In what way he should be able to defray the ex-
penses of his voyage he knew not ; but God did not forsake
His servant. At Barcelona he made the acquaintance of
several pious people, whose friendship he long retained.
The most remarkable in its beginning, as also the most last-
ing, and yet the most disappointing in its conclusion, was
that which he contracted with a noble lady of the city, named
Isabel Roser. She had wholly retired from the world, and
lived only for God and for her husband, who was blind and
demanded all her care. It was now the season of Lent, and
Ignatius was one day in the cathedral, seated on the steps of
the altar amongst a group of children, listening to a sermon,
when Isabel, happening to glance towards him, beheld his
head surrounded with a circle of light, and at the same
moment heard an inward voice bidding her call him to her.
His appearance inspired her with a deep respect, and she
felt herself moved to do as the voice admonished her, but
hesitated from the fear of being the victim of some illusion.
On returning home, she disclosed to her husband what she
had seen and heard, and with his approval she sought out
Ignatius and brought him to the house; where, tinder the
pretext of performing a simple act of hospitality to a chance
wayfarer, they detained him to share their repast. With
such a guest the conversation naturally turned to spiritual
subjects ; and Ignatius, who was ignorant of the motives
which had led to his reception, spoke with so much power
and with such a knowledge of divine things, that his hearers
were filled with admiration, and convinced that the stranger
before them was a man of gentle birth and possessed of no
ordinary endowments.

Learning that he was bound for Italy, and had already se-
cured a passage in a brigantiue that was about to sail, Isabel,
having done all in her power to detain him, conjured him at
least not to risk his life in so slight a vessel, but to wait for a

54 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

ship in which the Bishop of Barcelona, who was a kinsman of
her husband's, was intending- to embark. This last circum-
stance probably it was which induced him to defer his de-
parture ; nor was it without a special dispensation of Divine
Providence that he did so, for scarcely had the briguntine
left the harbour, when it was caught in a violent storm and
went down with all on board.

The captain of the ship in which Ignatius was to sail
agreed to give him a passage for the love of God ; but on
condition that he brought with him the necessary provisions
for the voyage. Here, however, a doubt presented itself,
whether by taking such precaution he should not be in-
fringing the resolution he had formed of living- solely on
alms from day to day, trusting only to the good providence
of God. In his perplexity he consulted the priest his con-
fessor, who bade him procure what he needed from private
charity, and then depart with a quiet conscience. But even
thus he would accept nothing from Dona Isabel, who offered
to supply him, but went through the streets of Barcelona
begging of the passers-by, until he collected what was suffi-
cient for his immediate wants.

While thus engaged, he was asked by a certain Sefiora
Cepilla Rocaberti whither he was going. For some moments
he stood hesitating what to reply ; because a pilgrimage to
Jerusalem in those days was a service of danger ; and so
redounded to the credit of those who performed it. He
answered therefore, as was true, that he was going to Italy
and Rome. To which she rejoined, supposing him to be a
mere ordinary pilgrim, ' To Rome ! they who go to Rome
are apt to return no better for their journey ;' meaning that
few made the pilgrimage from a motive of true devotion.
This dread of vainglory it was which most tormented him
at this time ; and, to prevent his being surprised into this
sin, he studiously concealed his noble birth, and the motives
which impelled him to make the pilgrimage. It so hap-
pened that the son of this lady had left his home, and taken
to a vagrant life. Perceiving by his countenance that Igna-
tius was not what his dress and habits seemed to indicate,
she supposed him to be another idle spendthrift of the same
description, and loaded him with reproaches. The Saint

FROM GAETA TO ROME. 55

accepted the humiliation with joy, and assured her that there
was not in the whole world a man more worthless than him-
self. And this he did with such an air of genuine sincerity,
that the lady at once perceived her .error — her anger was
turned into admiration, and begging his forgiveness, she
bestowed upon him an abundant alms. Dona Cepilla could
never afterwards recount the circumstances of this singular
meeting without deep emotion ; and, when Ignatius returned
to Barcelona, she placed herself under his spiritual direction,
and became one of his most devoted followers.

More than three weeks elapsed before Ignatius left Bar- Leaving
celona. On his way to the ship, finding that he had four or Barcelona-
five small coins in his possession, which he was resolved not
to keep for his own use, and there being no poor person in
sight on whom he could bestow them, he left them on a stone
bench near the harbour, that God might dispose of them in
such a manner as He pleased. The vessel made a rapid
passage, though not without danger, being driven by a strong
west wind to Gaeta within five days. Thence he pursued
his journey to Home on foot, in company with three other
persons, mendicants or pilgrims like himself — a youth and
two women, mother and daughter ; this last for greater safety
wearing male attire. One night, on arriving at a village,
they found a number of people assembled round a large fire,
who received them civilly and set food before them.

Ignatius was then lodged with the youth in a stable, while
the women were conducted to a chamber overhead. In the
middle of the night a loud noise was heard, and women's
voices calling for help. Ignatius, hastening upstairs, found
the mother and daughter with whom he had travelled ex-
ceedingly terrified, ca]ling out that they had been attacked in
the night by some ruffian. The household collected round,
and Ignatius, lifting up his voice, spoke with such indigna-
tion, that, though his language was unknown to them,
the listeners were abashed, and fell back to let him pass
with the women, in company of whom he immediately
started on his journey. But the young man was missing.

The three made their way in the darkness to a small town
near. But they found the gates closed ; so that they were
obliged to pass the remainder of the night in a church, the

5G LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

walls of which were streaming with damp. Neither when
morning dawned were they permitted to enter the place ;
for the plague was still raging in many parts of Italy, and
the roads were narrowly watched ; add to which, Ignatius,
worn as he was by his great austerities, had the look of one
already stricken with the pestilence. They were compelled,
therefore, to go on to a neighbouring village, where the pil-
grims rested ; Ignatius being unable from feebleness to pro-
ceed any further, while the two women made the best of
their way to Rome. It so happened that, on the same day,
the lady to whom the neighbouring lands belonged was on
her way to the town from which the Saint had been ex-
cluded ; and, the inhabitants going out to meet her, Igna-
tius went with them, and begged permission to pass through
the place, assuring her that he was not suffering from disease,
but from exhaustion. She readily granted his petition, and
having rested there two days, living meanwhile on the alms
he received, he was able to continue his journey.
Eomc. Ignatius reached Home on Palm Sunday. There he met

with some fellow-countrymen, through whose intervention
he procured a pilgrim's licence from the reigning pontiff,
Adrian VI. ; and after visiting the several churches of the
Stations, and other holy places, and receiving the Papal be-
nediction, he set out on the ninth day, still on foot, for
Venice. His friends, who had in vain endeavoured to dis-
suade him from prosecuting his design, representing to him
the danger and hardships he must encounter, constrained
him at the moment of his departure to accept seven or eight
gold crowns, that he might at least possess the means of
paying for his passage. But three days had not elapsed be-
fore he bitterly reproached himself for his cowardice in dis-
trusting the good providence of God. His first impulse was
to throw the money on the roadside, but on reflection he
considered that he would be doing better in distributing it
among the first poor persons he should meet; and this
accordingly he did.

On this journey he was exposed to even greater privations
than on the former, owing to the increasing ravages of the
plague. People were afraid to receive him into their houses,
or to give him so much as a night's lodging ; and, on one

VENICE. 57

occasion in particular, Gonzales relates that, as he was
leaving the portico of a house under which he had found
shelter for the night, a man, scared by his pale and ghastly
appearance, turned and fled from him in terror. The very
hand of charity feared to open to so pitiable an object.
There were times, however, when travellers like himself
allowed him to join them on the way, but even then would
often pass on in haste, as the evening began to close, lest
they also should be forced to sleep in the open air. On
reaching Chioggia, the Saint and his chance companions Chioggia.
were informed that they would not be allowed to enter
Venice without a certificate of health. They resolved there-
fore to go to Padua, in order to obtain this necessary docu-
ment ; but Ignatius, unable to keep up with the rest, found
himself left at nightfall in an open plain, without shelter
and without a guide. But the Saint was not abandoned by
Him for whose sweet sake he was suffering all these things.
He calmly set himself to pray ; and, as he prayed, the Lord
Jesus appeared to him, in that same form in which He had
often visited him, and, filling his heart with joy, pro-
mised to protect him with a special care. This promise was
marvellously fulfilled ; for on the morrow he entered Padua, Padua,
and left it without question or challenge, to the astonish-
ment of his companions, who had rejoined him, and knew
that he had obtained no bill of health. But their astonish-
ment was still greater when, on reaching the lagune of
Venice, the quarantine officers strictly examined the pass-
ports of every other person in the boat, but passed Ignatius
by, as though he had been invisible.

It was dusk when Ignatius set foot in Venice, and as he Venice,
was ignorant of the language, and acquainted with no one of
whom he could ask the way to some hospice where strangers
were lodged, he disposed himself to pass the night under the
arcade of the Procuratori, in the Piazza of St. Mark. There
was at that time in Venice a senator named Marc- Antonio
Trevisani, who was not only a learned magistrate, but a
most holy man. He led the austere life of a monk ;% his
house was like a public hospital, from the number of poor
whom he received and tended with his own hands ; indeed,
but for his nephews, who charged themselves with the

58 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

management of his worldly affairs, he would have despoiled
himself of everything he possessed in works of charity.
Twenty years later his acknowledged virtues, and the emi-
nent services he had rendered the Republic, procured his
election to the supreme office of Doge — a dignity he would
fain have avoided ; but he sacrificed his own preference to
the public weal. He lived to a great age, and his death was
a fitting termination of such a life. While assisting one day
at the Holy Sacrifice, he became motionless, and was found
to have calmly expired. On the night of Ignatius' arrival,
this good man was awakened by a voice, which said to him :
* What ! dost thou sleep comfortably in thy bed, when my
poor servant and dear pilgrim lies so near thee stretched on
the bare stones ? ' Bising instantly, full of wonder as to who
this special friend of God might be, he went out with ser-
vants bearing torches, and found Ignatius, as it had been
told him, lying on the pavement ; and conducting him to
his house, Marc-Antonio entertained him with a respectful
charity.

But the next morning, whether with a view to stricter
retirement, or because he deemed it unsuitable that a pilgrim
should be lodged in a palace, Ignatius left the senator's hos-
pitable roof, preferring to be dependent on such chance aid
as God might send him. In like manner, he was not soli-
citous as to the means by which he might procure a passage
to Palestine, although the pilgrims' ship had sailed some
days before ; nor would he present himself to the Imperial
Ambassadors ; he had no longer any interest (he said) at
courts ; friends would come when they were wanted. And
so it happened. As he was begging in the streets, he was
recognised by a rich Biscayan merchant, who asked him
whither he was bound, and invited him home to dine. It
seems to have been a habit with Ignatius, not to refuse hos-
pitality when thus offered ; and ever since he left Manresa it
had been his custom, as he said himself, to keep silence at
table, except when spoken to, and observing what others
said., to take the opportunity when the repast was over, to
direct the conversation to some spiritual subject. The mer-
chant, with his whole family, conceived such an affection for
him, that he would havo persuaded him to remain with them.

VOYAGE. 50

But, failing in this, he offered him clothes and money, which
the Saint refused, begging him only to procure him an audi-
ence of the Doge, Andrea Gritti, that he might solicit a free
passage on board the Admiral's ship, which was about to
take the Lieutenant-Governor to Cyprus. This the Doge
readily granted, and Ignatius remained at the merchant's
house until it was time to sail.

The pilgrims to Jerusalem this year were very few in
number, owing both to the prevalence of the plague, and to
the swarms of Turkish cruisers which, after the capture of
Rhodes, infested the seas. The pilgrims' ship had sailed
with only thirteen on board. All these things were repre-
sented to Ignatius, with the hope of deterring him from his
purpose ; but he simply answered, * God is my sole support ;
I would not hesitate to set sail upon a plank.' Shortly
before his departure he was seized with a violent fever ; and
on the very day he was to go on board his illness had
reached such a height, that to some who inquired whether
he could sail in such a state, the physician replied, * Yes, if
he wishes to die on the passage.' No sooner, however, did
Ignatius hear the gun give the signal for weighing anchor,
than he hastened down to the harbour with the rest ; quit-
ting Venice on the 14th of July, 1523.

After a few days' sea-sickness he revived, and the fever
left him. But the evil ways and libertine discourse of many
among the passengers, and especially of the crew, filled his
soul with sadness ; and in his zeal for the Divine Majesty
he never ceased reproving them with a freedom and a severity
which excited their implacable resentment. Some Spaniards
who were on board warned him of his danger, and urged
him to be cautious, as a plot was being formed to put the
ship to shore, and leave him on a small uninhabited island
which they were about to pass. But Ignatius knew no fear,
and cared not for consequences. And the event justified his
confidence ; for as they were on the point of making the
island, a boisterous wind arose, which baffled all the efforts
of the sailors, and drove them on with rapidity towards
Cyprus. There he learned that the pilgrims' vessel, which
had left Venice so many days before, was still lying in the
harbour of Salines, ten leagues distant. Thither accordingly

GO

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Palestine.

Ignatius proceeded across the island, together with the other
pilgrims, eight in number ; having with him no other subsist-
ence than, as he himself expressed it, that hope which he
ever placed in God. But all this time the Saint had aids
which no man knew of. Often when, retired in some corner
of the ship, he wept over the outrages offered to God, Jesus
would Himself appear to him, bringing him strength and
consolation. At Salines, he . and his companions embarked
on board the other ship, and on the 31st of August, after a
voyage in all of forty-eight clays, they reached the coast of
Syria.

From Jaffa, where they landed, they made the journey to
Jerusalem riding on asses ; and, when they were within two
miles of its walls, they were met by a Spanish gentleman,
Diego Nunez, who devoutly admonished them that, as they
were approaching the spot from which they would first obtain
a sight of the Holy City, they should set their conscience in
order and proceed in silence. This proposal pleased them
all well ; and, shortly afterwards, perceiving the Franciscan
fathers advancing to meet them, preceded by the cross, they
dismounted and made the rest of the way on foot ; and thus,
on the 4th of September, about noonday, in solemn proces-
sion, they entered within the gates of that city whose streets
had heard the voice of the Eternal Word, and had been
trodden by His sacred feet.

1523.

Ignatius had now attained what had been the chief object
of his desires ever since his conversion. From the moment
Jerusalem, when his eyes first rested from afar on the walls of Jeru-
salem, he experienced a sensation of unutterable joy ; and
this fervour of devotion lasted undiminished all the time he
dwelt in the Holy City. These several scenes he visited
again and again, sometimes alone, and sometimes in company
with others ; not from a mere sentimental desire of beholding
places rendered famous by the stupendous events of gospel
story, but from a deep, adoring, personal love of Him who
was the actor and sufferer therein — Jesus, the Son of Mary
and the Son of God. This it was that made every emotion
he experienced a pious aspiration, and every step he took an

JERUSALEM. 61

act of worship. And so we read that when he beheld the
place of his Redeemer's agony, and the spots where He was
crucified and was buried, all his soul was melted with a sweet
sorrow, and he could not cease from pressing tender kisses
on the blessed ground, and pouring out his heart in devout
thanksgiving.

To Inez Pascoala he sent an exact and most minute de-
scription of all the holy places ; and every word was like a
spark of celestial fire. This document was long preserved
by the Pascoal family, and finally left by them as a precious
legacy to the Society of Jesus.

But he had come, not merely to visit the holy places, but
to abide in Jerusalem, near the sepulchre of his Lord, and
thence to spread the life-giving gospel of His truth. Though
it had been revealed to him at Manresa, that he was to found
a society destined to win multitudes of souls to the true
faith, nothing had been told him as to the place where its
members should assemble, and what should be the particular
field of their labours. Jerusalem had been his first thought as
he lay wounded at Loyola, and Jerusalem was the spot which
in his own mind he had fixed upon as the centre from which
his spiritual children should go forth to achieve a nobler
conquest than that for which the champions of the Cross, the
Crusaders, with all their enthusiasm and all their valour, had
combated in vain — the conquest of souls to the obedience of
Jesus Christ. The idea even enters as an element into his
* Spiritual Exercises.' This, it is clear, was the Saint's
design ; but it was not according to the will of God. Not
the Holy Land, but all lands, were to be given him as his
battlefield ; and the sphere of his labours was to extend to
the veiy boundaries of the earth. Ignatius, however, made
frequent endeavours to return to Palestine ; and, to the last
days of his life, he had a fixed intention of founding a house
of the Society at Jerusalem.

In order to further his object, he had brought with him
letters commendatory to the Franciscan fathers, which he
delivered at once to the warden of the convent — without,
however, disclosing to him any other motive for wishing to
remain than that of satisfying his personal devotions ; of his
ulterior intentions he said nothing. The warden at first

62 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

demurred, representing to him the extreme poverty of the
convent, which subsisted solely on alms; that in fact 011
this very account they had resolved on sending some of their
brethren back to Europe in company of the pilgrims. Igna-
tius in return assured him that he would ask nothing of them
except that they should hear his confession and give him
communion. On these conditions the Father Warden ad-
mitted that leave might be given him to remain, but the
matter must be left for the determination of the Father
Provincial, who was absent at Bethlehem. Ignatius on this
considered the question as good as decided in his favour, and
in the joy of his heart wrote letters to this effect to his
friends at Barcelona.

The very day before that on which the pilgrims were to
take their departure, he was sent for by the Provincial, who
had returned, and was informed in the presence of the Father
Warden that he must leave Jerusalem with the rest. A
zeal like his, so ardent, fearless, and defiant of consequences,
would never submit to the restrictions imposed by the Moslem
authorities ; his presence (as they argued truly) would be a
constant source of embarrassment and danger ; and so they
told him, with the utmost kindness, that his design was a
good and pious one, but that, after full consideration, they
could not, in prudence, allow him to carry it into execution ;
that his remaining amongst them would be perilous to him-
self and detrimental to the interests of the community, upon
whom devolved the burthen of ransoming out of their scanty
means all pilgrims who fell into the hands of the Turks ;
and that many through their rashness in passing beyond the
limits assigned to the Christians, had been reduced to slavery,
and even put to death. To this Ignatius replied that he
feared neither slavery nor death ; and that if it were his lot
to be taken captive, he did not wish to be ransomed, modestly
adding, that he was firmly resolved to abide by his intention
if he could do so without offending God. ' But you would in-
deed offend God,' answered the Father Provincial, ' if you per-
sisted in remaining contrary to my will, who have authority
from the Holy See to determine who shall be allowed to
remain and who not, and even to excommunicate those who
refuse to comply.' At the same time he produced the Papal

LAST DAY IX PALESTINE. Co

Bull, at which, however, Ignatius would not look, meekly-
bowing his head and assuring the Provincial that he believed
his word and was ready to obey ; that to him the will of his
superior was the will of God.

Ere he left the Holy Citv, Ignatius was to give what the
good Franciscans might regard as certain proof that their
apprehensions were not groundless. On the Mount of Olives
were visible (at that day) what tradition averred to be the
footmarks imprinted by our Divine Lord upon the rock, at the
moment he left the earth to ascend into heaven. The holy
pilgrim longed once more to venerate these sacred signs ;
and he wished to do this in secret and alone. To venture
beyond the city walls without the protection of the Turkish
escort was a work of danger ; but Ignatius knew no fear.
Withdrawing silently, he succeeded in reaching the summit
of the Hill unperceived ; and, when stopped by the guards
who kept the place, he obtained their leave to pass by giving
them his penknife. After satisfying his devotion, he crossed
over to the neighbouring sanctuary of Bethphage, when it
came into his mind that he had not sufficiently observed
towards what quarter of the heavens the sacred feet were
pointed when last they touched the earth. Eeturning, there-
fore, to the spot, he again procured admission by presenting
the soldiers with a pair of scissors, probably his only remain-
ing possession, with the exception of the clothes he wore.

Meanwhile his absence had been discovered by the monks ;
and, as he was descending from the Mount, he was met by
one of their Armenian servants, who, angered doubtless by
what he deemed an act of ill-timed temerity, loaded him with
reproaches, and even threatened him with his stick ; then,
seizing him roughly by the arm, never released hold until he
was safe within the convent walls. But the Saint bore all
patiently — even joyfully ; for, at the moment that the man
laid hand upon him, lifting up his eyes, he beheld the Lord
Jesus in the form in which He usually appeared to him, mov-
ing on before him in the air, as the disciples might have seen
Him when He ascended to His glory.

Ignatius had now spent six weeks in Jerusalem. On the Leaving
morrow he bade farewell to the land of his predilection, con- Jerusalem-
soling himself with the hope of one day returning.

G4 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

On reaching Cyprus, Ignatius and his companions found
three vessels ready to sail ; one Turkish, the other two Vene-
tian. Of the latter, one was large and well equipped ; the
other was small, old, and damaged. As the winter was
approaching, the greater part of the pilgrims preferred the
larger vessel, and prayed the captain to give Ignatius a free
passage out of compassion for his poverty, assuring him
that in so doing he would have a saint on board ; to which
the man replied with a sneer, that if he were a saint he
might walk on the water, as other saints had done. The
master of the smaller craft willingly received him for the
love of God. At early dawn all three vessels sailed out
together, with a favourable wind ; but at sunset a violent
storm arose, and they parted company. The Turkish vessel
foundered ' with man and mouse ' in the high sea, and the
large and strong-built Venetian struck upon the coast of
Cyprus, the passengers and crew barely escaping with their
lives ; but the ship which conveyed Ignatius, after long
struggling with the tempest, safely made the Apulian coast ;
and, having executed all necessary repairs and taken in pro-
visions, continued its course to Venice.

It was now the middle of January 1524, the voyage
having lasted two months and a half. Ignatius had gone
to sea miserably provided ; his only clothing being a short
thin coat and an open vest of black cloth, very ragged at
the shoulders, with breeches of some coarse material, that
reached no lower than the knees, leaving his legs quite bare.
His sufferings had been great, for the cold was extreme, and
there were frequent falls of snow. At Venice he was again
kindly received, probably by the merchant who had enter-
tained him the previous summer ; but he had no intention
of remaining longer than was requisite to recruit himself for
a journey, having resolved on returning to Spain. He
had become convinced that it was not the will of God that
he should take up his abode at Jerusalem, at least for the
present ; and during his voyage it had been made equally
clear to him that, if he would labour successfully for the good
of souls, he must prepare himself by the use of ordinary

VENICE TO GENOA. 65

means. He was reading the eighteenth chapter of St. Luke's
Gospel, where our Lord, during his journey to Jerusalem,
foretells to His Apostles His passion and resurrection, and,
on coming to the words Et ipsi nihil horum intellexerunt (and
they understood none of these things), it was strongly im-
pressed upon his mind that if he also would understand, he
must be instructed. Hitherto he had entered on his holy
enterprise like some valiant cavalier, attempting imprac-
ticable feats of daring ; now setting himself as resolutely to
learn the first rudiments of that knowledge which afterwards
he might communicate to others, Inigo de Loyola would go
to school again. The plan was one which seemed to remove
him to an indefinite distance from the great object of his
aspirations ; but what mattered so that the will of God were
done ? Accordingly, after a few days of necessary repose,
Ignatius set out again upon his journey, and, as before, on
foot ; accepting nothing from his friendly host save a piece Leaving
of cloth to double over his body, because of the excessive
weakness of his stomach, and some fifteen or sixteen giulii l
for his necessities on the way.

The whole of Northern Italy was now the theatre of war
between the Emperor Charles V. and Francis I. of France ;
and Ignatius, thus scantily clothed and provided, was 'to
make his way to Genoa, across the Apennines, which were
covered with the snows of winter, and through a country
overrun by bands of soldiers. Of this perilous journey the few Journey,
incidents recorded are highly characteristic of the man. At Ferraru.
Ferrara, while praying in the cathedral, a beggar asked an
alms of him, and he gave him a small coin ; another came,
and to him he gave a larger coin ; and then another, to whom
he presented one of his silver pieces. Seeing this and telling
one another, a whole crowd of beggars gathered round him,
and Ignatius being as ready to give as they to receive, he
was soon left penniless. Then, as more continued to press
about him, he begged them to excuse his refusing since he
had nothing more either for them or for himself. Such
munificence in one whose poverty seemed greater than their
own, struck them with astonishment, and observing also

1 A giulio was worth about sixpence.
F

66

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Taken for
a spy.

his deep piety, they assembled at the doors and followed
him as he left the church, crying, ' A Saint ! A Saint ! '

On the way to Genoa Ignatius was advised by some
Spanish soldiers, who gave him a kindly welcome, to leave
the main road and take another, by which he might avoid
the danger of passing through the hostile camp ; but, full of
confidence in the Divine protection, he pursued his course
undaunted. He had not gone far before he was stopped by
a Spanish outpost which held the road under the walls of
a fortified town. His having traversed the enemy's lines
alone made them suspect that he was a spy, and he was
conducted to a hut near at hand. Here, after questioning
him closely, they stripped him of his clothes, even to his
shoes, to see if he had letters or other papers about him ;
but finding nothing, they dragged him, almost naked, to the
commandant of the town. As they led him through the
place, the Saint pictured to himself how Jesus, his dear
Lord, was ignominiously dragged through the streets of
Jerusalem amidst mockery and insult; and his feeling was
that of joy at being permitted to bear a part in the suffer-
ings of his Saviour. But then a great fear came over him —
what if he should be put to the torture and then hanged as a
spy ! In order to be taken for a low-bred clown, as well as
from a desire to imitarfce the simplicity of Christ and His
Apostles, Ignatius had been wont (as before observed) to
practise a certain plainness, and even rudeness, of speech ;
for instance, using the familiar pronoun in addressing great
people. But now, he thought, he would adopt the usual
courtesies, and resume for this once the language and man-
Spaniards, ners of a Spanish gentleman. Then, recognising the flat-
teries of self-love, and inspired with a holy indignation at his
own cowardly weakness, he said to himself, ' No, I will not
call him lord ; nor will I bend the knee before him ; nor so
much as lift my cap from off my head.' Once more the old
native pride was quelled within him, and, as he was led into
the presence of the commandant, that officer's scrutinising
glance detected nothing in the pallid features of the wretched
object before him that told of the noble, ardent nature glow-
ing beneath.

Ignatius thought of One Who was dumb, as a lamb before

TAKEN FOR A SPY. 67

its shearer, and opened not His month ; Who was clad in a
fool's coat, and was mocked and set at nought hj Herod and
his men-at-arms. In this also he would follow his Divine
Master; and so, when he was interrogated concerning his
name and habitation, he, with downcast eyes, kept silence,
or answered briefly and tardily ; except that on being asked
whether he was a spy, he replied promptly, ' I am not : ' be-
cause, by acting otherwise, he would have given just cause
for being treated with the utmost rigour. This behaviour,
which seemed calculated only to provoke ill-usage, became
the occasion of his escaping unharmed ; for the commandant,
looking on him as a simpleton, turned angrily to his sol-
diers, and said, ' Cannot you tell a fool from a spy ? take him
and set him free.' Whereupon the men, irritated by their
captain's taunts, made themselves amends by beating their
prisoner and by other brutalities ; in all which the Saint
found only a more perfect realisation of the sufferings of his
Lord. At length his tormentors let him go ; when a sub-
altern passing by, and seeing him in such sad plight, had
compassion on him, and taking him to his lodging, gave
him wherewith to break his fast and also shelter for the
night.

The following day he pursued his journey without hin-
drance, until, towards evening, he was descried from a watch-
tower by two French soldiers, who took him and brought The
him before their captain. But here the Saint's thirst for Frenclu
fresh humiliations was to be left unsatisfied ; for, on reply-
ing to the question whence he came, that he was a Spaniard
and a native of Guipuzcoa, to his surprise the officer welcomed
him as though he had been a fellow-countryman, saying that
he himself came from near those parts, and bade his men
treat him as his own guest and take good care of him.
Bayard was at this time with the French array, and his
generous temper may have imparted a congenial liberality to
those among whom Ignatius had now fallen ; he experienced
greater kindness from foes and strangers than from his own
compatriots and friends.

At last he succeeded in reaching Genoa, where he was Genoa,
recognised by Don Kodrigo Portundo, native of Biscay, with
whom he had been acquainted at the court of King Ferdinand.

r 2

68 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Kodrigo was in command of the Spanish galleys, and by his
means Ignatius obtained a passage to Spain.

Here, all around, were the signs and equipments of war,
which in former days would have stirred his spirit to its in-
most depths, but which he now regarded with indifference.
To the last risks and perils seemed to be his portion, for the
flotilla was chased and closely pressed by the famous Andrea
Doria, who at this time was in the service of the French ;
and it was not without difficulty that the vessel which bore
Ignatius got safely into the harbour of Barcelona, at the
end of February or the beginning of March.

1524. Misfortunes at this time appeared accumulating on Chris-

tendom. Clement VII., now Pope, was indeed thought
likely to act with greater energy than the unworldly and
timid Adrian ; but the Turks were triumphant all along the
coasts of the Mediterranean ; the quarrels of Francis and
Charles became daily more complicated, and it seemed likely
that all Europe. would soon be involved in their irrecon-
cilable dissensions.

Barcelona On landing, Ignatius proceeded at once to the house of his
pious benefactress, Dona Isabel Roser, to whom he commu-
nicated the new plans he had formed. She warmly ap-
proved his resolution, and engaged to provide him with
everything he needed, while a worthy schoolmaster, named
Geronimo Ardebalo, offered to give him instruction gratui-
tously in the rudiments of grammar and of the Latin tongue.
But at Manresa Ignatius had profited much by the counsels
of a holy Cistercian, and to him he had determined to have
recourse both for spiritual guidance and all ne'cessary teach-
ing. In his ignorance, too, of the time and attention which
would thus^ be absorbed, he thought he should be able to
continue the work of evangelisation which he had commenced
with such notable success during his former sojourn at the
place. He would not therefore accept the offers of his friends,
except conditionally. But on repairing to Manresa he found
that the monk was dead. Whereupon he returned to Barce-
lona, and commenced his studies without further delay.
Inez Pascoala gave him a chamber in her house, and her

STUDIES. 69

brother, Antonio Pujol, supplied him with the books he
wanted.

Ignatius was now past thirty years of age, a man not only
unaccustomed but disinclined to study, of a disposition
naturally ardent, even to excess, and impatient of repose ;
and yet such was his love of souls, and his zeal for God's
honour, that he was content not merely in profession, but in
plain matter-of-fact reality, to go to school and be taught the
elements of such knowledge as is commonly acquired in early
youth ; and, more than this, to learn his tasks, to say his
lessons — literally to decline his nouns and conjugate his
verbs — sitting among a number of boys who surpassed him
both in aptitude for learning and retentiveness of memory,
and who, in fact, under his eyes made faster progress than
himself.

The better to apply himself to letters, he had renounced in
great measure the delights of Divine contemplation; but he
had not long resigned himself to his new and uncongenial
occupation, before he was subjected to a species of trial
peculiar, one would presume, to such as have attained to a
very high degree of spiritual perfection. No sooner did he
enter the school and begin to commit his lessons to memory,
than, his mind was filled with lofty conceptions of heavenly
things, and his soul inundated with Divine consolations, such
as he had not yet experienced. The time that ought to have
been given to his books was passed in acts of love to God ;
and, as his biographers quaintly say, he was for ever practis-
ing the amo, amos, which he was incapable of conjugating, Diffi-
being unable, with all his endeavours, to restrain or master c
the current of his thoughts ; so that after many days of
schooling he had not advanced a single step. Had his soul
been less proof against the illusions of self-love, he might
have concluded he was called to an exclusive life of contem-
plation ; but Ignatius was not to be deceived. ' How is it,'
he asked himself, 'that when I compose myself to prayer,
when I assist at mass, even when I partake of the Bread of
Life, I am not visited by these new and abounding lights —
these sweet and rapturous emotions ; but that no sooner do
I set about a common irksome duty than I am carried out of
myself and rapt in God ! Assuredly, all this is not a favour

70

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Studies.

Letter for
students.

of Heaven, but a snare of the Evil One : Satan is trans-
formed into an angel of light.' He had detected the nature
of the hindrance, and its source ; and he resolved to free
himself, as saints have always done, by a decisive act of self-
humiliation. Accordingly, after giving himself to prayer, he
requested Ardebalo to accompany him to the neighbouring
Church of Santa Maria de la Mar (Our Lady of the Sea), and
there, seating himself by his side, he confided to him the dis-
tractions from which he had suffered, and to which, as he
alleged, he had culpably yielded, humbly beseeching his
master's forgiveness for his negligence, and promising to
spend two full years with him in study, if only he could get
bread to eat and water to drink ; then, casting himself at his
feet, he begged him, if ever he should find him guilty of
similar inattention, to chastise him as he would any other of
his scholars, in the presence of the rest. After this the
enemy of his soul, confounded by his great humility, molested
him no more.

The experience thus gained furnished him with those
practical rules which he afterwards prescribed to his followers,
relative to prayer and study. In a letter, which he wrote
when General of the Society, he thus expresses himself:—

' We must not be surprised if our studies, however holy
their object may be, do not always yield that sensible relish
we would have them, confer : for He to Whom alone it belongs
to accord this grace, grants it to whom He wills, and as He
judges fitting ; and when we have it not, we must consider
that, whereas study is commonly very fatiguing to the mind,
Divine Providence is pleased to deprive us of such sensible
consolations ; because, even while these afford great joy to
the soul, they weary and exhaust the physical powers.
Moreover, the study of speculative sciences is apt to blunt
the sentiment of piety and dry up the heart. Nevertheless,
when it is pursued for the sole end of serving God, study is
itself an excellent work of piety. Provided only that the
foundations of virtue sustain no damage, and we devote the
time prescribed by the Constitutions to prayer, sensible
consolations are of little moment; we must not distress our-
selves, but receive with contentment from God's hand what-
ever He is pleased to send us, looking only to that which is

ERASMUS DISAPPROVED. 71

the principal matter, viz. patience, humility, obedience, and
love.'

It was at Barcelona that Ignatius was advised to read
Erasmus' book, * De Milite Christiano,' for the sake of its
pure Latinity, and the religious maxims it contained. As
his confessor also approved of his doing so, he complied ; but
finding that, as often as he began to read, the fire of devotion
was quenched within him, he first sought counsel of God,
and then threw the book aside. Xor would he ever permit Erasmus
the works of that author to be read by any of the Society,
except the older and more solid fathers ; not that he deemed
all the writings of Erasmus to be tainted with heresy, but he
feared lest the sarcastic pleasantries with which they abound
should induce an unhealthy tone of mind, and so tend to
injure piety and chill devotion.

On the other hand, the ' Following of Christ,' attributed
to Thomas a-Kempis, was his constant companion ; it was
the book he always strongly recommended to others ; and
such was the fidelity with which he formed himself upon its
model, that he seemed (says Eibadeneira) to be the living
exemplification of its golden rules.

From this time Ignatius made rapid progress in his studies,
without, however, abating anything of his devotions and
penitential practices. Since his return to Spain that weak-
ness of stomach from, which he had suffered so much had
left him, and he was able to resume many of his former
austerities. Yielding to the suggestions of Dona Inez, he
was now neatly clad, putting on a black dress which had
something of a clerical look about it ; but under it he wore
a rough hair-shirt. He did not discard his shoes, but cut
away the soles, by which contrivance he was able to walk
barefoot without attracting notice. He refused to share the
table of his kind hostess, and begged his daily bread on
his way to and from the school. Whatever, whether of
money or of victuals, he received beyond his few necessities,
he distributed among the poor, always reserving for them
the daintiest portions. On her once affectionately remon-
strating with him for this he replied, * Ah ! Senora, suppose
our Lord asked an alms of you, would you have the heart to
keep the best for yourself? ' He beat himself several times a

r2 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

clay, and slept always on the bare ground ; great part of the
time due to sleep he passed in prayer. Juan secretly watched
him through a chink in the door. Ignatius, he said, after
gazing for a while fixedly towards heaven, would then begin
his prayers, sometimes prostrate on the ground in an attitude
of the most profound adoration, sometimes with his arms
extended in the form of a cross. More than once (as Juan
afterwards deposed on oath) the chamber was filled with a
dazzling splendour, which seemed to radiate from the Saint
himself, and as he prayed, he was lifted up more than two
feet into the air ; when in a broken voice he would murmur,
* O Lord, if men did but know Thee ! ' and again, * Ah, my
God, how infinitely good Thou art to bear with a miserable
sinner such as I am ! ' So impressed was Pascoal with all
he saw and heard, that as long as he lived he could not
speak of it without emotion. During these ecstasies, he
said Ignatius remained insensible to all external impres-
sions ; and it was only by his breathing that he gave token
of being alive.1

Ignatius visited all the churches of the town, but most of all
that of Santa Maria de la Mar, where he usually heard mass
and communicated. He attended vespers at the cathedral
and compline in the chapel of St. Eulalia, to whom he had a
special devotion. The church of St. Greronimo is rendered
famous by an ecstasy which befell him there, and which the
nuns of the adjoining convent witnessed. After praying two
or three hours before the altar of St. Matthew, motionless
as a marble statue, they saw him rise from the ground, his
knees still bent, and his face shining like one of the blessed.
Ignatius appears to have had some relations with these
religious, for to Antonia Strada, who was one of them, he
afterwards sent (probably from Paris) a reliquary containing
a little earth and small pebble which he had brought from
the Holy Land. On it was written in the Saint's own hand,
' Prenez-en gre.' In the year 1800, this reliquary was still
preserved on the high altar of the church.

1 The house where Ignatius lived with the Pascoals, in Barcelona, was
in the Cotoners' Street, the last on the left hand, at the corner, on the side
towards the sea. He had a little room at the top of the staircase, in the
middle of that floor.

FRIENDS AND ENEMIES. 73

As at Manresa so at Barcelona, Ignatius had many friends.
The lore of God which burned in his heart showed itself not
only in his charity to the poor, but in the deep personal
interest he took in the spiritual welfare of all with whom he
came in contact. Many remarkable conversions were effected
by him, and the fame of his sanctity became so great that
many of the principal people of the place sought bim out,
both to render him such assistance as he would accept, and
to profit by his advice and conversation. Among these are
mentioned the names of Stephana de Requesius, Isabel de
Badajos, Guionar Gralla,1 and Isabel de Sosa, all of whom
were members of distinguished families. But for himself
he affected most the society of those who were always with
him — his hostess, Inez Pascoala, and her son Juan, now
eighteen years old. "With them it was his practice to con-
verse every night on the things of God.2 Juan has himself
gratefully recorded with what simple earnestness the Saint
on these occasions counselled him to be diligent in frequent-
ing the Sacraments, to fear and love God's holy law, and
obey his mother. ' Ah ! if you had known ' — he would often
say to his children in after days — ' if you had known that
guest of ours, so holy and so gentle, you would never tire of
kissing the ground which his feet have touched and the walls
that held him : ' and then, weeping and striking his breast,
he would bitterly lament that he had profited so little by the
conversation of so great a saint.

On the other hand, as at Manresa, the piety of Ignatius
provoked the scorn and hatred of the ill-disposed. Certain
persons, having discovered that he was of gentle birth, began
to ridicule and insult him as he passed, saying that no doubt
he was some hypocritical knave who had disgraced himself
and his family ; and, little knowing the nature of the man,
they thought to intimidate him by threats of violence. The
Saint stopped, listened in silence to their abuse, then with a
placid countenance thanked them as sincerely as if they had
done him a real favour — which, indeed, they had ; for surely

1 The Grallas he had probably known in the Court of Ferdinand.

2 Juan was apt to be somewhat stubborn and disobedient to his mother,
after the fashion of boys of eighteen, and this was a frequent subject of
Ignatius' exhortations at these times.

74 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

meekness will better inherit the promised blessing if it be re-
viled and wrongfully accused.

The Pascoal family seem to have been rich tradespeople of
the place ; and among the Saint's foes were some young men
who worked in the house. Inez, in her indignation, would
have at once dismissed the offenders, but for the entreaties of
Ignatius, who protested that they could not say worse things
of him than he deserved ; adding that, anyhow, they did
but afford him an occasion of practising Christian patience.
This forbearance and tenderness so touched their hearts,
that they soon ceased their railleries, and he had the happi-
ness ere long of winning many of them to God.

Convent of Outside the walls of the town, between the Porta Nueva
uige s. an(j £ke porta San Daniel, was a Dominican nunnery, called
the Convent of the Angels, but which at that time might
have been more fitly styled the abode of demons ; for of con-
ventual discipline there remained not a vestige. Enclosure
there was none ; young men of bad repute frequented the
house at all hours ; in short, laxity had grown into licentious-
ness, and these nuns had ceased to be religious except in
name. All this was a matter of notoriety at Barcelona, and
Ignatius resolved, happen what would, to effect a reformation.
He set about the work as only saints know how. He went
daily to their church, and spent whole hours before the taber-
nacle praying to God for their conversion. After a while the
nuns began to notice him ; one told another, and they stood
in a group together behind the lattice, watching him un-
perceived. The length of his prayers, the fervour that glowed
in his countenance, the tears which he shed, excited their
curiosity ; they began to feel a strange interest about him.
Who was this extraordinary person ? and why did he come
there day after day ? They were told that he was accounted
in the city as a saint. Such visitors were rare at the Convent
of the Angels; they wished to see him and converse with him;
such an event would be a novelty and an amusement, if no-
thing more. But, vain and wicked as they were, they had
still a conscience and Catholic instincts ; and when Ignatius
stood before them, there was that in his eyes which told them

COXVENT OF THE ANGELS. 75

that his soul was the living temple of the Spirit of God.
Then the Saint broke silence — not in terms of railing, but
in accents which bespoke the anguish that wrung his
heart. He set before them the duties and the excellency
of their religious profession, the punishment they were
bringing on themselves by the life they were leading, the
scandal such conduct was giving, and the vengeance which
would surely come upon them from the outraged majesty of
God. Then he expounded to them the great truths of the
Christian faith, the End of Man — especially of such as, like
themselves, had renounced the world ; and he taught them
how to practise meditation on these things, and on the Life
and Sufferings of their Lord. These exhortations he renewed
from time to time, until they not only returned to the strict
observance of their conventual rule, but were confirmed in
the true religious spirit of their Order.

Meanwhile the men who had been the occasion of these
disorders were irritated to fury at finding themselves ex-
cluded from the convent, and twice they attacked Ignatius
on the road ; but, seeing that neither threats nor blows could
turn him from his purpose, and that the nuns, supported by
his counsels, persisted in their good resolves, they determined
to have recourse to a more effectual method. One day that
he was returning from the convent, in company with the Attack,
good priest Antonio Pujol, who had assisted him all through
his pious labours, he was waylaid by two Moorish slaves, near
the Porta San Daniel. These ruffians fell upon the two
defenceless men with such ferocity, that Pujol was nearly
killed, and Ignatius was left senseless on the ground. As
he lay thus, a miller happening to pass by, took pity on him,
and, setting him on his mule, carried him to Inez Pascoala's
house. For thirty days Ignatius lay between life and death,
his body one mass of wounds and bruises, so that he could
only be moved in bed by lifting the sheet under him, and
even this occasioned him the acutest suffering. Notwith-
standing which, he would not allow his hair-shirt to be taken
off him, until his confessor, Father Diego de Alcantara, a
Franciscan friar, bade him, in virtue of holy obedience, to
submit. While he remained in this precarious state, he re-
ceived constant visits from persons of the highest rank in

76 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Barcelona, to whose condolences he replied that great indeed
would be his happiness if it were permitted him to die for
the sake of Christ; nor would he furnish any information
by which his assailants might be identified and punished,
praying God to pardon them and bring them to repentance.
But there were other and dearer friends, whose anxiety and
affliction knew no bounds ; his beloved poor, who came in
crowds to see him, gathering even about his bed, and on
their knees beseeching Heaven to spare the life of one who
had been to them as a father. Their prayers were heard.
On the thirtieth day, there being no longer any hope of his
recovery, Ignatius received the Last Sacraments ; but from
that time he began to mend. Three weeks later he was de-
clared to be out of danger, and soon afterwards he left his bed.

As soon as he could walk, he expressed his intention of
going again to the Convent of the Angels. Inez, who felt
for him all the affection of a mother, conjured him, even
with tears, not to venture where certain death awaited him ;
but all to no purpose, for Ignatius replied that he desired
nothing so much as to give his life for God and the good of
souls. No harm, however, befel him ; on the contrary, his
self-devotion was rewarded by a signal triumph of grace.
For one day, as he left the convent, he was met by a merchant
named Bibeira, who, kneeling before him, confessed himself
the principal author of the outrage, and entreated his for-
giveness, at the same time solemnly promising to amend his
life, a promise which he is said to have faithfully kept. He
declared that he had been touched less by horror of his crime
than by his sense of the patience and charitable forbearance
which the Saint had shown ; assuring him, however, that he
had never intended to take his life, but merely to deter him
from continuing his efforts for the reformation of the nuns.

It was about this time that an event occurred which,
though it may not have been properly miraculous, was con-
sidered sufficiently remarkable to form subsequently the
subject of a judicial inquiry. Ignatius was returning from
the Convent of the Angels, and was passing through the
street ] De la Boria, which leads from the Plaza del Oli

1 Genelli calls it the street Belloc.

REVIVAL OF THE SUICIDE. , 7

towards the sea, when his attention was attracted by loud
cries proceeding from one of the houses, about which a crowd
of people had gathered. Hastening to the spot, he found
that a certain Lisano had hanged himself from a beam, in a
fit of vexation and despair, at having lost a lawsuit that he
had long carried on against his brother. The wretched man
had been cut down, and lay stretched on a bed, without any
signs of life. All possible restoratives were used by the per-
sons present, when Ignatius, seeing that their efforts were
useless, knelt down at a little distance, and made earnest
supplication to God for the salvation of his soul. Others also
did the same ; then, rising, he pronounced over him the name
of Jesus ; when, on a sudden, to the surprise of all, Lisano Eevival of
returned to consciousness, gave some signs of sorrow for the
crime he had committed, and in a few moments expired. It
was the common opinion at the time, confirmed by a formal
process many years afterwards, that at the prayers of His
servant God was pleased to allow the unhappy man to return
to life, that he might have time to make an act of contrition
for his sin ere he went to judgment. But all that is certain
is, that the bishop, having learned all the circumstances of
the case, gave permission to have him buried in consecrated
ground.

By this time the character of Ignatius had. come to be
well known in Barcelona, and his sanctity recognised, He
had begun to have not only friends, but disciples, among the
young men of the place, who looked up to him as their spi-
ritual guide. Even while at Manresa, he had sought some
to whom he could communicate his ideas, and who would
bear a part in the great work to which he had dedicated his
life, but had found none. Many now offered themselves as
his companions, from whom he chose three, and even these
did not persevere. Their names were Calisto, Artiaga, and His three
Diego de Cazares, the last of whom was attached to the
court of the Viceroy of Catalonia. Calisto had made a pil-
grimage to Jerusalem, by the advice of the Saint, with a
view, probably, of testing his constancy. He is mentioned
in a letter to Inez Pascoala, then absent from Barcelona —
the earliest of Ignatius's correspondence that remains : —

78

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Letter to
Inez Pas-
coala.

The

country-
man's
prayer.

To my sister in Christ our Lord, Pascoala.

I have thought it my duty to write to you, on account of the desire
I know you have to serve our Lord ; as also I believe you to be cast
down by the absence of that holy maiden whom it has pleased the
Lord to take away, and on account of the many enemies and troubles
which in the Lord's service you are subject to here, as well as of that
enemy of mankind who never ceases "his temptations. For the love
of God our Lord be ever striving to press forward, flying all hin-
drances ; for, if you fly them carefully, temptation will not be able
to have any force against you ; the which you must always do, pre-
ferring before all things the glory of the Lord ; and so much the
more that the Lord does not ask of you things which, from their
laboriousness, could be hurtful to you, but rather that you should
find joy in Him, and give the body that which it needs. Let your
talking, thinking, and conversation be in Him ; and as to the things
of the body, in order to the same end, always prefer the command-
ments of God above all things : for this is what He wills and
desires of us. Whoever considers the thing well, will find that
there is more trouble and pain in this life .... (here four or five
words are illegible).

There is in this place a pilgrim called Calisto, with whom I much
wished to confer about your affairs ; for, in truth, it may be that
you would find in him more than appears. And also, for the love of
our Lord, let us do our utmost, seeing we owe Him so much, and let
us the more encourage each other in receiving His gifts as He wil-
lingly bestows them on us. May it please our Lady to intercede
for us sinners with her son, our Lord, and obtain for us grace in
our weary round of labour, wherewithal our weak and troubled
souls may become strong and joyful to His glory.
Barcelona, Feast of St. Nicholas (Dec. 6th).

We may here introduce a simple story, which is referred by
the narrator to the time when Ignatius was residing at Bar-
celona. He and his companions were returning home, pro-
bably from some pilgrimage they had been making, when
they were overtaken by a stout peasant, with whom, as usual,
they entered into conversation. Observing their wan faces
and bare feet, and especially the halting gate of Ignatius, the
man offered to carry their sacks for them. They refused for
some time, but at last acceded. On coming to a resting-
place at night, he observed how they each sought out a
corner where they could kneel down and pray ; upon which

JUAN PASCOAL REJECTED. 79

he put himself upon his knees as they did. They afterwards
asked him what prayers he said. * Only this,' he answered :
' Lord, these are good and holy men, and I am but their
baggage-mule ; what they do, I desire to do also. And this,'
he added, ' is all I can offer to God.' The Carthusian, who
has related this in a treatise on Spiritual Communion, re-
marks that the peasant profited so much by the lights thus
obtained that he afterwards reached a high degree of spiri-
tuality, and of perfection in mental prayer.

In the choice of his three associates, Ignatius seems to
have been left to the exercise of a merely human judgment ;
but in respect to one of those whom he would not receive,
there is proof that he was supernaturally enlightened. This
was a young Catalonian, a native of Gerona, named Miguel
Rodis, who, moved by the Saint's exhortations and example,
ardently desired to be one of his companions. But Ignatius
answered him in these words : — e You will not follow me ; but
one day a son of yours will enter the religious order which,
by God's grace, I shall found.' This prediction was uttered
very soon after the Saint's return from Jerusalem, and there-
fore sixteen or seventeen years before the foundation of the
Society : and it was exactly fulfilled. Miguel Rodis became
an eminent lawyer, and married ; and his youngest son,
Miguel, was afterwards a Jesuit. On his communicating to
his father his desire to enter the Society, he was for the first
time informed of the Saint's prediction ; and both rejoiced at
its near fulfilment. But the Provincial delaying to answer
the request for admission longer than suited the youth, he
changed his mind, and resolved to become a Carthusian
monk. Twice the day was fixed for his entrance, and twice
an unforeseen accident prevented it. Upon this he returned
to his first intention, became a member of the Society, and
persevered in it to old age, distinguished for his religious
virtues, his zeal for souls, and his great austerity of life.

The other whom Ignatius would not receive, was that same Juan
Juan Pascoal of whom frequent mention has been made, rejected.
He had wished to follow Ignatius even before he went to the
Holy Land, but the Saint told him that it was God's will he
should remain in the world, and, at the same time (as Juan
afterwards deposed), disclosed to him the future course of his

80 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

life, and all that he would have to undergo. * You will
marry/ he said, *a woman of great virtue, and will have
many sons and daughters ; and on their account will have
many sorrows and misfortunes, which will be sent you by
God out of love for you, and for remission of your sins.' He
added that Juan would be reduced to great poverty. All
which actually fell out as the Saint had foretold. Juan's
eldest son was born deaf and dumb ; the second at the age
of twenty-two became insane ; the third led a dissolute life,
and one day fell down dead before his father's eyes. Of his
four daughters, three who were willing to marry wanted
portions. Towards the end of his life he was loaded with
debts, and reduced almost to beggary. But the Saint had
provided him with a balm for all these distresses, by assuring
him that, by the grace of God, they would be for his spiritual
advancement ; and, as long as he lived, he did not fail to
console his poor friend by his affectionate letters.

And now Ignatius had spent two years at Barcelona : in
the opinion of Ardebalo and others he had made such pro-
gress as to be fit to pass on to higher studies. But willing
neither to trust his own competency, nor to dispute the
judgment of others, he preferred being formally examined
by an able and learned theologian, on whose approval he
Alcala. resolved to remove to the University of Alcala, lately founded
by Cardinal Ximenes, where he would attend the lectures of
the most eminent professors, and avail himself of the admi-
rable system of instruction there pursued. Another motive
probably was his poverty, the Cardinal having provided
liberally for the education of poor scholars. Such numbers,
indeed, availed themselves of this munificence, so worthy
of a prince of the Church, that, on Francis I. spending three
days at Alcala, when still a prisoner in the hands of Charles
V., 7,000 students went out to meet him. On which the
royal captive observed, * Only a line of kings could have done
in France what has been accomplished here by a single
Spanish monk.'

So lasting was the impression left by the Saint in Barce-
lona, that when, fifteen years afterwards, his nephew, Antonio

THE FRENCH PAGE, JEAX. 81

Araoz, then a novice of the Society, came to the place, his Araoz at
arrival was no sooner known, than the house in which he
lodged was besieged by persons desirous of hearing tidings
of Ignatius. Many wished to join the new foundation, and
many more offered money for establishing a house at Barce-
lona; nor were they satisfied until Araoz had given them
some rules of holy living, which they received as if they had
come from the mouth of the Saint himself.

Ignatius arrived at Alcala at the beginning of August, but
finding that the schools would not be opened till after St.
Luke's day, October 18, he passed the interval in devotion 1?26-
and works of charity. As before, he lived solely on alms ;
and the first person he accosted was Martin de Olave, then a Olave.
student of the University, but who, twenty-six years after-
wards, when he was attending the Council of Trent, as a
learned doctor of theology, was called to exchange the pur-
suit of worldly honours for that of evangelical perfection in
the Society of Jesus. Ignatius, instead of occupying a room
in college, like other students, lodged at first in the old
hospital of the city; there, while attending on the sick, he
was able to render essential service to a young Frenchman,
a page of Don Martin of Cordova, the Viceroy of Navarre.
Jean, as this young man was called, wounded in a fray, The
had been left behind in the hospital until he should be

sufficiently recovered to rejoin his patron. But the Saint's Jean-
charity, his holy conversation, and, still more, the silent and
unconscious influence of his personal character, so wrought
upon Jean, that he resolved to quit the world, and he
became the Saint's fourth companion.

Ignatius had not been more than twelve days at Alcald
before he had to encounter, as usual, the contempt and ill-
usage of those who did not comprehend the motives of his
conduct, but regarded him simply as an ingenious beggar,
who, by a show of piety, added to a specious air of refine-
ment, sought to impose on the credulity of the benevolent.
One day that he was going out of the hospital in quest of
alms, a set of people got about him and began to insult and
make sport of him, having at their head an unworthy priest

G

82

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Hospital
of Ante-
<;ana.

The

haunted

room.

The

I)' Eguins.

Miona.

with senses so blunted that he could not discern the living
image of his Lord. Ignatius bore all with a most courageous
meekness ; but the warden of the Hospital of Ante9ana, who
chanced to be a witness of the scene, struck with admiration
at the Saint's patience, and indignant at the way in which
he was treated, took him to his own asylum. Here, either
because the warden left the matter to others, or because he
wished to test the sanctity of his guest, he was given a room
which had long had the reputation of being haunted. On
the first night he was disturbed by a most fearful din, which,
as he had received no warning, filled him with alarm ; but,
presently taking courage, he made an offering of himself to
God, to suffer whatever He might be pleased to permit the
malice of Satan to infiict upon him ; and from that moment
the noises ceased, nor were they ever heard again.

His three companions, when they joined him from Bar-
celona, were lodged at the house of a printer, named Esteban
d' Eguia, whose brother Diego was among the first who made
the acquaintance of Ignatius on his coming to Alcala. He
was afterwards a distinguished member of the Society.
Being a man of great liberality, Ignatius had frequent re-
course to him in assisting the poor and needy ; and one day,
when he had no money to give, Diego opened a closet and
bade the Saint help himself freely to whatever he pleased.
Whereupon Ignatius took out some coverlids, candlesticks,
and other things, and, wrapping them up in a sheet, carried
them away on his back, and sold them for the benefit of the
poor. For his director, Ignatius chose Emmanuel Miona,
who also subsequently joined the Societ}*. It would seem
that the three from Barcelona did not remain long at the
printer's house, for Bartoli says that two of the Saint's com-
panions (now four in number) were lodged, out of charity, by
Hernando de Para, and two by Andres de Arce. All the
members of this little society were dependent entirely on
private bounty ; they were poor, and the servants of the poor,
and they all wore the same dress — a loose tunic of coarse
grey serge, reaching down to their feet, with a cap of the
same colour. The people called them ' Los ensacados,' or
the men in sacks. Some double meaning may here be in-
tended, for Gonzales afterwards says that Ignatius was
warned that he and his companions would be denounced to

MATITIX SAEZ. 83

the Inquisition as ' sarjatij which the Bollandists interpret
l;>y '" inea.ntati, fascinati, aut quid simile.'

They all went barefoot. Whatever he received over and
above his own necessities, Ignatius expended in relieving
those who were in want, especially such as had seen better
days, and, from bashfulness or infirmity, were prevented
asking alms for themselves. But, though he willingly ex-
posed himself to the shame of begging in public streets, he
desired, as much as possible, to do good in secret, as this
instance shows. Martin Saez. a rich merchant of Azpeytia, Martin
who had come to Alcala on business, had a great desire to *"
see Ignatius, whom he had known in times past at Loyola,
and now heard everywhere spoken of for his great piety and
charity. Accordingly, he watched for him as he came out of
the schools, and, following him unobserved, saw him go into
a cottage, and, after a while, come out again. Curious to
know the object of his visit, Saez went in himself, and found
a poor woman l}"ing sick in bed. He asked her who the
student was that had just gone out. She replied she did not
know; only he seemed to be a saint, for he came there
every day to see and relieve her, and comforted her with
pious words. * "Well,' said he, ' when he comes to-morrow,
tell him you know some one who, if he wants anything for
himself or any other, will gladly supply it.' The woman did
as she was told ; but Ignatius, finding that he had been re-
cognised— a thing he took all pains to avoid — said to her,
1 My sister, hitherto I have taken care of you, but for the
future God will provide for you in some other way, and to
Him I heartily commend you.' With these words he left
her and never returned.

As yet we have said nothing of his progress in the schools,
but the story is soon told. With a view of shortening his
course, he went through everything at one and the same
time : the logic of Soto, the physics of Albertus Magnus, the
theology of Peter Lombard, and all the several commentaries
thereon, as given in the lecture-rooms. The consequence
was, that what with the multiplicity of subjects, and his want
of order and method, together with his natural impatience,
he made very little progress. Meanwhile his zeal was occu-
pying itself in other and more congenial ways — not in cor-

G 2

84 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

poral works of mercy only, but in spiritual works also ; and
that to a far greater extent. He applied himself, with all
his characteristic energy, to the instruction, conversion, and
sanctification of souls, not only in private but in public : he
taught Christian doctrine in the streets to children and the
poor, or, rather, to all who chose to listen ; he held spiritual
conferences after the manner indicated in the ' Exercises,'
and afterwards developed with such marvellous effects by
himself and by his followers ; and this he did both in the
hospitals and in the schools. He conversed familiarly with
the students, especially with those who were leading a care-
less or a dissolute life, or who, through their superior abili-
ties or address, had most influence with the rest; adapting
himself to their several characters and dispositions, and
striving to win their confidence, that so he might reclaim
them from their evil ways, and lead them gently on to the
higher works of Christian excellence. Few particulars have
been recorded, but the general fact is certain that extraordi-
nary results followed, not from any force of natural eloquence,
which, if Ignatius possessed, he had not yet cultivated, but
from the deep conviction with which he spoke ; from his zeal
for God, and his tender love of souls — of each and every
individual soul — which softened while it warmed the hearts
of those who heard him. In all which he began to manifest
that twofold characteristic which so eminently distinguished
him both as a teacher and as an administrator. For while,
on the one hand, he disdained all human considerations, and
abandoned himself entirely to the operations of Divine grace,
on the other, he availed himself of all human means to
procure an access for that grace into the minds of men, and
bring them to the obedience of the truth. This spiritual
sagacity grew and deepened in him the more he advanced
in perfection; and he bequeathed it as a heritage to the
Institute he founded, which in its conduct, as in its teaching,
has ever known how to unite, as it were, the forces of earth
and heaven ; and, while giving free course to the inspirations
of grace, ever exercises and utilises all the energies of the
human intellect.

Ignatius was become a meek man and a humble one : he
bore the grossest personal insults with an heroic patience :

THE LIBERTJXE PREBEND. 85

no provocations seemed to ruffle even liis external serenity.
But there was one thing he would not brook — scandalous
sin ; and one thing he deeply resented — an affront to God.
Where the honour of his Lord was concerned, he was bold
even to audacity — albeit an audacity tempered with a holy
modesty. An instance of this is recorded of him while at
Alcala. By a lamentable abuse, frequent at the time, but
condemned afterwards by the Council of Trent, young men
of family were allowed to hold ecclesiastical benefices, al-
though they were not in holy orders, and performed no
official duties. Such a personage there was now at Alcala,
titularly a prebendary of one of the cathedrals, but in fact a The liber-
gay young libertine, or, in modern phrase, a * fast man ' of
the University, but a gentleman to boot, whose position,
profusion, and popular manners, made him the head of his
set and the very pest of the place.

It is easy to conceive how Ignatius's righteous soul was
vexed by this twofold scandal to religion and to morals.
After imploring God's light and grace, he resolved to attempt
this youth's conversion. Going, therefore, to his lodging, he
asked an audience. The young man had heard enough of
Ignatius to be aware that he would be a troublesome ac-
quaintance. But the next moment, bethinking himself that
he must be come merely for the purpose of soliciting alms,
he desired him to be admitted, and received him with a
haughty politeness, which, while it barely veiled the con-
tempt he made no endeavour to conceal, left no opening, as
he thought, for any infringement of the ordinary rules of
social etiquette which his strange visitor might be medi-
tating. Ignatius, nothing disconcerted, begged leave to
speak to him in private on a business of importance, and
the young man, with an air of surprise, ordered his atten-
dants to withdraw. And now, left alone with the young
offender, Ignatius went straight to the point; he told him
what was everywhere said of him, and of what his flatterers
had kept him in ignorance, the injury he was doing his
reputation, his profession, the souls of others, and his own.
For a moment the young ecclesiastic was silenced by the
suddenness of the reproof, and then he burst out in a very
tempest of fury ; with language contemptuous and violent.

86 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

lie bade his monitor hold his peace and be gone: threatening
that if he spoke another word he would have him thrown out
of window. Ignatius listened to his ravings, and dealt with
him as a kind and experienced physician might deal with a
maniac. There was in him a total abandonment of self, and
a loving tenderness, infinitely more soothing, more subduing,
than any merely natural compassion or affection, for it had
its well-spring deep in the heart of God. The young man
felt himself moved : he had never been so addressed before ;
it was a new experience. The incidents of the contest we
shall never know till the Great Day of Revelation ; but when
the servants, who had gathered round the door upon hearing
their master's voice raised loud in tones of anger, were sum-
moned to his presence, they could scarcely credit the evidence
of their senses. They found the proud young noble address-
ing the lowly student with every manifestation of unfeigned
respect ; then, turning to them, he bade them set a cover
for his visitor, who would honour the family with his
company at dinner that day. Ignatius consented, in order
that he might the more effectually finish the work he had
begun ; but two things he would not do : he would not mount
the mule that stood ready caparisoned for him when it was
time to take his leave ; and he would not let himself be
escorted home by servants bearing lighted torches before
him, as was the custom with great persons in that day. The
young man ever after loved and revered him as a father ; and
was able, by means of his high position, to be a powerful
protector of the Saint and of his Order; and the Saint, in
his turn, ever regarded him with a peculiar affection.

Conquests like this brought others in their train. The
Hospital of Ante9ana became a school of spiritual training,
almost as numerously attended as that at which the Humani-
ties were taught. Persons of all ranks resorted to Ignatius
for counsel and direction ; students suddenly changed their
mode of life, and took to pious practices. All Alcala was in
commotion ; strange rumours began to get abroad : Ignatius
was a sorcerer, and deceived the people by his enchantments.
This, it was believed, accounted for the extraordinary influ-
ence he exercised over men's minds and the interior conflicts
which his so-called converts had commonly to sustain. Nor

COMMUNION KEFUSED. 8<

were these injurious suspicions confined to the vulgar only.
One thing clearly was a novelty ; that a mere unlettered lay-
man, armed with no ecclesiastical authority, should gather
about him a numerous body of disciples, shutting themselves
up with him for days together in secret conferences. Then
there was the singular and uniform garb worn by Ignatius
and his companions. In all this there was a mystery, and
there might be mischief. Moreover, they frequented the
Sacraments more constantly than was usual at that time,
even with good Christian people ; for they communicated
on all Sundays and holidays of the Church. To such a
length did prejudice carry even conscientious and well-
meaning men, that Doctor Alonso Sanchez, a canon of the
collegiate Church of St. Just, acting on the mistaken opinion
that frequent participation led to an irreverent familiarity
with sacred things, publicly refused communion to one of Cpmmu-
the Saint's followers, because he wished to receive it on the ^^
octave of a feast, as well as on the feast itself, and allowed
it to Ignatius himself only reluctantly and with difficulty.
However, shortly afterwards, God made him sensible of his
error ; for, one day as he was dispensing to him the Bread
of Life, he experienced at the moment so sweet a feeling of
devotion that he could scarcely restrain his tears. The same
day he took Ignatius home with him, and so charmed was
he with the manner in which his guest, as was his custom,
spoke of spiritual things, that he ever after entertained the
greatest reverence for him.

But the whole matter soon assumed a more serious aspect. Inquisi-
Exaggerated reports of what was passing at Alcala reached
the Inquisition at Toledo, together with secret intimations
from persons in authority, whose representations could not
be disregarded ; and it was resolved to institute a formal in-
quiry into the teaching and practices of Ignatius and his
companions. The circumstances of the time were such as to
provoke suspicion and alarm. Not to speak of the doctrines
which Luther was disseminating in Germany, and which
were beginning to distract all Europe, only three years be-
fore (1523), there had been discovered in the dioceses of
Seville and Cadiz a secret fanatical sect, the members of

88 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

which called themselves 'Los Alumbrados,' or 'The En-
lightened ; ' and who may be considered to have held some of
the doctrinal errors of De Molinos and the Quietists of the
succeeding century. They taught that prayer of complete
interior silence was the one perfect fulfilment of the law of
God ; that by means of such prayer they could arrive at a
state so sublime that neither good works nor Sacraments
were necessary ; and that in this exalted state they might
abandon themselves to the foulest immoralities without sin.
Such were the opinions which Ignatius was suspected of
inculcating ; and he and his companions were actually

Inquisi- denounced to the tribunal of the Inquisition.

Accordingly, Don Alonso de Mexia was sent from Toledo
to conduct the inquiry, in conjunction with Don Michel
Carasco, a canon of San Just. The judges commenced their
sittings on the 19th of November, and proceeded, after the
usual manner, to examine in private the persons with whom
Ignatius and his companions lodged, as well as any others
who had knowledge of their lives and doctrines. From the
evidence given, Don Alonso was so far satisfied of the inno-
cence of the accused, that he returned to Toledo, leaving
Juan Rodrigues de Figueroa, Grand Yicar of the Archbishop
of Toledo, in Alcala, to complete the informations. After a

Figueroa. few days, Figueroa sent for Ignatius and the rest, and ap-
prised them of the inquiry that had been instituted ; and
that nothing having been found reprehensible in their lives,
or erroneous in their teaching, they were at liberty to pursue
their pious practices as before. But as they belonged to no.
Religious Order, it was not fitting they should wear what bore
the appearance of a religious habit ; and that for the future
they should at least vary the colour of their dress : that of
Ignatius and Artiaga, for instance, should be black ; and
that of Calisto and Cazares brown ; while Jiian might retain
the colour he then wore : to all which they readily agreed.
Accordingly, all had their gowns dyed, and on Christmas Day
appeared in the colours prescribed to them. About three
weeks later, came an order that they should wear shoes,
which also they immediately did.

But his adversaries were too pertinacious to part with
Ignatius on such easy terms. Absolved from, the charge of
heresy, he had prosecuted his apostolic labours with increased

FRANCIS BOEGIA. 89

success, when, on the 6th March, a new inquiry was set on
foot respecting his proceedings. Many persons of piety were
accustomed, as before at Barcelona, to consult him on mat-
ters connected with the spiritual life ; and it so happened
that a married lady of rank was in the habit of going to the
hospital early in the morning, with her face enveloped in her
mantilla (as usual in Spain), which she removed when con-
-ing with the Saint. This circumstance was made the
occasion of a fresh accusation, which, however, only turned
to the Saint's greater credit. The charge on investigation
proved to be so perfectly groundless, that he was not even
summoned before the judge, nor was he so much as informed
at the time that he had been again denounced and acquitted.

For some few weeks he was left in peace, but then an in-
cident occurred which had the effect of changing Figueroa's
dispositions, and hastening his own departure from the Uni-
versity. Ignatius had gone to Segovia, to visit his com-
panion Calisto, who was lying dangerously ill. On his
recovery, he returned to Alcala, and had scarcely arrived,
when an officer of justice entered his room — he had now left
the hospital — and ordered him to follow him. Ignatius
quietly obeyed, and was taken to the prison appointed for
clerics, where he was told he must consider himself in cus-
tody ; that he would not be kept in close confinement, but
that he must make no attempt to leave the place till the Imprison-
authorities thought proper to liberate him. No further in- ment'
formation was given, and Ignatius asked no questions.

As he was being led through the streets on his way to
prison, he and his guard had to stand on one side to allow
room to pass for a numerous train of nobles and official per-
sonages, in their robes of state, who were doing the honours
of the town to a young cavalier, of whom the comely coun-
tenance once beheld would not be easily forgotten. This Francis
was Francis Borgia, Marquis de Lombay, son of the Duke of Borgia>
Gandia, then a youth of seventeen, who, twenty years later,
when himself in possession of the paternal title, and Viceroy
of Catalonia, was to cast himself humbly at that prisoner's
feet, and beg him to receive him as his subject and his son.

In the young nobleman's childhood his father's castle of
Gandia was taken and sacked during the wars of the Com-
mons ; the family fled in terror, and Francis was carried to

90 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

his uncle, the Archbishop of Saragossa, who kept and edu-
cated him, cultivating both his precocious piety and talents
for the accomplishments required in the youthful nobility of
those days ; and sent him, two years later than this inciden-
tal meeting, a devout scholar and a distinguished cavalier, to
the Court of Charles V., where he won the prize he long
coveted — the hand of Eleanora. de Castro. It is said that
when his musical skill was in request at the Imperial Court,
he sang only hymns ; and that in the critical moment of the
chase, when the dogs were about to seize upon the boar, or
the falcon to swoop down upon the quarry, he would turn
away his head, that he might never cease to practise self-
denial. But the first instance of reserve seems unlikely ; the
last we are told by sporting testimony is impossible.

A less disputed fact of this time has much interest. Borgia
seems to have studied the art of war along with the Emperor
Charles V., then about his own age, under Sainte-Croix, the
greatest military genius of that day ; and he distinguished
himself in the campaigns of Africa, Lombardy, and Provence.
Charles sent him to carry news of the campaign to the
Empress Isabella, who had ever been the kindest of friends
to him and Eleanora. But when her Court — then removed
to Toledo, where the States were assembled — was full of
splendour and rejoicing, a sudden illness seized the Empress,
?ga^moi and she died in a few days. It was the office of Don Francis,
press as nearest to the Imperial family, to verify the remains,

mouldering after many days in the coffin, when they were
carried to Granada ; and after seeing that fearful spectacle,
he resolved, as far as should be permitted him, to withdraw
from the world. Eleanora would not have dissuaded him.
When she was reproached for wearing a dress too plain for
one of her rank, she said, ' How can I care for rich garments
when my husband wears a cilice ? ' But when the Emperor
made Borgia Viceroy of Catalonia, he discharged the duties
of that station with admirable zeal and judgment. He re-
paired fortifications, introduced new reforms into the Church,
the magistracy, the system of education. He was charitable,
and often paid the debts of poor prisoners; when he was
forced to sign a death-warrant, it was seldom without tears,
and he always had prayers said for the poor soul. When he

THE PILGRIM LADIES. 91

became Duke of Gandia, his hereditary lands rejoiced in the
most active and munificent of landlords. His castle of
Gandia would hare been the happiest abode in Spain, if a
shadow had not hung over it in the declining health of
Eleanora. When Faber arrived there in 1544, on his mis-
sionary journey through Spain, she was dead. Francis
Borgia went through the f Exercises ' with Faber, and from
that time was in heart a Jesuit. The Regent Philip desired
to give him the dignity in Flanders, in which the Duke
of Alva afterwards made his name execrable, and it is
difficult not to regret Borgia's choice ; for he himself was not
always of opinion that it was well to leave the world for the
cloister : when his nephew, the young Duke of Lerma, was
inclined to join the Carmelites, then recently reformed by
St. Theresa, Borgia told him he ought to serve God in the
way marked out for him, and remain in public life.

The occasion of Ignatius's incarceration at Alcala, as after-
wards appeared, was this. Among those who came constantly
to hear his discourses, and who were of the number of his
most devoted followers, were two noble ladies, mother and The
daughter, both widows. The name of the first was Maria
del Vado ; of the other, Luisa Velasquez, who was still young
and remarkable for her beauty. In the excess of their zeal,
these pious women formed a plan by which they might pass
their lives in a sort of perpetual pilgrimage from one hospital
to another, ministering to the sick. On communicating their
design to Ignatius, he thoroughly disapproved of it., telling
them that it was a suggestion of Satan, to withdraw them
from the protection of their friends and bring scandal on
religion ; that if they wished to dedicate themselves to works
of mercy, they might satisfy their devotion by visiting the
hospitals of Alcala, and accompanying the Blessed Sacrament
when carried to the sick and dying. They allowed them-
selves to be dissuaded from their general design, but towards
the end of Lent, when Ignatius was absent, without divulg-
ing their intention to any except a few intimate friends,
they left the town on foot, in the guise of pilgrims, and
attended only by a single female servant, set out to beg their

02 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

way to the shrine of Our Lady of Guadaloupe and that of
St. Veronica at Jaen. Their disapppearance gave rise to so
many injurious reports, that the friends who were in their
confidence were compelled to declare the truth; and an
outcry was at once raised against Ignatius as the supposed
author of so dangerous a project. Don Pedro Guerillos,
their guardian, was especially incensed against him. ' Was
it to be endured,' he said, ' that a,n ignorant man like that,
a very beggar in the streets, who had come no one knew
whence, should disturb the peace of families, and under the
pretence of piety, expose young and noble women not only
to ridicule but to heavy reproach?' As Ignatius was a
student of the University, the matter would in the regular
course have come under the cognisance of the rector, Don
Mateo Pasquale, but because he was known to be favour-
able to the Saint, Guerillos preferred addressing himself to
Figueroa ; and as Guerillos was a person of much considera-
tion, and had been placed in the head chair of theology by
Xirnenes himself, Figueroa acceded to his demands, and
proceeded at once, as we have seen, to place Ignatius under
arrest. He was comfortably lodged in the prison of the

Inquisi- Inquisition at Alcala. Like that of the Sant' Uffizi at Rome,
it had nothing necessarily penal about it, for many of the
persons who were detained there suffered only in the less of
liberty ; but it was a terrible injustice that the arrest was
often made without letting the accused know what he was
suspected of. And the friends of Ignatius were allowed such
free access to him, that he was able to continue his spiritual
conferences almost without interruption. Among the nuni-

Navura. bers who listened to him with delight was Don Jorge Navera,
professor of Spiritual Exegesis, a man as eminent for his
attainments as for his piety, and a confidential friend of
Charles V. One day in particular, it is said, he was so
charmed with the Saint's discourse, that he let his lecture-
hour go by without noting the time ; then recollecting him-
self and hastening to his pupils, who were waiting for him,
he exclaimed, with the countenance of one transported out
of himself, ' I have seen Paul in fetters ! '

Many persons of rank offered him their services. Two are
especially mentioned by name, viz. Dona Teresa de Cardena,

IMPRISONMENT.

mother of the Duke of Mercada, and Dona Eleanor Mas-
carenas, lady of honour to the Empress, afterwards governess
to the Infante Philip. But his reply was always the same :
' He for love of "Whom I came into this place will take me
hence when it is His holy will.'

Seventeen days had now elapsed, and Ignatius had neither
been apprised of the nature of the charge against him,
nor examined. Figueroa during all this time had been en-
gaged in taking informations, which (as Bartoli observes,
with his characteristic fervour), so far from tending to in-
culpate the accused, seemed better calculated to promote his
canonisation. For, though there was no lack of accusers,
their allegations would not bear investigation, while the
testimonies in favour of the innocence and holiness of his
life and good deeds were numerous and irrefragable. At
last the Grand Yicar visited him in the prison, accompanied
by a public notary, and, among other questions, asked him
* whether he and his companions kept the Sabbath,' meaning
to discover whether they were Jews ; for some of these, pre-
tending to be Christians, secretly practised Jewish rites,
profaned the sacred mysteries, and were the most insidious
enemies of the Christian faith. To this Ignatius replied, ' I Acquittal,
keep the Sabbath (the Saturday) in honour of the Blessed
Virgin, but I know nothing of Jewish customs, for we have
no Jews in my country.' Then the Vicar asked him if he
knew the two ladies in question, to which he answered
that he did. But on his further inquiry whether he was
aware of their intention before they set out, he replied, ' By
the oath by which I bound myself when you began your
interrogation, I was not.' Pleased with his earnestness, the
Yicar, laying his hand upon his shoulder, said, smiling, ' That
is the sole cause of your detention here : yet I should have
been better pleased had you been more careful to avoid all
novelty in your discourses.' Upon which Ignatius said
gravely but modestly, ' My lord, I should not have thought
it was any novelty to speak of Christ to Christians.' Then
by the Yicar's desire he related what had passed between
himself and the two ladies : all which having been reduced
to writing, the inquisitor took his departure, saying that the
only thing now remaining was to obtain from them, on their

94 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

return, testimony in confirmation of his statement, when ho
would immediately sign for his release.

But five weeks elapsed before the ladies returned, at the
expiration of which time the notary came to read to Ignatius
the sentence of the tribunal. He was told that he was free
to leave the prison, as his life and doctrine were found to be
without reproach ; but that, for sound reasons, he and his
associates were at the end of ten days to lay aside the long
gown, and adopt the ordinary dress of students ; moreover,
that they were to hold no public assemblies or private con-
ferences, under pain of excommunication and banishment
from the realm for the space of four years, until they had
finished their theological course, since they were at present
but little versed in letters. The truth being (according to
Gonzales) that Ignatius was really in advance of his com-
panions, but still was not thoroughly grounded, as he him-
self used freely to acknowledge.

Prohibi- Thus, by a strange self-contradiction, the Vicar now pro-

hibited what he had only just before permitted and ap-
proved. Ignatius was at once acquitted and condemned ;
declared blameless in life and doctrine, and, at the same time,
silenced and discountenanced. He was an unlearned man,
and yet the Vicar could not ha 76 been ignorant that God had
often raised up men, and women too, who were not learned
as the world counts learning, to be both dispensers of His
truth and promoters of His interests. But Ignatius was ob-
noxious to certain persons in authority ; he was sure to be
for ever giving trouble ; moreover, he was eccentric, and he
must be made to dress and comport himself like other people.
In all which we see an instance of that narrow, short-sighted
policy which was so generally in favour at this time. Quiet
was the one supposed remedy for all ills, and to bring about
this desirable consummation, the only effectual engine was
repression. Heresy and misbelief were to be put down with
a strong hand, and by the same strong hand the only teaching
which could confront, defeat, and anticipate the evil — stifle
it in germ, and kill it at the root — was also to be crushed.
The same powerful engine was to be used against that rest-
less activity which was everywhere so fatally rife on the side
of error, and also against all zeal, energy, and fervour on

LOPE MENDOZA. D.i

the side of truth. This miserable system it was which
Ignatius was called to break up and destroy, and that not by
resistance to authority, nor by self-assertion, nor by any arts
of worldly wisdom, but by obedience, and by that super-
natural prudence which is the highest practical sagacity, be-
cause it derives its light from the Fountain of Light, and acts
simply for God and with a single view to His greater glory.
Throughout the whole affair Ignatius uttered no complaint.
He received the sentence of the Inquisition with silent sub-
mission ; only with regard to the prescribed change of dress
he said, ' When you bade us dye our clothes, we did as we
were told ; but what you now order we cannot do, because
we have not the money wherewith to carry out the order.'
Upon which he was commended to the charity of a worthy
priest, named Juan Lucena, well known at Alcala for his Lucena.
works of mercy, who offered to accompany him in quest of
alms. And now God was pleased to vindicate the honour of
His servant by one of those particular judgments by which
He sometimes manifests Himself. In the course of their
collection they passed by the house of Don Lope Mendoza, Lope Men-
where a number of young men were playing at tennis, with
a crowd of people looking on. Lucena approached and
begged a contribution, when Lope, who bore Ignatius a
grudge for having reproved him on account of his disorderly
life, turned to Lucena and said aloud, so that all could hear,
' Are you not ashamed to be going about begging for a
wretched hypocrite like that ? May I be burned if he does
not deserve the fire ! ' The words occasioned no little indig-
nation among the bystanders, to whom Ignatius was well
known, but this feeling was changed into one of horror when,
a few hours later, it became known in the city that the im-
precation had been literally fulfilled. On. that same day
news arrived at Alcala of the birth at Yalladolid of a prince,
afterwards Philip II., and preparations were made for a great
popular rejoicing. Lope was on a tower of his palace (he
was one of the chief nobles of Alcala) making arrangements
for firing off guns to celebrate the event, when a spark from
the match falling on a heap of gunpowder, it exploded, and
enveloped him in the flames. In his agony the unhappy
man rushed down from the tower to throw himself into a

96 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

reservoir of water that was near, but he had no sooner
reached the spot than he fell down and died. Ignatius in
after days was more than justified for the wrongs he had
suffered, for it was Alcala that furnished three of the first and
most illustrious members of his Order — Laynez, Salmeron,
and Bobadilla, for whose vocation he was preparing during
his stay at that town. Six years later, in 1546, Father Fran-
cesco Villanueva was sent by the Saint to found a college
there ; and, in course of time, Suarez and many other famous
Jesuit doctors taught in the University, and here also St.
Francis Borgia expounded the Holy Scriptures.

It was impossible for Ignatius to put himself, at the word
of command, in the position of any ordinary student; and,
seeing that he was forbidden to speak of Divine things, or to
labour for the good of souls, he did not hesitate a moment
as to the course he ought to pursue. He would at once leave
Alcala, and betake himself to Salamanca, where he hoped to
be able to prosecute his studies without hindrance to his
evangelical zeal; but, unwilling as ever to act on his own
unaided judgment, he determined to lay the whole matter
Approba- before the Archbishop of Toledo, Don Alonso Fonseca. For
t-j011 of the this purpose he repaired to Yalladolid, where that prelate
bishop of then was, and told him that, though no longer under his
jurisdiction, nor bound by the adverse sentence issued at
Alcala, he was ready to abide by his decision, whatever it
might be. The Archbishop listened to him most kindly, and
assured him that he would willingly obtain a revocation of
the sentence, but that he was unable to move in the affair
unless Ignatius lodged a formal appeal, and this he would
not do. Learning that he was on his way to Salamanca, the
Archbishop approved of the design, telling him that it was
his own University, and that he had friends there to whom
he would write on Loyola's behalf, at the same time promis-
ing him his services, and putting into his hands four golden
crowns for the expenses of his journey.

In the midst of the festivities with which all Spain was
celebrating the birth of an heir to the crown, came tidings
of a dire and hideous event, which filled the hearts of men
with horror. Home had been taken by assault, and given

SACKING OF ROME. 97

up to pillage ; and the Pope was even then besieged in
the Castle of Sant' Angelo by an army without discipline,
a savage horde of Germans, Spaniards, and Italians. At
once all sounds of rejoicing ceased, the people went in
mournful processions through the streets, and thronged
around the altars. Charles V. had ordered prayers to be
offered in every church in his dominions for the imprisoned
Pontiff; yet a few months before he had given the com-
mand of nearly half of these freebooters to the Count of
Fronsberg, who induced more than 19,000 Lutherans to join
him, bestowing only a crown upon each, but with a promise
that he would lead them to plunder Koine. Fronsberg wore
over his armour a cord twisted of gold and silk, which he
said he kept ready in. order that he might hang the Pope
respectfully over the gates of the Vatican. The other hah0 of
the Imperial army, Spaniards and Italians, were led by the
Duke of Bourbon, the most popular and successful captain in
Europe at that time ; and yet Clement, with an infatuation
wholly incredible, refused to be alarmed, and would neither
ransom his people nor provide soldiers for their defence ;
and Eenze di Ceri, whom he chose for the command of his
insufficient garrison and ill-protected walls, absolutely an-
swered Gui de Rangon, only two days before the fatal taking
of the town — that he did not want the 6,000 soldiers Gui
offered him, but would accept only 800 arquebusiers ; yet
Ceri at the time had not 3,000 men, and those were chiefly
new recruits. Clement would not leave his palace, nor
suffer the Eomans to carry off their plate and jewels to a
place of safety, even when the Duke de Bourbon, become by
Fronsberg's death sole leader of the turbulent army, was
stationed behind the Vatican and Sant' Angelo. Bourbon
himself fell in the first assault, but the army rushed in ; and
when the Pope, driven at last into the "fortress of Sant'
Angelo, saw from the windows the plunder and massacre
that spread over the city, and raged unsatiably for many
months, he was conscious that there were none to defend
him, either within the walls or without.

The Lutheran soldiers broke open the tombs of St. Peter's, Eome
scattered the bodies of the Popes and the holy relics, tossed
about the heads of St. Peter and St. Paul, then dragged out

H

98 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

the vestments from the Sacristies, dressed themselves in
priestly garb, and held a conclave in one of the chapels,
wherein Luther was proclaimed Pope. The rule of such a
Pope was suitable to his character — violence and fury reigned
and destroyed everywhere ; even the personal friends of the
Emperor, such as the Cardinals of Sienna, Araceli, Ponzetta,
were tortured with so much brutality that Ponzetta died soon
after.

Contemporary historians, even some not favourable to the
Papacy, give frightful details of the atrocities then com-
mitted : every house plundered ; churches and palaces turned
into stables ; sacred vessels and places defiled ; pictures of. the
great masters riddled with bullets, smeared with blood, and
trampled underfoot ; rich painted windows shattered and
Sacking of demolished for the sake of the lead ; rare books and manu-
scripts, the priceless treasures of the Papal library, thrown as
litter for horses, or scattered to the winds. No age, or sex,
or character was respected. Holy virgins, young girls, and
noble matrons, brutally outraged and then murdered at the
foot of the altars to which they had fled for refuge. Mothers,
unable to endure the sight, tore out their own eyes ; others
fled away into caverns, where they perished of hunger. All
the tortures that a refined cruelty could invent were em-
ployed to compel the wretched inhabitants to deliver up
their money and other valuables to the last trifle.

Many prelates and nobles and rich merchants died under
their torments : even the partisans of the conquerors, by
whose treachery and connivance the Imperialists had been
suffered to gain an easy victory, were not permitted to escape
the general spoliation. When the impious rout were weary
of slaughter and sated with plunder, they abandoned them-
selves to those gross buffooneries in which the mocking spirit
of the Reformation loved to display itself. They put on their
heads the hats of the Cardinals, dressed themselves in their
robes, and paraded the city mounted on asses ; they laid a
Cardinal in a bier, and carried him through the streets,
chaunting the office of the dead ; then, mounting into a
pulpit, one among them delivered a discourse of revolting
obscenity and blasphemy : others exhibited themselves in
rich stuffs of silk and brocade, and were accompanied by
shameless women, decked out with precious stones, stolen

SALAMAXCA. 90

from monasteries and reliquaries. And this iniquitous state
of things lasted for nine long months. The mind turns
away with horror from these dreadful scenes ; but it is well
to look sometimes with a steady eye on the calamities which
follow from outbreaks encouraged on the pretence of emanci-
pation, and the tyranny exercised by the professed partisans
of religious freedom. Clement VII. was condemned to wit-
ness these scenes from the Castle of Sant' Angelo, without
the power of arresting them, in the fearful uncertainty of
what his own fate might be ; and to men who had no faith
in the promise of God, it might have seemed that now at
length the rule of the Popes was at an end.

The University of Salamanca, the oldest in Spain, was
also highest in favour of wealthy and noble families ; and
the ' Bachelor of Salamanca ' was the commonly-received
type of an aristocratic roysterer, with something dashing
and military about him, as well as studious.1 ' From Sala-
manca alone,' says one who wrote in the days of Philip II.,
' there have gone out more subjects for the king's service
than from all the military regiments in the world.' But
although Salamanca was the chief resort of students from
the higher and wealthier classes, the number of poor scholars
was also very great. Cervantes, who was himself a member
of the University, has given an amusing description of their
poverty — their ' lack of shirts, and no superabundance of
shoes' — which reminds us of the hardships endured once by
students at Cambridge, even when they were fortunate
enough to be members of a college. Their dinner, we are
told, consisted of * a penny piece of beef, amongst four of
them; a potage made of the broth of the same, with salt
and oatmeal, and nothing else.' Their supper was not much
better than their dinner ; and, being without fire, ' they were
fain to walk or run up and down half an hour, to get a heat
into their feet,' before they went to bed. At Salamanca, it

1 The frequent disputes between ' the town and the gown ' were usually not
decided without drawn swords. It seems probable that this traditional hos-
tility, which we even now find active in Oxford and Cambridge, originated in
the jealousy with which the burgesses regarded several privileges accorded in
the middle ages by sovereigns all over Europe to the students of their Uni-
versities, in order to induce young men from a distance to enter the schools.

H 2

100

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Sala-

Ignatius

minicans.

seems to have been customary for young noblemen and gen-
tlemen to be attended by their foster-brothers, or by the sons
of old tenants and domestics, who became fellow-students
with their young masters. The poverty of our Saint, there-
fore, had none of that griin and grotesque appearance, even
at Salamanca, which it would have presented in after days.

Ignatius had stayed at Alcala a little more than a year.
On arriving at Salamanca, not knowing where to find his
companions, who had preceded him some time, he went
into a church to pray, when a pious woman, after looking at
him attentively, and recognising him as by description, in-
quired his name, and offered to conduct him to the house
where Calisto and the rest were lodged. The Saint at once
resumed his studies, and with them those other labours of
charity and piety which formed his principal occupation..
His fame had gone before him, and crowds were attracted to
his conferences. A strange and unheard-of thing it was that
a layman should be a public teacher of religion, the author
of a special system of spiritual training, and should number
even priests among his followers. There was a general stir
throughout the place ; the authorities became alarmed, and
deemed it their duty to search into the pretensions of this
new teacher. It is from Ignatius himself that we learn the
particulars of what took place ; they were taken down by
Gonzales, from the Saint's own lips.

He had chosen as his confessor a Dominican father of the
great convent of St. Stephen, and one day, before he had
been a fortnight at Salamanca, his confessor told him that
his brethren wished to speak with him. Ignatius answered,
'Be it so, in the name of the Lord.' The confessor then
said, 'It would be well for you to come and dine here on
Sunday ; but I must warn you that you will be closely ques-
tioned.' Accordingly, on Sunday Ignatius went to the con-
vent, accompanied by Calisto ; arid, after they had dined, the
Sub-prior (the Prior being absent), together with the con-
fessor and one of the brethren, led them into a chapel, and
they all took their seats. Calisto had on a very short gown
and a large flap-hat ; he held a staff in his hand, and his
boots reached only half up his legs ; as he was a tall man,
his appearance was very ungainly. The Sub-prior asked

EXAMINED BY THE DOMINICAN:?. 101

why he dressed in that strange fashion. Ignatius explained
how they had been made to change their attire at Alcala,
and that Calisto had given away his student's clothes in the
course of the summer to a poor priest, who required them
more than he did : as they had been given to himself out of
charity, so had he parted with them out of charity. The
friar replied, in an undertone, as though he were not well
pleased, 'Charity begins at home.' Then, addressing Ignatius
in a voice of much kindness, he began by saying how much
he had been gratified by the accounts he had heard of his
manner of life; how he went about like another apostle
teaching the people, and that it would be a pleasure to hear
full particulars from himself. First, then, he would ask him
what course of study he had followed. Ignatius replied that
he had himself been more of a student than the rest, but
freely declared that he had not studied much, and was but
ill-grounded.

' How, then, is it that you preach ? ' asked the friar.

' We do not preach,' said Ignatius ; * we only converse with
people in a familiar manner about Divine things — as, for in-
stance, after dinner, with those who ask us to their houses.'

* And about what Divine things ? for this is what we want
to hear.'

' We speak of this or that virtue in such a way as to make
people love and practise it, and of this or that vice in such a
way as to make them hate and avoid it,' was the reply.

Then said the friar, e You own you are not learned, and
nevertheless, you hold public discourses about virtues and
vices. These are subjects about which no one is able to
speak unless he has been taught in the schools or by the
Holy Spirit. You have not been taught in the schools ; it
therefore follows that you have been taught by the Holy
Spirit. Now this is what we seek to know.'

This mode of reasoning did not approve itself to Ignatius,
and, after a moment's reflection, he answered, ' It were better
to speak no more of these matters.'

' What,' insisted the friar, * in these times, when the errors
of Erasmus and so many others are being spread abroad and
are deluding the people, do you refuse to declare what it is
you teach them ? '

102 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

' Father,' answered Ignatius, ' I will say no more than
what I have already said, except before my superiors, who
have a right to interrogate me.'

' Remain here, then,' replied the Sub-prior ; ' we will soon
make you tell everything.' The friars thereupon rose and
hurried away ; and all the doors of the convent were ordered
to be locked.

Ignatius and Calisto were thus kept prisoners in the con-
vent, while the friars were taking measures for bringing the
matter before the regular Courts. They both took their
meals in the refectory, and so many of the brethren came to
their cell that it was almost always full. The Saint dis-
coursed to them on spiritual things, according to his custom,
and all the more freely because, being versed in sacred
knowledge, they were better able to understand and appre-
ciate what he said. There was soon a division among his
auditors. Many believed that the Spirit of God spoke by
his lips, and testified great affection for him. Others de-
clared that an unknown man and a layman ought not to be
permitted to assume the office of a teacher, and that a strict
examination ought to be made lest any dangerous errors
should lie concealed under an appearance of zeal and holy
doctrines. And here we may observe, that if the former
showed the finer and truer instinct, the latter were equally
to be commended for their caution and their anxiety to
prevent the introduction of false doctrine. Their principle
was a right one ; and Ignatius ever recognised and deferred
to it ; he willingly offered himself for examination, only he
wished to be examined by lawful authorities.

Frias. Meanwhile the affair had been laid before the Grand Vicar

Frias, a Bachelor of the University, who after three days
sent a notary to conduct Ignatius and Calisto to prison ; a
proceeding which showed that their detention was no longer
a mere precautionary measure, but a punishment. How-
ever, they were not placed in the dungeon with common
malefactors, but in a chamber above it, which, nevertheless,
was both comfortless and foul, having been long untenanted
and dilapidated. No beds were provided for them, and they
were both fastened by the foot to a pillar in the middle of
the cell, by means of a chain some eight or nine yards long,

THE GRAND VICAli.

in such a way that neither could move without dragging his
companion with him. The first night they passed, like
Paul and Silas, in praying and praising God. On the
morrow, when the news of their imprisonment was rumoured
in the city, numbers came to visit them, and, seeing that
they had only the bare floor to lie upon, sent them not only
bedding, but everything else they could require, and in
abundance, despite all Ignatius could say to the contrary.
As usual, he took occasion to converse on heavenly things
with all who came.

The Grand Vicar now examined each of them apart, and
Ignatius delivered to him all his papers, including the book
of ' Spiritual Exercises.' Being asked what other associates
he had, and where they were, he gave the Yicar their names
and informed him where they might be found. Cazares and
Artiago were accordingly apprehended and lodged in the
common prison, in order that they might hold no communi-
cation with their companions in the cell above. But Jean,
on account of his youth, was left free. As before at Alcala,
the Saint would employ no legal advocate, neither would he
accept any offer of mediation on his behalf, leaving his cause
entirely in the hands of God. After a few days he was sum-
moned into the presence of his judges, who were four in
number, being three doctors of theology in addition to Frias,
the Grand Vicar. They began by putting to him a number
of questions, not only with respect to the book of * Exercises,'
which they had all examined with the strictest care, but
also on many deep questions of theology — for instance, on
the Holy Trinity, the Incarnation, and the Blessed Sacra-
ment— that they might ascertain whether he held any
opinions contrary to the faith. Ignatius, after making his
usual protest that he was an unlearned person, and desired
in all he said to submit himself to the judgment of the
Church, answered with so much exactness and solidity that
his judges could take no exception to his replies. Then the
Vicar, who was disposed to press him more closely than the
rest, proposed to him a difficult question of canon law.
Ignatius first replied that he was ignorant as to what was
the opinion of the doctors on the subject; but not being
allowed to pass the question, he gave a fitting answer,
which resolved the doubt.

104 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Of one thing only the judges disapproved, that though he
confessed himself to be an unlearned person, he had never-
theless ventured, at the beginning of his book of the
' Exercises,' to lay down rules for distinguishing between
mortal and venial sins, a subject of much perplexity even
to the most enlightened theologians. Ignatius replied,
' Whether what I have said is true or not, it is for you to
judge ; if, therefore, it be not true, condemn the definition.'
This, however, they were careful not to do.

At last they bade him discourse to them after the manner
he was accustomed to do in public, giving him as a subject
the first commandment. Then Ignatius began to speak on
the theme of themes, the love of God; and as his heart
kindled and glowed with the fire which lay ever burning
within it, it was evident to all that it was no mere doctrine
he was teaching, but that he spoke from the depth and
fulness of his own experience. They sat and listened to him
as to one inspired ; then, when at length he ended, they rose
and took their departure, with a few words of encourage-
ment and grave respect. There was no longer any thought
of asking him questions.

Although Ignatius had been virtually acquitted, he was
still detained in prison, nor was he even released from the
chain. Among those who came to converse with him was
the Grand Vicar himself, accompanied by Francesco Mendoza,
who afterwards became a cardinal, bishop of Burgos, and
archbishop of Valencia; the latter, in after times, proved
himself a special friend of the Saint and of his Institute.
Seeing him in irons, Mendoza was moved to compassion, and
kindly asked him whether he did not find his confinement
hard to bear. To which the Saint replied, ' I will say to
you what I said just now to a noble lady who pitied me be-
cause she saw me bound with this chain — It is a sign that
you have but little love of Jesus Christ in your heart, or you
would not deem it so grievous a thing to be in bonds for His
sake — and I declare to you that all Salamanca does not
contain as many fetters, manacles and chains as I long to
wear for the love of God.' Some Religious in the town wrote
to condole with him on his imprisonment, and to express
their sense of the harshness with which ho was treated ; the

A DOUBTFUL ACQUITTAL. 105

Saint replied, ' he was astonished that they of all people
should be so ignorant of the immense treasures that are
hidden in the mystery of the Cross of Christ.' One night
all the criminals in custody succeeded in making their
escape, and in the morning the doors were found open, and
no one was left in prison except Ignatius and his three com-
panions. When the fact became known in the city, it
created a strong impression in their favour, and the magis-
trates had them removed to a commodious apartment in an
adjoining building ; but even now their fetters were not
removed.

It was not till after three weeks and a day from the time
of their arrest that Ignatius and his companions were brought
before their judges to hear their sentence. Nothing having
been found reprehensible in their life or doctrine, they were
free, as before, to teach and to labour for their neighbour's
good ; with this only restriction, that inasmuch as they had
not completed their four years' course of theology, they must
abstain from defining the distinction between mortal and
venial sins. After delivering their sentence, the judges tes-
tified their approbation in the warmest manner, evidently
with the desire that Ignatius should take their decision in
good part. But though more indulgent in its terms than
the judgment passed at Alcala, he felt that its effects were
practically the same. He therefore made answer that he
would comply with its tenor so long as he remained under
their jurisdiction ; but that he could not yield to it an in-
terior acceptance, because while they had pronounced his
doctrine to be free from error, they had at the same time
effectually closed his lips by the prohibition with which
they had accompanied the permission to teach. The Vicar
Frias, with many expressions of esteem, begged him not to
construe too rigidly the judgment they had passed, and en-
deavoured to dissuade him from leaving the town ; but
Ignatius persisted in the answer he had given. He saw
clearly that to lay such a restriction on him was to silence
him altogether ; it was impossible for him to speak of sin
without drawing the distinction between mortal and venial
sin: that distinction effaced, his teaching would not be
practical, and therefore not profitable. And further, if he

106 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

continued, as he must continue, to condemn all offences
against God, in thought, word, and deed, his opponents, who
hated the holy strictness of his teaching, might allege that
he was defining the character of the offence, and so had
disobeyed the injunction he had received.

Many persons, and those of high consideration, strove to
detain him at Salamanca ; but he was not to be turned from
his purpose. Gonzales here states that Ignatius had not
yet determined whether to form a distinct Society, as he had
already begun to do, or else to engraft his Institute upon
that of some existing Order, whose relaxed condition would
afford freer scope to the operations of his zeal ; to reform it,
and adapt its organisation to the accomplishment of his
great design. For the present, however, having commended
the matter to God, and perceiving that the obstacles he had
to encounter in Spain were not to be surmounted, he deter-
mined to proceed to Paris, where he could devote himself
more entirely to study, and would have better opportunities
of meeting with young men, from all parts of the world,
capable of sharing his labours, and realising his views. His
four companions, it was arranged, should remain to study at
Salamanca, still however united to him in spirit, until he
had taken measures for their being no longer dependent upon
alms; and, within three weeks after his release, he left the
Return to town for Barcelona, driving before him an ass laden with his
few books and scanty wardrobe.

At Barcelona his friends received him with delight, and
would fain have deterred him from prosecuting his journey
into France. Winter was setting in with great severity;
war was raging more fiercely than ever between Charles
and Francis ; the frontiers were infested with brigands, and
frightful stories were in circulation as to the cruelties they
practised. He would travel alone and on foot, though ac-
quainted neither with the roads nor with the language.
Seeing, however, that none of these representations were
of any avail with him, all they could do was to offer him,
through Dona Isabel Eoser, a sum of money, partly in coin,
partly in letters of exchange. This he accepted, and quitted
Departure Spain a few days before the close of the year 1527, or a few
for Franco. ^s ^Qr ^Q cominencement of the year 1528.

RESOLVE TO LEAVE SPAIN. 107

It had become abundantly clear that it was not on Spanish
ground that the Institute of which Ignatius meditated the
foundation was to take substantial shape ; the materials in-
deed would be Spanish, but they would not be either found
or formed in Spain. The reason of this in the order of
Divine Providence it is not difficult to see. Isolated by its
geographical position from the rest of Europe, and engrossed
with its conquests in the New World, and its own interests,
Spain took but little part in the solution of the great reli-
gious and social questions which had begun to agitate and
divide the Christian world. The swell of a movement,
already so powerful elsewhere, had as yet scarcely reached
its shores ; all was quiescent even to stagnation ; there was
no fermentation of thought, no conflict of opinion. Autho-
rity was on the alert to detect and arrest any disturbing in-
fluence ; and, as we have seen in the Saint's own case, * silence
even from good things ' was the enforced condition of repose.

But the elements of mischief were gathering strength
every day, and Ignatius had need of being equipped and
trained for the coming strife. Spain afforded neither the
fitting arena nor the needful discipline ; in fact, it had re-
fused to grant him room even for the first rude exercise of
his powers. To Paris, therefore, he was providentially led ;
because among the members of its ancient University, both
masters and students, as throughout French society in
general, there was a stir, ferment, and restlessness — a col-
lision, as it were, between the old times and the new, an ap-
preciation of the past, and an earnest looking forward to the
future — which placed him in presence (so to speak) of the
era which was passing away, and of that which was not yet
fully come. Here evidently it was that he could best be
fashioned and prepared for the work which God had appointed
him to do.

Paris at this time may be described as consisting of three
several towns, of which the University was one ; comprising
as many as fifty colleges and schools, in which resided the
masters, professors, and such scholars as had obtained burses
or exhibitions, or who acted as servants to the masters, and
were supported by them j as were the sizars originally at
Cambridge, and the servitors at Oxford. Here also were the

108 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

lodgings, either within the walls of some college or without,
of the great body of students, numbering at this period from
12,000 to 16,000. « The University,' to quote the words of
Dr. Newman, * engrossed as its territory the whole south
bank of the Seine, and occupied one-half, and that the plea-
santer half, of the city. The King had the island pretty
well as his own ; and the north of the river was given over
to the nobles and citizens to do what they could with its
marshes; but the eligible south, rising from the stream,
which swept around its base, to the fair summit of St. Gene-
vieve, with its broad meadows, its vineyards, and its gardens,
and with the sacred elevation of Montmartre confronting it,
all this was the inheritance of the University. There was
that pleasant Pratum, stretching along the river's bank, in
which the students for centuries took their recreation, which
Alcuin seems to mention in his farewell verses to Paris, and
which has given a name to the great Abbey of St. Germaine-
des-Pres. For long years it was devoted to the purpose of
innocent and healthy enjoyment ; but evil times were coming
on the University ; disorder was to arise within its precincts,
and the fair meadow to become the scene of party brawls ;
heresy was about to stalk through Europe, and Germany and
England would no longer send their contingent of students
to its halls. The time was not far distant when that ancient
manor, whither the Muses were wont to wander for retire-
ment and pleasure, would be let or sold to pay a heavy debt ;
buildings would rise upon it, and spread along the green
sod ; and the country would at length become town.' But
when Ignatius went there this catastrophe had not yet oc-
curred ; there was still the green meadow and the pleasant
stream ; there were even natural grottoes, and solitary places
favourable alike to studious reflection and devout medita-
tion ; and Montmartre was still a sacred eminence, standing
peacefully and solemnly apart from the hurry and the strife
of men.

The academic body was divided into four nations, called
after that portion of Europe to which the students joining it
principally belonged ; and each nation had its head and re-
presentative, who was called its procurator or proctor.
These nations were, first, the French, which included the

SCHOOLS OF PARIS. 109

centre and south of France, Spain, Italy, and Greece ; se-
condly, the Picards, amongst whom the natives of Flanders
and Brabant were numbered; thirdly, the Xorman; and
fourthly, that which anciently had borne the name of Eng-
lish, but which, in consequence of the wars of the fourteenth
century, was now called German, and included Scandinavia.

The ancient schools of Christian Europe, adopting the
order followed in the earlier ages of heathen philosophy, had.
professed the three sciences of grammar, rhetoric, and logic,
which made up what was called the Tnvutm, and the four
branches of mathematics, viz. arithmetic, geometry, astro-
nomy, and music, which were comprised under the term
Qii.adi'ivinm. These seven sciences again were comprehended
under the single designation of arts ; and the faculty of arts
constituted the staple of a university. The Quadriviurn was
also called philosophy. But in course of time, as the range
of studies was extended and elevated, philosophy came to be
recognised as * a science of sciences,' which included, located,
connected, and applied all kinds and modes of knowledge ;
the sphere and application of logic were enlarged ; civil law,
natural history, and medicine were added to the curriculum ;
and, lastly, theology, which originally had been little more
than comment on Scripture, was exalted (so to speak) to the
dignity of a science. So that eventually the whole system of
academical instruction was included under what were called
the Four Faculties, each of which had its dean : theology,
law (canon and civil), philosophy, and medicine ; in subordi-
nation to which were metaphysics, natural history, and the
Semitic languages.

There were schools also for teaching the Humanities, in
which term were comprised the rudiments of all that went
under the name of the Trn-ium, especially of the classics, as
distinguished from philosophy and science.

The professors were sufficiently numerous, though in ge-
neral but inadequately remunerated; the majority of the
students might with truth be called 'poor scholars,' and
their instruction was gratuitous.

Francis I. founded, in 1531, the College Royal for the
three learned languages, herein following the example of
Ximenes, Leo X., and Jerome Busleiden of Louvain. Greek

110 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

was but little cultivated at tlie University of Paris ; that is,
for the sake of the classical authors, though it had never
ceased to be studied to a certain extent by theologians. But
France possessed one who was universally allowed to be the
most profound Greek scholar in Europe, Buddseus — who, in
1529, published his celebrated ' Commentaries,' which have
been ' the text-book and common storehouse of succeeding

O

lexicographers.' An impetus was thus given to philological
learning, and especially to the study of Greek literature, in
the University of Paris, which inspired an instinctive and,
as the event proved, a well-grounded mistrust, however at
times extravagantly displayed, lest a disproportionate atten-
tion paid to Hebrew and Greek should become the occasion,
or be made the pretext, for a depreciation of the Latin
Vulgate and of theological science.

The innovations of which Germany had become the scene,
had begun so to attract the attention and sympathy of many
of the more ardent spirits among a population at once nume-
rous and excitable, as to cause no small alarm in the guar-
dians of the ancient faith. There seems, however, to have
been little supervision of the morals or the conduct of the
students on the part of the ruling powers, and a general
prevalence of carelessness and indifference in regard to those
of whom they had the charge. The state of learning was
low ; the school-books and methods used were antiquated in
form, and inadequate to the requirements of the age ; and
the teachers were indolent and irregular. This we learn by
implication from a letter addressed to the Parliament of
Paris, by Pere Barnez, when defending the Jesuits of the
College of Clermont. ' They have not,' he says, ' repulsed
the poor, and invited the rich; their exercises have been
regular, without intermission or remissness. No courses
have been begun and left unfinished ; order has been kept in
the classes ; the regents rise early, prepare themselves before
they meet their pupils, and enter the schools the moment the
clock strikes, not loitering and idling in the court ; neither
do they conclude till the hour is over. They do not allow
the students to attend only some of the lectures, or to fail in
rendering an account of what they are taught, or to omit the
compositions required of them.' A * more vigorous emnla-

LETTER TO DONA INEZ. Ill

tion, and a more uniform scheme of discipline ' was -wanted,
and, above all, a more earnest religiousness and a deeper
spirituality. This was to be supplied, as in other universi-
ties, so at length in that of Paris, by the followers of him
who, though a perfect proficient in the science of the Saints,
was as vet but a tyro in secular knowledge ; and who was
come to be a humble learner in the schools which, one day,
his sons, despite the discouragements and opposition which
they never ceased to encounter, were to enrich by their
erudition, and illustrate with their virtues.

Ignatius on first arriving at Paris lodged with some other 1528.
Spanish students in the town, and being now folly sensible
of the error he had committed in pursuing so many subjects
at once, and not allowing himself time to be perfectly
grounded in any, he determined on commencing resolutely
afresh from the beginning. For this object he attended the
classes at the College Montaigu, which was, in truth, a
grammar-school for boys ; to whom, no doubt, the presence
of so big a schoolfellow must have been a source of merri-
ment. His intention was to devote himself sedulously to
the studies of the place, and by availing himself of the pious
offerings of friends, to save the time which heretofore he
had lost in gathering alms. That his benefactors at Barce-
lona were not unmindful of his necessities appears from a
letter which he wrote to Doiia Inez Pascoala soon after his
arrival : —

To my Sister in Christ our Lord, Pascoala ; Jesus.
The true peace of Christ our Lord visit and keep our souls. Letter to
Having regard to the goodwill and affection which you have always I)ofia Inez<
had for me in God our Lord, and which you have proved to me by
your acts, I have thought it well to write to you and give yon some
account of my journey since I parted from you. With favourable
weather, and in perfect health, by the grace and mercy of our Lord,
I arrived in this city of Paris, the 2nd day of February, where I am
studying until the Lord order otherwise concerning me. I have
wished much that you had written to me .... whether Fonseca
answered the letter which you wrote, and which .... or whether
you have spoken to him. Commend me much to Juan, and tell
him to be always obedient to his parents, keeping the feasts, as in
so doing he will live long on earth, and also in Heaven. Commend
me much .... that her jewels have arrived here, and her affection

112 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

and goodwill for the sake of God our Lord are always present to
me; the Lord of the universe repay her, and may He, in His infinite
goodness, abide in our souls, to the end that His will and pleasure
be ever accomplished in us. From Paris, 3rd of March, 1528.

Poor in goodness, YNJGO.1

Ignatius was not destined long to enjoy the peace and
leisure which he hoped he had secured. Soon after reaching
Paris he had exchanged a Barcelona bill of twenty-five ducats,
which he entrusted to one of his fellow-lodgers, who spent
the money and was unable to repay it. The consequence was
that, by the end of Lent, Ignatius found himself completely
destitute, and was again compelled to beg his bread from
door to door. What he found even more embarrassing, he
was obliged to quit his lodgings and seek an asylum in the
Hospital of St. Jacques, whose inmates were not allowed by the
regulations to go out before it was light, and were required to
be within the gates before the evening Angelus. So that
Ignatius every day missed some portion of the lectures.
The inconvenience and the restraint he would readily have
borne, but the interruption to his studies was a serious dis-
advantage. In his humility he thought he would attach
himself to the service of some professor, like other poor
scholars ; and to make this at the same time an act of devo-
tion, he would look upon his master as representing Jesns
Christ and his fellow-students as the Apostles. But although
his endeavours were seconded by several influential friends,
one of whom was a Bachelor of the University, Juan de Castro
by name, and another a Carthusian monk, no one was willing
to engage him. He was now advised to go into Flanders
every summer during the two months' vacation, and there
collect among the Spanish merchants who traded at Antwerp
and Bruges, enough to maintain him for the rest of the aca-
demical year. This plan he adopted with success for two
vacations ; during the third summer, he crossed over to Eng-
land, which was still in communion with the Holy See.

For five years Ignatius had ceased to experience that
weakness of stomach which had been caused by his ex-
cessive mortifications at Manresa. Accordingly he now
began to multiply his fasts and penances, and, although, to

1 De bondad pobre, Ynigo.

THE THREE STUDENTS. 113

gain more time for study, he was constrained to discontinue
some of his devotional exercises, jet three things he was ever
most careful to observe : he heard mass devoutly every day ;
he confessed and communicated every week ; twice in each
day he examined his conscience, and by comparing one day
with another, week with week, and month with month,
he sought to ascertain with the utmost possible exactness
what progress had been made or what relapses suffered in
his spiritual course. All this time, too, he neglected no
opportunity of benefiting souls, but it was not till after his
first visit to Flanders that he recommenced his accustomed
conferences ; and being (as Mariani observes) one of those
just men, who are said in the Book of "Wisdom to be * like
sparks among the reeds,' setting willing hearts on fire, his
labours were requited by many extraordinary conversions.
His zeal displayed itself principally among his ovvn country-
men, for he seems never to have acquired much knowledge
of French, and perhaps it was from the remembrance of the
disadvantages under which he had laboured at this time,
that he made it a matter of obligation that the members of
his Society should learn to speak the language of the country
in which they lived.

Among the most remarkable of his first disciples, were the
bachelor De Castro, of Toledo, of whom mention has been
made — a man of great talent and a member of the Sorbonne ;
a student named Peralta ; and a young Biscayan, of the
family of Amadores, who resided at the College of St. Bar-
bara. These three, after going through the ' Spiritual Exer-
cises,' under the Saint's direction, resolved to renounce all
the former objects of their ambition, and to consecrate them-
selves to God by a life of poverty and prayer. Accordingly,
they sold all they had, even to their books, and, distributing
the produce among the poor, retired into the Hospital of
St. Jacques, which Ignatius had now quitted. It is easy to
conceive the commotion that prevailed when it became
known that three young men of so much promise, and two
of them highly connected, had been guilty of so daring a
breach of social and academical propriety. Their act was
declared to be one of sheer fanaticism and folly, as discredit-
able to themselves as it was dishonouring to their country

i

114 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

and their families ; and for this Ignatius was held to be
accountable. The Spaniards at Paris were furious against
him ; the learned doctor, Pedro Ortiz, who was afterwards
Imperial ambassador at Eome, and took an active part in
promoting the cause of the unfortunate Queen Catherine,
was especially indignant on account of De Castro and
Peralta, both of whom were his companions and pupils ;
while Govea, a Portuguese professor of great repute, whose
lectures Amadores attended, and who was also rector of his
college, protested that Ignatius had driven the young man
crazy by his extravagances, and deserved to be publicly
disgiuced.

One Juan Madera, who had known Ignatius in former
times, taking scandal at those expeditions which he had
Asking made into Flanders, had accused him of doing what was
derogatory, and consequently unjust, to the house of Loyola ;
as if his noble relatives were either unable or unwilling to
support one of their own kinsmen. Failing to convince him
by arguments, Ignatius had recourse to the expedient of
seeking the judgment of authority, and referred the question,
in the shape of a case of conscience, to certain learned doc-
tors of the Sorbonne : — ' May a nobleman, who has forsaken
the world for the love of Christ, go from place to place
soliciting alms, without bringing disgrace on his family ? '
The answers were unanimously to the effect that no sus-
picion of blame could attach to such a course ; and Ignatius
had shown the replies to Madera, not so much for his own
justification, as in vindication of that voluntary poverty
which had been ennobled and sanctified by the example of
Christ Himself.

Then as to the charge of fanaticism, doubtless Ignatius
had encouraged his disciples to practise the evangelical
counsels ; he had inspired them, with the desire of leading a
life of Christian perfection ; but he had not taught them
that Christian perfection consisted in voluntary poverty ;
there was nothing in the ' Spiritual Exercises ' to countenance
such a notion, albeit the practice of it was a most effectual
means to that end, and, in certain individual cases, might
even be necessary to attain a high degree of sanctity. Be-
sides, who shall limit the operations of the Most High, or

JOURNEY TO ROUEX. 115

prescribe the method or the measure of the attractions of
His grace ? But these were considerations which never en-
tered the minds qf the Saint's accusers ; spiritual perfection,
special vocations, were ideas foreign to their thoughts : all
they knew was, that these young students had done what
was foolish and extravagant in men's eyes, and destructive
of their own worldly interests ; and they were resolved that
he whom they regarded as the author of the mischief should
be held up to public obloquy. It chanced, however, that
Ignatius was absent from Paris at the time the clamour was
at its height ; and the occasion of his absence serves to show
the character of the man.

The young Spaniard who had appropriated the money en- Geneiii.
trusted to him by Ignatius had fallen ill at Rouen, on his
way back to Spain, and, in his extreme distress and destitu-
tion, bethought him of applying for assistance to him whose
confidence he had betrayed. Ignatius resolved at once to go
himself, with the double object of relieving the youth's
necessities and inducing him to reform his life. To obtain
this great grace, he conceived a desire of performing the
whole journey barefoot, and without taking either meat or
drink on the way. But while he was making his intention a
subject of prayer, a great fear came over him lest he should
be tempting God; nor was he relieved from his apprehen-
sions until he had visited the Church of the Dominicans,
and there renewed his resolution before the tabernacle. The
next morning, however, his fears returned ; and he experi-
enced so strong a repugnance to undertake thje journey, that
his limbs seemed unwilling to obey him, and he was scarcely
able, he said, to put on his clothes. Nevertheless, he set out
before daybreak, the conflict continuing until he had walked
the first three leagues, as far as Argenteuil, famous for
having in its church the seamless robe of our Lord. After
leaving this place, as he was toiling up a hill, with much
weariness both of mind and body, suddenly he felt within
himself such an exhilaration and buoyancy of spirit, that in
the gladness of his heart he lifted up his voice, as he jour-
neyed through the fields, and began to speak aloud and con-
verse with God. That day he accomplished full fourteen
leagues without being sensible either of fatigue or hunger.

i 2

116 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

The first night he slept in a hospital, sharing the bed of a
poor mendicant ; the second, in a little hut ; on the third
day he arrived at Rouen, without breaking his fast. After
ministering to the wants of the sick youth as long as his ill-
ness lasted, he paid for his passage on board a vessel that
was about to sail from Havre, provided all things necessary
for his voyage, and gave him commendatory letters to the
three disciples who had been left at Salamanca.

Scarcely had he taken leave of this young Spaniard, when,
in the streets of Rouen, a messenger put into his hands a
letter from a friend at Paris, informing him that his adver-
saries had taken occasion from his absence to spread the
most calumnious reports respecting him, declaring that his
true character had been detected, and he had been compelled
to take flight ; that he was a sorcerer and a magician, who
blinded the understandings even of otherwise sensible per-
sons by his diabolical arts ; that he had been actually de-
lated to the Inquisitors as a teacher of false doctrine and a
corrupter of youth. Even at Paris, where the proceedings
of these officials were characterised by great mildness and
justice, such a denunciation was not to be lightly regarded ;
and it was rendered all the more serious by communications
to the same effect which had been received from Spain. To
Inqui- show that he had not left the University with a view to
sition. escaping from the jurisdiction of the Papal delegates, Igna-
tius went immediately with the messenger to a notary, and
there procured a certificate, attested by two witnesses, to the
effect that he had started for Paris as soon as he had re-
ceived the letter. By his desire, also, the notary and the wit-
nesses accompanied him part of the way. On arriving, he
proceeded at once to the Inquisitor's residence, without so
much as calling at his own lodging on the way ; and, pre-
senting his certificate, declared his readiness to submit to
whatever might be resolved respecting him. He asked only
one favour, that the inquiry might be prosecuted without
delay, in order that he might commence his course of phi-
losophy on the feast of St. Remigius, which was close at hand,
free from all harassing distractions. Matteo Ori, a Domini-
can and a doctor of theology, now filled the office of Grand
Inquisitor at Paris. He was pious, learned, and human o.

MATTEO OKI. 117

He was afterwards entrusted by Henry II. with the difficult
task of endeavouring to recover from Calvinism his aunt
Renee, the accomplished Duchess of Ferrara. His intelli-
gence and engaging manners, it was thought, might give
him influence with her ; but the attempt, unhappily, was
made too late. Any prepossessions he may have entertained
against Ignatius, from, the exaggerated reports that had
reached him, vanished at the first sight ; he recognised at a
glance the kind of seductive arts which the Saint was in the
habit of practising, and replied, with a kindly courtesy, that
informations had been laid against him, but for himself he
was well satisfied of his innocence, and he might pursue his
studies without fear of molestation. Meanwhile, all argu-
ments and entreaties having failed to have any effect with
the three young students,1 a large party of their friends, well
armed, proceeded to the Hospital, and leading them, or
rather dragging them, out by force, carried them back to
their former abode. Here they were induced to come to an
agreement, by which they engaged to proceed no further
with their design until they had concluded their academical
course.

At the end of the time, De Castro returned to Spain, and,
after preaching for a while at Burgos, took the religious habit
in the Carthusian monastery at Valencia. Peralta undertook
a pilgrimage on foot to Jerusalem, in regular pilgrim guise ;
but in Italy, happening to fall in the way of a relative who
held a high military command in that country, he was by
him seized and taken to Home, where he was brought before
the Pope, who commanded him to return to his own country.
He afterwards became a canon of Toledo, and led an exemplary
life. Thus, in these, two cases, although the seeds that were
sown did not issue in the precise fruit that was expected,
they prospered nevertheless, and were abundantly produc-
tive. Of the young Biscayan nothing further is known.

Ignatius, as was said, spent his first vacations in Flanders.

At Bruges he was kindly received by a Spanish merchant,

named Gonsalvo Aquiglieres, a man of much influence in the

place, and full of a noble zeal for God, which he had displayed

1 De Castro, Peralta, and Amadores.

118 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

in preserving the Church of the Augustinians from the fury of
the Protestant iconoclasts. He had taken Ignatius into his
house from a pure motive of charity, but was soon led to
regard him with reverence and affection ; so that when he
was afterwards called by business to Paris, he chose to lodge
for several months in the same rooms with the Saint. A
Bruges. house is still pointed out at Bruges in which Ignatius re-
sided, probably the very one which belonged to his benefactor.
It was in the same town that Ignatius made the acquaintance
of another Spaniard, Luis Vives, a man of considerable
learning and ability. He had invited Ignatius to his table,
as he might any other of his poor countrymen ; but after
hearing him speak of God in the marvellous manner in which
he was accustomed, and with that profound knowledge of
spiritual things which distinguished him, he was filled with
astonishment : and, when his guest took his leave, he said
to those who were present, ' That man is a saint ; and one
day, I am convinced, he will be the founder of a Religious
Order.'

But of this Ignatius himself had a Divine foreknowledge,
as appears from an incident which occurred during one of
his visits to Flanders, and which was afterwards formally
attested in the process of his canonisation. He was dining
with some merchants at Antwerp, who vied with each other
in entertaining so honoured a guest, when, fixing his eyes on
a young man in the party whose name was Pedro Quadrato,
from Medina del Campo, he drew him aside and said that,
seeing he was one day to be a great benefactor to his Com-
pany, it was fitting that they should be friends at once, and
that he should know that he was under infinite obligations
to God for having chosen him to be the founder in his own
country of a college for the Society of Jesus. These words
of the Saint's, and the manner in which they were uttered,
left a deep impression on the young man's mind ; and at
length the time came when the counsel was followed, the
prediction fulfilled, and Pedro Quadrato, and his wife
Francesca Mansona, founded a college of the Society at
Medina del Campo. The lady, it is said, never failed to
repeat the story of the prophecy when in company with any
member of the Order.

EXTEPJXi; AT ST. BARBARA. 119

Tliis incident probably occurred at the table of Johann
Cuellar, a great friend of the Saint, with whom, he was used
to take up his abode ; and at no distant date a house might
be seen at Antwerp, opposite to the collegiate church of
St. James, which in former times belonged to that merchant,
and which tradition affirmed to have been the very house in
which Ignatius lodged. At the angle of the wall, under an
image of the Saint, was an inscription in commemoration of
this fact.

The summer of 1529 was now past, and on October 1, 1529.
in the same year, Ignatius commenced his course of phi-
losophy, at the College of St. Barbara, under a professor
named Pefia. But he was not long to be left in peace. The
tempest was lulled for a season only to burst forth again
with more than its former fury. The first trials which
befel him were of the same kind as those from which he had
suffered at Barcelona ; for no sooner did he begin to give his
mind to the subject of which the professor was treating,
than it was invaded by such a throng of spiritual reflections
that he was unable to attend. But his former experience
taught him the nature of the illusion, and he expelled it by
means of the remedies he had before applied. So also, when
discussing philosophical questions with Peter Faber — one of
his companions who shared his room — he would wander off
into spiritual discourse and be lost amidst the joys of Divine
contemplation, to the great hindrance of his studies, until
he made an agreement with Faber that such topics should
never be mentioned between them when they were occupied
with their books.

One of his friends, Dr. Frago, seeing the repose he now
enjoyed and the absence of all hostilities on the part of his
adversaries, congratulated him upon the happy change ; but
the Saint replied, ' They leave me in peace because I do so
little now for my neighbour's salvation ; but wait till I set to
work again, and then see what will happen.' While they
were still talking together a monk came up, who begged
Dr. Frago to help him in finding another lodging, because Frago.
several persons had died in the house where he was staying

120 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

The alarm of what was apprehended to be the plague, which had just
of p ague. ina(je its appearance in Paris. The doctor sent an expe-
rienced nurse to the place, who reported that it really was
that terrible disease. Upon this Ignatius went to the house,
and finding a sick man lying there, he consoled and relieved
him, dressing his sores. But soon after, feeling a violent
pain in one of his hands, he supposed he had taken the in-
fection, and so great a dread seized hold upon him that he
seemed unable to shake it off. Then, with a strong effort of
his will, he put his hand into his mouth, and kept it there
awhile, saying, 'If you have the plague in your hand, you
shall have it in your mouth also.' With this his fears
entirely vanished, and his hand at the same time was freed
from pain. When it became known in the College of St.
Barbara, where he then resided, that he had been in an
infected house, everyone fled at his approach, and he was
obliged to betake himself for some time to a lodging in the
town. His return to the college was signalised by an event
which marked a crisis in his fortunes.

On commencing his philosophical course, Ignatius had re-
Exhor- solved, in order to have more time at his disposal, and also to
resumed, avoid provoking opposition, to confine his attention to the
spiritual advancement of such companions as he had already
attached to himself, and not endeavour to gain others until
he had taken his degrees. But the desire which possessed
him to win souls to God would not allow him to remain
perfectly passive. He continued, as before, to speak to his
fellow-students on subjects which concerned their eternal
interests ; and the consequence was that, wlie-n the classes
were over, they would gather about him and take lessons in
that celestial philosophy of which he was so gifted a teacher.
As they listened to his entrancing discourse, so logical and
so persuasive, they felt themselves under the influence of a
master mind enlightened by the Spirit of God. They began
to lose their zest for other pursuits ; and the schools seemed
flat and sterile, as compared with those divine deductions
which Ignatius drew in copious streams from out the very
heart of the Gospel of truth.

This state of feeling soon made itself apparent to the au-
thorities. It was a custom at the college for the students to

GOVEA'S INDIGNATION. 121

hold public disputations every feast day, by way of exercise, Zeal of the
and in order to enable the masters to judge of their pro-
ficiency. But since Ignatius had introduced a deeper spirit
of devotion, numbers of young men frequented the Sacra-
ments on those days, and passed in the church the time
which they had been accustomed to spend in the schools.
Pena was highly provoked, and told Ignatius several times
that he had better attend to his own business, and not inter-
fere with the other students, unless, he wished to have him
for his enemy. But finding that his remonstrances were
useless, he addressed himself to Govea, who (as will be re-
membered) was rector of the college. Govea, who had con-
ceived an aversion to Ignatius ever since the affair of the
young Biscayan, took up the matter warmly, and resolved to
inflict a suitable castigation on one whom he regarded as the
pest of the University.

It was a usage of the time that any student who made
himself particularly obnoxious by his insolent or disorderly
conduct should receive a public flagellation in the college
hall. The masters and students assembled at the sound of a
bell, and the masters, seizing the culprit, struck him with
rods in the presence of the undergraduates, who were obliged
to attend. The punishment in itself might be more or less
severe, but the infamy that attached to it was so great that
anyone who had undergone it was considered to be excluded
from the pale of academical society. This was the degrada-
tion to which the Rector and Pena agreed to subject Igna-
tius, as the most effectual means of rendering him an object
of contempt to his fellow-students, and compelling him to
quit the University. Some of his friends informed him of
what awaited him whenever he set foot again within the
college bounds. For an instant his eyes flashed with indig-
nation, and his spirit within him revolted at the thought of
such ignominious treatment, but the next, reproaching him-
self with his want of courage, he mastered the rising passion.
' Ass that thou art,' he said to himself, ' it is vain for thee to
kick against the pricks ! Forward, and get thee on, or I
will drag thee to the spot ! ' He then directed his steps
towards St. Barbara's, and, as he entered, the gates were
closed behind him, and the bell began to ring. He desired

122 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Interview to see the Rector, who had not yet left his rooms, and, being
Govea. admitted, addressed him at once in a tone of earnest expos-
tulation : — ' As far as I am myself concerned,' he said, ( I
should desire nothing better than to bear stripes and shame
for the sake of Jesus Christ, as indeed I have already borne
imprisonment and chains, and have never uttered a word in
self- exculpation, nor would I allow any advocate to plead on
my behalf. But now it is not my interest or honour only
that is at stake, but the eternal salvation of numerous souls,
who will be scandalised in me, and thereby be imperilled.
And I ask you,' he continued, ' whether it be an act of
Christian justice to permit a man to be publicly disgraced
whose only crime it is to have laboured to make the name of
Jesus better known and loved ? Is it right— as you would
answer before God — to put this open shame upon me solely
with a view of detaching from me those whom I have drawn
to myself only that I might bring them to God ? ' As he ut-
tered these words, the Rector's eyes seemed opened, and for a
The result, moment tears were his only answer. Then, taking Ignatius
by the hand, he led him into the hall where the masters and
students were already gathered ; and there, before them all,
the good man threw himself on his knees at the Saint's feet,
and entreated him to pardon the insult he had offered him,
and to pray for him that God would forgive the offence he
had committed against Him in the person of His servant.

Thus, what was designed by his enemies for his confu-
sion, served only to increase his credit and influence; in
fact, it raised him at once to a position such as he had never
before occupied, and eventually produced important conse-
quences. For many years afterwards, when the Society had
become a Religious Order, it was this same Govea who peti-
tioned the King of Portugal, Joam III., to employ the com-
panions of Ignatius in the conversion of the Indies; and
thus an occurrence which seemed at first to be fraught with
disastrous consequences to the Saint's designs, was instru-
mental in sending St. Francis Xavier and his heroic fol-
lowers to the Eastern world.

The opinion of a man so highly regarded as the Rector —
an opinion expressed with such singular demonstrations of

DIVORCE OF HENRY VHI. 123

respect — could not fail to render Ignatius the object of
general notice, and greatly to swell the numbers of his dis-
ciples. Masters, as well as scholars, listened willingly to
him. Pena himself, his jealous enemy, not only sought his
friendship, but held him ever after in the highest reverence,
as also did Moscoso and De Yallo, chief lecturers in the
University, and in particular Martial, the professor of
theology. The last, indeed, amazed at the extraordinary
insight into Divine things which his friend possessed, and
feeling what fresh lights he was himself deriving every day
from his intercourse with so profound a theologian, would
have had him take his degree of Doctor in Theology even
before he had completed his course of philosophy ; but this,
in his humility, Ignatius refused to do. The circumstance,
however, is a significant commentary on the sentence passed
at Alcala, by which he was prohibited from teaching Christian
doctrine because he had not sufficiently studied the science of
theology.

In the summer of 1530, Ignatius came to London. That 1530.
year was a fatal one to England. The question of the
divorce was agitating not this country alone, but the whole Divorce of
Christian world. The most celebrated Universities were
consulted on the subject, and by means of bribery and in-
trigue, not to say open violence, favourable answers, real or
pretended, were obtained from Oxford and Cambridge, as
well as from Bologna, Padua, and Ferrara. In Germany,
however, not a single public body, including even Protestant
consistories, could be induced to espouse the cause of Henry
— perhaps not to displease the Emperor Charles — and at
Paris the different Faculties, despite the known wishes and
expressed commands of Francis, remained decidedly hostile ;
until by dexterous management a plurality of voices was
secured in a single instance, and an attested copy of the vote
thus extracted was forwarded to England, and published by
Henry as the free and formal decision of the whole Univer-
sity. To a menacing remonstrance dictated by Henry, but
which purported to come from the English nation, Pope
Clement replied that he was ready to show the King every
indulgence compatible with justice, but that he would not

124 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

violate the immutable commandments of God. Henry was
embarrassed, and even declared , in private his intention of
abandoning his purpose, when he was confirmed in his reso-
lution by the unscrupulous counsels of one bold, bad man.

Thomas Cromwell, who had already enriched himself by
the plunder of the lesser monasteries, and who ere long was
to amass great wealth by wholesale sacrilege, sought the
royal presence, determined (in his own words) to "' make or
to mar.' ' The King's difficulties,' he said, ' arose from the
timidity of his advisers. The learned and the Universities
Crom- had pronounced in favour of the divorce — was so great a
advice. sovereign to be thwarted in his rights by a Eoman pontiff?
Let him imitate the princes of Germany, who had thrown off
the yoke of Rome, and, with the authority of Parliament,
declare himself the head of the Church within his own
realm. His supremacy once recognised, the prelates, sensible
that their lives and fortunes were at his disposal, would
become the obsequious ministers of his will.' To this advice
Henry lent a ready ear, and from that moment the severance
of England from the communion of the Church may be said
to have been already in intention consummated.

The reports of this apostasy must have been as gall and
wormwood to the heart of Ignatius, filling it at once with
a righteous indignation at the wickedness of Henry and his
counsellors, and with a consuming pity for a noble people.
Ignatius in And, peradventure, as he knelt in prayer before Our Lady's
picture near the Tower, or traversed deep in meditation the
long line of road that led to Tyburne, the veil of the future
may have been lifted for a moment, and his prescient eye
have foreseen the day, and gloried in the thought, when his
heroic sons, with others as brave and good, would encounter
the ignominy and all the frightful horrors of a traitor's
doom, rather than stoop to acknowledge, by word or sign, a
supremacy as much opposed to the rightful liberties of a
Christian man as to the inalienable prerogatives of the Yicar
of Jesus Christ. No record has been bequeathed to us of
what befell the Saint during the short sojourn he made in
this island ; we are left therefore to our own conjectures.
That he would visit the famous and not yet desecrated shrino
of St. Thomas of Canterbury, either on his way to London

MARTYRDOM OF CHARTERHOUSE MONKS. 125

or on his return, to France, we may regard as well-nigh
certain ; and as more certain still that he would go some-
times to pray at the tomb of St. Edward the Confessor in
the abbey church of Westminster. It is probable, too, that
he was hospitably received at the Charterhouse by the
Carthusian monks, whose brethren in Paris were amongst
his closest friends, and who ere long would, with one un-
happy exception, choose death in its most revolting forms
rather than admit Henry's impious claim. Some were Martyr-
hanged under circumstances of peculiar atrocity; the rest charter-
were left to perish of disease and starvation in prison.1 tous®

* monks.

With all these devoted men Ignatius had probably held
conference on the miseries and dangers of the time. His
chief haunts would be the houses of the Spanish merchants,
who at that time clustered together near the river, in the
neighbourhood of Old Broad Street, where the Spanish am-
bassador occupied what was called Winchester House. One
thing only we know as a historical fact, that amongst his
countrymen in London the Saint met with more generous
benefactors than he had found even in the Flemish towns.

After the first three years, he was relieved from the ne-
cessity of taking such long and troublesome journeys, by
the charity of the Flemish merchants, who, having acquired
a more intimate knowledge both of his needs and of his
virtues, adopted measures by which their contributions were
paid into his hands at Paris. By means of these resources
and of monies which he occasionally received from his friends
in Spain, not only were his own necessities supplied, but
he was enabled to provide for several of his companions, as .
well as for a number of poor persons.

i The fact is thus communicated to Cromwell bv Bedyll, one of the
Visitors : — ' It shall please your lordship to understand that the monks of
the Charterhouse here at London, committed to Xewgate for their treacher-
ous behaviour continued against the King's grace, be almost despatched by
the hand of God, as may appear by this bill enclosed. Wherefore, consider-
ing their behaviour, and the whole matter, I am not sorry, but would that
all such as love not the King's highness, and his worldly honour, were in
like case. There be departed, Greenwood, Davye, Saltc, Pierson, Greene.
There be at the point of death, Sonisen, Reading. There be sick, Jonson,
Home. One is whole, Bird.

126 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

It may have occurred to the reader to inquire whether

Ignatius had held any communication with his own family

all this time, since the day on which he sent back his

brother's servants from Navarrette, when on his way to

Letter Monserrato. From the following letter, bearing date, ' Paris,

brother, 1532,' we learn that he had written to Don Martin shortly

before, and had received his reply : —

You tell me (he writes) that you are greatly rejoiced at my
breaking silence at last, but you need not be surprised at tlie course
I adopted. A deep wound requires different treatment at first from
what it does after a while, and when it is nearly healed. And so
that which would have been injurious to me at one time, I was able
to do without harm at another. To say the whole truth, I would
have written to you five or six years ago, but for two things that
prevented me. The first was my studies and my numerous con-
nections, and those not of a worldly kind. The second was, that I
had no reason to suppose that my letters would promote the glory
of God, or the good of my friends and relatives, according to the
flesh, to the end we might aid one another in the things which
endure for ever. In very truth, I can love no one in this life
except in and for God; seeing that God loves no one with His
whole heart who loves anything whatever for itself and not for
Him. When two persons, one of whom is allied to us and the
other is not, equally serve God, He is pleased that we shall feel
more affection for our relative or our benefactor than for him who
is neither one nor the other. The charity without which we cannot
attain to life is called love ; and it is by this that we love the Lord
our God for Himself, and all other things for His sake also. It is
my great desire, and more than my great desire (if I may so
express myself), that this true charity should become perfect in you,
and in all my relatives and friends, and that you should consecrate
all your powers to the service and praise of God our Lord, so that
I may love you and serve you ever more and more ; for to serve the
servants of my Master is my triumph and my glory. And it is
this same love that constrains me to declare that I desire with all
my heart to be admonished and corrected with sincerity, and not
out of a vain mundane glory. For a man to expend all his care and
solicitude in building and enlarging houses, increasing his revenues
and his state, and leaving a great name behind him — it is not for
me to condemn him ; but neither do I commend him ; since, as St.
Paul says, we ought to use this world as if we used it not. If per-
adventure, as I trust, you know these things, even though but in

LETTER TO ISABEL ROSER. 127

part, I conjure you by the fear and love of God to strive to obtain
glory in heaven and a good remembrance before the Lord, who will
one day be our judge. For He has given you temporal goods in
abundance, to the end you might acquire heavenly goods, and give
your children, your servants, and all those of whom you have the
charge, good example and salutary lessons, with likewise just
guidance, doing much good to the poor, to orphans and to all who
are in need. It behoves us not to be niggardly to others, seeing
that God our Lord has been so bountiful to us. So much rest and
so much good shall we have hereafter as we have procured for
others here ; and as you can do much in the country where you live,
I conjure you again and again, by the Love of our Lord Jesus
Christ, to endeavour, not only to think of these things, but to will
and to do them.

Later in the same year, the Saint wrote to Dona Isabel To Isabel
Eoser, to console her for the loss of one who was dear to her;
and to fortify her under the many trials to which she was
subjected on account of her devout life. The letter is not
uninteresting : —

To my Sister in Christ our Lord, Isabel Roser, at Barcelona.

By Dr. Benet I received three letters from your hand, and twenty
ducats. May God our Lord reckon them to you in the day of judg-
ment, and repay you for me, as I hope in His Divine goodness He
will do, in good and sterling coin.

In your first letter you say that the will of God our Lord has
been accomplished in the removal of Las Canillas to another land,
and her separation from you in this life. In truth, I cannot feel
sorry for her, but for ourselves, who remain behind in this place of
endless toil, and trouble, and misery ; for as in this life I knew her
to be loved and cherished by her Creator and Lord, I readily be-
lieve she will be received and welcomed by Him, and will care little
for the palaces, pomps, riches, and vanities of this world. You
write me also the excuses of our sisters in Christ our Lord ; they
owe me nothing, but I am their debtor for ever.

In your second, you tell me of your late illness, and the great
pain you still suffer. Truly, I cannot help feeling sorry for you
from my heart, for I wish you all the good and prosperity im-
aginable, which can further in you the glory and service of God
our Lord. Yet, when I consider that these illnesses and other
temporal misfortunes are very often from the hand of God, in order
that we may better understand, and better lose the love of created

128 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

things, and more entirely feel how short this life of ours is, in order
to adorning ourselves for the other which lasts for ever, when I
reflect that in these things He visits those whom He loves much, I
cannot feel sorrow or pain ; for I think that a servant of God rises
from an illness half a doctor, able to direct and order his life to the
glory of God our Lord.

In your third letter you tell me with what snares, artifices, and
falsehoods you have been environed on all sides. Nothing surprises
me in this, not even if it had been much greater ; for from the hour
you determined to seek with all your power the glory, honour, and
service of God, you offered battle to all the world, you raised your
standard against it, you set yourself to tilt at all high things, em-
bracing lowly ones, striving to take equally the high and the low,
honour and dishonour, riches and poverty, the agreeable and the
disagreeable, the precious and the vile — in fine, the glory of the
world and all its injuries. We cannot much regard the insults of
the world when they do not go further than words, for these cannot
hurt a hair of our heads ; offensive, injurious, and violent words no
longer cause either pain or pleasure when they are desired. If we
desire to be praised and honoured by our neighbours, we cannot be
well rooted in God our Lord ; nor is it possible to remain un-
wounded when affronts are offered us. If, therefore, I was glad
that the world should reproach you, I was quite as sorry at the
thought that you should be seeking for remedies by way of antidote
to all your misfortunes, pains, and troubles.

May it please the Mother of God to obtain for you a perfect pa-
tience and constancy, considering the greater injuries and insults
which Christ our Lord suffered for us ; and that without sin in
others, still greater humiliations may befal you, that you may gain
more and more merit. If we find not this patience in us, we have
reason to complain of our own carnal state, and of not being as
mortified and dead to earthly things as we ought to be ; not of
those who injure us : for they do but give us means of gaining
greater treasures and riches than any man can heap together in this
world.

From Paris, November 10, 1532.

I see in Artenga, and in many persons of Alcala and Salamanca,
a great constancy in the service of God our Lord, to Whom be infi-
nite thanks therefor. I have written, as you bade me, to La Gralla,
about peace ; and the letter goes in that to Pascoal, as also to La
Zepilla.1

1 This was probably the Senora Rocaberti.

TAKES A DEGREE. ll>9

On the 13th of March Ignatius took his degree of licen- 1533.
tiate, after passing the examination, -which was called the Baking a

Degree.

* petra ' or ' rigorosum,' because of its severity. The fee
which was paid bj every candidate was a golden crown, and
there were also exactions in the shape of perquisites to dif-
ferent officials ; all which made the charge so high that poor
scholars were unable to defray the expense. Ignatius him-
self hesitated for some time whether he should try for the
degree under such conditions, but left the matter at last to
the judgment of Peiia. who advised him to proceed. He
alludes to the degree he had taken, and the heavy payments
he had been obliged to make, in a letter to Dona Inez
Pascoala, where also we find allusions to several of his Bar-
celona friends : —

Although I have answered your letter, I have thought to write To In z
you this as well, because I know yon much wish me to do so ; as
also in order to pursue my studies better than I have hitherto been
able ; for this Lent I have become a Master, and have had to expend
in unavoidable ways more than my degree required, or I could
afford; and having been thus much burdened, there is great need
that God our Lord should assist you. To this end I wrote to La
Zepilla, who, in a letter she sent me, offered in the handsomest
manner (en. gran manera) to assist me with all her power, begginsr
me to tell her whatever I had need of. I wrote also to Isabel
Roser, but not to ask her for anything ; for she told me in a letter
I must not wonder at her being no longer able to provide for me as
she would wish, on account of her own great necessities. I do not
doubt it ; and I can safely say that she has done more for me than
she was well able, and that I owe her accordingly more than I shall
ever be able to repay. I think you ought not to let her know any-
thing of the straits in which I am, in order not to distress her for
not having been able to assist me when I left. The wife of Mosen
Gralla made many offers to help me in my studies, and she has
always done so. Dona Isabel de Sosa also offered, and Dona
Aldonza de Cordova, who has already helped me. To these three I
do not write, in order not to appear importunate ; I beg you to
commend me much to them. As to La Gralla, I think that when
she is made aware, she will wish to contribute to the alms which
are sent me. In her case, and that of the others, you will do as
appears best to you ; for I shall always hold that to be best, and
shall always be content ; for I am still your debtor, and must ever
remain your debtor. The bearer of this will inform yon more fully

E

130 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

of all things here ; and you may trust him in everything as much
as myself. Of Juan, your son, and in love my true brother in the
Lord, Who is our everlasting Judge, I desire much that you would
write to me how it fares with him ; for you must know I cannot
but rejoice at his good, and grieve at the contrary. May it please
God our Lord to give him grace to have perfect knowledge of Him-
self, and feel the Divine Majesty within his soul, that, made captive
by His love and grace, he may be detached from all created things.
I conclude by praying God, in His infinite goodness, that He would
make you in this life like to that blessed mother and her son, St.
Augustine. Commend me much to those in your neighbourhood
who are known and loved in Christ our Lord.
From Paris, June 13, 1533.

i,r)34. On the 14th of March, 1534, Ignatius proceeded to the

degree of Master, after passing with credit the regular ex-
amination before the Faculty of Arts. The diploma, which
is still preserved in the Roman College, is in the following
terms : —

To all who shall peruse these Presents, the Rector and the Uni-
versity of Paris greeting, in Him Who is the Salvation of all men.

Seeing that all who profess the Catholic faith are bound, as well
by natural justice as by the precept of the Divine law, to render
faithful witness to the truth, much more does it behove that eccle-
siastics, professors of divers sciences, who seek the truth in all
things, and instruct and inform others therein, should neither for
love nor favour, nor for any other motive whatsoever, deviate from
the rectitude of truth and reason. Wherefore we, desiring herein
to render witness to the truth, do, by the tenour of these presents,
make known to all and every whom it concerns, that our well-
beloved and discreet Dom Ignatius de Loyola, of the diocese of
Pamplona, Master of Arts, hath laudably and honourably obtained
the degree of Master in the illustrious Faculty of Arts at Paris, after
rigorous examinations duly passed, according to the statute and
customs of the aforesaid Faculty of Arts, and with the usual for-
malities, in the year of our Lord one thousand five hundi'ed and
thirty-four, after Easter. In witness whereof, we have ordered our
great seal to be affixed to these presents.

Given at Paris, in our general congregation, solemnly
held at St. Mathurin, in the said year of our Lord
one thousand five hundred and thirty-four, on the
fourteenth day of the month of March.

IGNATIUS' INFLUENCE. 131

Few persons, it must be confessed, have pursued know-
ledge under greater difficulties than Ignatius Loyola. Indis-
posed by natural temperament, as well as by long habit, to
studious application, he both mastered the rudiments of a
liberal education and earned an honourable distinction in
letters, not like others in the days of supple youth or hopeful
early manhood, but in staid middle life ; for at the time he
took his degree in philosophy, he had probably entered into
his forty-fourth year ; an age when the mind is more capable
of applying its powers and utilizing its stores, than of adapt-
ing itself to new forms and acquiring new resources. Poor
and dependent, he endured hardships and submitted to
humiliations such as would have broken the spirit or ex-
hausted the patience of ordinary men ; and all this drudgery
he went through for no earthly advantage, for none of those
rewards which are reckoned among the objects of a laudable
ambition. Had it been otherwise, had he laboured for the
interests of science, or of literature, or of material progress
— had he even but competed successfully for some of those
rich prizes which the world has in its gift — the energy and
industry of the man would have been the theme of universal
panegyric. But Ignatius laboured only for God ; and the
world makes no account of that which is done only for Him
Who created it. It has refused Ignatius, therefore, even
that fair meed of praise which is due to a noble resolution
and a courageous perseverance ; it has denied or disparaged
his intellectual powers.

But such was not the estimation in which Ignatius was
held at the University of Paris, or by his contemporaries
generally ; for, besides the supernatural virtues which he
eminently displayed, he gave indisputable proofs of being
possessed of great natural gifts, both intellectual and moral,
and great force of character, together with a wonderful in-
sight into the minds and dispositions of others. The influ-
ence he exercised was of no ordinary kind. With a tact
which never seemed to fail him, he accommodated himself,
so far as was allowable, to the capacities and inclinations of
those with whom he conversed, condescending to their weak-
nesses and prejudices with an indulgent ingenuity, affecting
not to observe any affronts that might be offered him, and

K 2

1?>2 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

conciliating his bitterest opponents by his modest}- and
frankness. Having thus gained their friendship and their
confidence, he would lead them on almost insensibly to the
practice of the highest virtues. By such arts as these (says
Maffei), as well as by his saintly example, not only were
numbers of young men brought from the road of perdition
into the way of life, but a desire of evangelical perfection
was kindled in many hearts ; and not a few of those who
were attracted to him, and knew him best, abandoned the
world and entered the religious state upon his leaving Paris.
In like manner he won over to the true faith many who had
been led astray by the errors of the times ; and, having in-
structed and prepared them with much care, he brought
them to discreet confessors, by whom they were reconciled
to the Church, without exciting needless observation.

It came to his knowledge that an unhappy man, probably
a Spaniard, was engaged in an illicit amour with a married
woman, and in constant danger of losing both life and soul
together. Warnings and remonstrances having proved inef-
fectual, the Saint adopted another expedient. Ascertaining
that, on his way to visit the object of his guilty passion, he
had to cross a bridge over the lake of Gentilly, Ignatius re-
paired to the spot in the dusk of the evening, and, taking off
his clothes, stationed himself in the water up to his neck,
awaiting the moment when the infatuated man should pass
over. It was winter, and the water icy cold ; and the Saint
passed the time praying God with tears to have mercy on
this madman, who had no mercy 011 his own soul. Absorbed
in the thought of his criminal purpose, the adulterer neared
the bridge, when he was startled by a voice from the water,
which was vehement in its earnestness. ' Go,' it said, ' and
enjoy your odious pleasures at the peril of your life and of
your immortal soul. I, meanwhile, will do penance for your
sin. Here you will find me when you return ; and here
every evening until God, Whom I shall never cease implor-
ing, shall bring your crimes, or my life, to an end.' At these
words, and still more at this sight, the man stood abashed
and confounded ; his heart relented ; a strong feeling of
compunction seized him ; he abandoned his guilty purpose ;
went back ; changed his whole course of life ; and from that

IGNATIUS' CONVERTS. 133

hour looked upon Ignatius as his preserver, who had deli-
vered him from a double death.

The expedient he adopted to rescue one who was both a
priest and a monk from a scandalous life was no less effi-
cacious. After consulting God in prayer, as on all such
occasions he never failed to do, he went one Sunday morn-
ing, and kneeling at the feet of this unworthy priest, con-
fessed to him all the sins of his past life, with such humility
and contrition, and with such expressions of self-detestation,
as were well calculated to arouse similar feelings in the
breast of his hearer. As Ignatius proceeded, the confessor
was led to feel how much more heinous were the offences
of which he, a priest and a religious, was habitually guilty,
than were the sins, long since repented of, which this lay-
man was detailing with such bitter self-reproach. The grief
witnessed by him moved his own heart to sorrow, and filled
it with remorse ; and hardly was the confession ended, when
he began to disclose to his penitent the miserable state of
his own soul, and besought him that, as he had contributed
to brine: him to a sense of his wicked life, so he would show

O *

him how effectually to amend it. This was what Ignatius
desired. He conducted his new convert through a course
of the ' Spiritual Exercises,' and so completely finished the
work he had begun, that he, who was lately a scandalous
sinner, became the model of a true penitent.

A third instance shows how adroitly Ignatius availed him-
self of every means by which he could save a soul, and in
what extraordinary ways his zeal was blessed by God. Going
one day to the house of a French gentleman, a doctor of
theology, he found him engaged in playing at billiards. He
was courteously received, and either by way of compliment,
or more probably out of mere jest, invited to play a game.
Ignatius, who had never touched a cue in his life, at first
excused himself, but as the other persisted in his request,
the Saint, yielding as it seemed to an inward movement,
replied, ' I will consent, but a poor man like me has nothing
he can stake, and yet a stake there must be. Now I have
nothing I can call my own except my own person. If, then,
I lose, I will be your servant for a month to obey your
orders. If I win, you shall do just one thing for me, and it

134 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

shall be something to your advantage.' ' Agreed,' said the
master of the house, and the game began. Ignatius struck
the ball at random, but his hand seemed to be directed by a
supernatural power. He gained every point, and his defeated
antagonist asked in astonishment what he would have him
to do. Ignatius required him to go through the ' Exercises '
for a month, and the result was such as the Saint, or rather,
God Himself, had designed, the sanctifying of a soul which
had hitherto been steeped in sin.

1530. In the year 1530 Ignatius shared his room with a scholar

Faber, or whom we have already named, Peter Faber, then twenty-
Lofevrc. four years of age, who, doubtless, excelled in secular know-
ledge as Ignatius did in that of the inward life ; for he had
already taken his Doctor's degree, and was said to rival their
teacher Pena himself in the exposition of Aristotle. He was
the son of a good and pious peasant, living at Villaret, in
the diocese of Geneva, from whom he learned the lessons of
the Gospels ; these fell on such good soil, that the boy soon
became a missionary among his companions ; and in Bartoli's
days, a stone was still pointed out near Villaret, upon which
he was accustomed, while yet a young child, to climb, and
from which he used to preach to the country people on the
mysteries of the Christian faith. His first years were spent
in keeping his father's sheep ; but by his earnest entreaties,
he obtained permission to study, and was placed with an
excellent man, one Peter Vellardo, who devoted himself to
teaching rather for the sake of saving the young souls con-
fided to him than for any profit to himself. This teacher
used so great caution in the instruction of the classics, lest
the innocence of his pupils should be corrupted, that Faber
afterwards said, ' the pages seemed purified as they passed
through his lips.' When twelve years old Faber made a
vow that he would devote himself to the service of God ; but
in what manner, he did not yet decide nor foresee. Having
become accomplished in such of the Humanities as were then
taught in Savoy, his father was unwilling that he should

pursue these studies further ; liking neither a separation
Faber sent ,, TIT -,• i •

to Paris, from a son so beloved, nor the expense of sending him to

FABEIfS INDECISION. 135

Paris. But a kinsman, Don George Faber, who was prior
of a Carthusian monastery at Requie, so enforced by his
persuasions the wishes of Peter, that the father at last placed
hini at St. Barbara, under Juan de Pena, who conceived a
strong affection for him, and would sometimes appeal to him
in his lectures upon Aristotle in discussing some difficult pas-
sage. Faber received the degree of Doctor on the same day Faber and
as Francis Xavier ; he was about to commence the study of ^^ the
theology at the time when Ignatius entered the College. Doctor's
The date given in the archives of St. Barbara is March 15, ijjw*'
1529 ; but counting the year from Easter Day, this would be
1530, as we should now call it.

Ignatius, as yet only beginning his studies in philosophy,
was confided by Pena, who had now become greatly inte-
rested in him, to the care of Faber, whose charge it was to
explain to him privately the lessons they heard together in
the classes. They thus became intimately acquainted, though
there was not for some time an entire unreserve on Faber's
side. It appears that Paris had not made Faber more fit for
the ecclesiastical calling in a moral sense, nor had his pro-
found learning taught him to disentangle himself entirely
from the world. His vow of celibacy pressed hard upon him;
he liked dainty food ; and he accused himself of a vain com-
placency in the social flatteries he received. Perhaps the
ladies of Paris were remarkable then, as now, among their
sex for their fascinations ; and they harassed the dreams of
honest Faber.

A worldly counsellor might have suspected that he had labels
mistaken his vocation, and wished him released from the mdecisl
childish vows he had made on the hill-side of Villaret ; but
the sagacity of Ignatius saw the resources of energy and
piety in Faber's mind, and already destined him for his
companion ; he soothed him, and led him on kindly through
two years of indecision and combat ; then guided him
through the four weeks of the 'Exercises;' and, after solemn
examination of his own heart, and of the will of God re-
specting him, Faber was ready and desirous to be ordained
priest.

Ignatius at this tune disclosed to him some part of his
own hopes and intentions; and when he spoke of going with

13G LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

a few faithful labourers to the Holy Land to teach, and
perhaps to suffer, where our Lord had taught, Faber threw
his arms round his neck, and asked to share with him all his
difficulties and toils. ' I will follow you,' said he, ' through
life and death.' Loyola gladly accepted this first member
of his Order, knowing doubtless, though the other did not,
how reverenced the name of Faber would one day become.
Faber's The young man now thought it right to revisit his parents

ViHaret. an<i as^ their blessing upon his new prospects ; but when he
arrived at home his mother was dead. He remained with
his father eight months; not that he looked back after
having put his hand to the plough, but because he could do
much good there among those who had known and loved
him in his childhood. His father at last gave him his bless-
ing, and permission to follow wherever he believed that
God's will led him. The good Peter refused to take with
him anything else. He bade farewell to the kind old man,
whom he was to see no more, and arrived in Paris entirely
destitute ; so that he continued his studies on the alms alone
which his friend Ignatius begged for him.

The un- One day Ignatius, walking with Faber near Paris, passed

happy on ^e roa(j a pOOr man, who seemed overwhelmed with

waylarer. *

grief; he was about, they thought, to destroy himself.
Ignatius agreed with his companion what they would do.
Faber returned and accosted the man, as one suffering
equally with himself. * I too,' said he, ' am assailed by ene-
mies, and have to struggle against perpetual opposition and
heavy burdens ; like you, I think I shall have no rest in this
life, and wish for death as a release.' Then Ignatius came
up, and, as if overhearing their discourse, said to Faber,
'You seem unhappy.' Upon this, a conversation commenced
between them, by which, as they intended, the poor stranger
profited. He turned back with them, and, doubtless, from
this time his griefs were no longer intolerable.

'SPIRITUAL EXERCISES: 1:;T

The ' Spiritual Exercises ' of St. Ignatius, though cou- The
tamed in a very small volume,1 are strictly Exercises, not
simply meditations or prayers. They require an effort of
application and will on the part of him who makes them, and
a great measure of discernment and prudence ; with a high
degree of what the world calls talent, as well as pious
fervour, in him who conducts them.

They were not completed at once ; Ignatius himself said
that he wrote them in fragments, as his own experience
suggested what was useful for others. He had in this way
written the Method of Examination of Conscience ; and in
the Manner of Election he recalled what had been the con-
test of the good and evil spirits within himself, while he was
lying on his bed at Loyola.

Whoever would understand these ' Exercises ' must go
through them with a full and docile desire to appropriate
them on his own behalf. He will then learn, by God's
grace, the wonderful power which they contain under the
extremest simplicity of language.

They cannot be made of solitary use ; they need a certain
adaptation to each one's character or circumstances, and good
judgment accompanied with zeal on the part of the director.
Besides these qualities, some particular gift seems necessary ;
for Ignatius found only Faber, out of all his associates, com-
pletely possessed of it. Next to him he estimated Salnieron ;
then Yillanova and Dominec ; and for the first part, which is
designed to inspire repentance in the soul and a horror of
sin, he greatly esteemed the eloquence and fervour of Francis
Strada.

The 'Exercises' extended at first over more than four
weeks ; they are often now condensed into one. At the com-
mencement Ignatius has placed the few lines which he
meant to be the foundation and the summary of the whole : —

Man is created to praise, honor, and serve God, and thus to save
his own sonl. All other things are created, for the sake of man, and
to aid him in the attainment of his end and destiny ; therefore he
shonld use them only with this object, and avoid them when they
would lead him away. We must make ourselves indifferent to all

1 So small that Francis of Sales said it had converted more souls than it
contained letters.

138 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

created things, where a choice is left us ; so that we should not
desire health more than sickness, riches more than poverty, honor
more than contempt, a long life more than a short one, and so of all
the rest ; desiring and choosing only what will conduce most surely
to the end for which we were made.

This first truth, having been thoroughly examined and
applied, the mind is solicited to resolve henceforward to use
all creatures as the means of salvation. We consider, there-
fore, the danger of any other course ; we survey our past
life, with all its errors ; we meditate on the enormity of sin ;
the punishment of hell ; the angels eternally condemned ;
the offence of Adam ; the long train of his descendants who
have been justly sentenced to banishment from God. Then,
with some beginning of detachment from the world, and our
own evil propensities, we enter on the second week, and con-
sider the life of Christ, as the one true life, shown us in the
Divine pattern, not ordered by precept, but acted out in a
human nature, united to the Godhead. And this meditation
on 'the Kingdom of Christ ' is to the second week what that
on ' the End of Man ' is to the first week. In the third
week, when he who makes the ' Exercises ' has resolved to fol-
low Christ closely, becoming His disciple, it offers him the
admirable ' Meditation of Two Standards,' which is said to
have peopled so many monasteries, where the soldier-saint,
drawing upon his military recollections, represents Christ as
a royal warrior, seeking to enlist all men in His service ;
Lucifer, His rebellious enemy, crafty, and striving to attract
us to himself. Then, when we have seen the hollowness of
all the temptations offered to us by the devil, we are led to
contemplate the mysteries of our Saviour's life, and thence
to what Ignatius calls ' the three degrees of humility,' of
which the first is simply such piety as is indispensable to
salvation ; the second brings us nearer to God, in the inter-
course of the world, so that the soul dreads even the smallest
and most venial sin ; the third implies an absolute renuncia-
tion of all that is not God ; the utmost union with Him that
may be granted to man ; and this meditation, which, accord-
ing to the scheme of Ignatius, extends over twelve days,
leads us to make our deliberate election of the way of life
in which we believe ourselves called on to serve God.

GENERAL INSTRUCTIONS. 139

The fourth and last week, presenting to our minds His
glorious Eesurrection and Ascension, and His unbounded
love for man, suggests to us how to attain the highest
eminence of charity, which has no choice and no affection
but in God ; and invites us to that self-abandonment which
is expressed in this admirable prayer : —

Take and receive, O Lord, all my liberty, my memory, my under-
standing, and my will. All that I am, and have, Thou hast given
me. O Lord, I give it back to Thee : dispose of all according to
Thy good pleasure. Give me only Thy love and Thy grace, for this
is sufficient for me. Amen.

Ignatius, in his rules for the spiritual life, drew largely
from the sayings of the Fathers of the Desert, especially of
Abbot Serapion. The work of Cisneros, who had been
Abbot of Monserrato, was certainly known to him, but there
is no similarity to give any ground for the accusation of
plagiarism. The * Exercises ' originated in Manresa, and
were perfected by the experience of Ignatius when he
began to teach. Whoever uses them must own that only
Divine inspiration could have shown Ignatius such secrets of
the human heart — such remedies, such stimulants, and such
aids. At the beginning of the ' Spiritual Exercises ' were
placed some general instructions, translated by one of the

Fathers into Latin verse. We give them here from Mariani's instruc-
tions,
prose : —

Do not argue with anyone, however much your inferior; and,
although you are in the right, rather appear the vanquished than
the victor. Try to obey blindly in all things, and willingly submit
your own judgment, however superior it may be.

Do not remark the faults of others, and cover them when they
are seen ; search into your own, and be pleased when they are made
evident to the world. Whatever you do, say, or think, consider in
the first place whether it be for your neighbour's good, and pleasing
in the sight of God.

P reserve alv:ays your liberty of mind ; see that you lose it not by any- Liberty of
one's authority, nor by any event whatever. Do not lightly bind mind.
yourself in friendship with any man ; examine first with judgment
and discrimination.

140

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Faber at
Paris.

Faber be-
comes a
priest.

Always exercise the mind or body in good actions. Be a fool in
the opinion of man, and so you will be wise before God. Keep
these things in your mind day and night ; and when you go to rest,
protect yourself by prayer.

Faber, after going through the ' Exercises ' which we have
described, retired to a residence in the Rue St. Jacques,
where he was quite alone ; but his master often visited him.
That winter was so severe that the Seine was frozen, and
carts went over it ; yet Faber would pass hours in the dead of
night praying and looking at the stars, in a little court
behind the house. He fasted once for six entire days ; and
all through the frost he would never go near a fire. Some
coals were placed in an outhouse for his use, but he only
threw a mat over the heap, and then made it his bed. At
last his pallid countenance warned Ignatius that his
austerities had become excessive ; the watchful guardian
bade Faber at once return to his usual food, and kindle a
fire. After this, Faber's appetite sensibly diminished, and
the ordinary fasts were easy to him. He received holy
orders in 1534, the year when Henry VIII. separated
England from Rome, and celebrated his first Mass on the
22nd of July, the feast of St. Mary Magdalen.

Faber has been quoted as the most remarkable instance of
the power of the wonderful Society of Jesus over its mem-
bers : it revealed to him the secret of his own latent energy
and talents, and transformed the humble and timid peasant
of the Alps into an apostle — his patience into courage — his
diffidence into a docility that made him ready to attempt, at
his master's bidding, the most difficult enterprises — his
simple charity into a lofty and insatiable ambition to save
souls. In Germany, Italy, and Spain, he entered the lists
against the heresies which placed the Christian faith every-
where in danger, and combated the demoralisation of all
classes, clergy as well as people. Under the inspiration of
the strong minds that surrounded him, more daring and
equally fervent, his zeal overcame all obstacles, aimed at the
. most difficult successes, and changed the humility and self-
renunciation that would have kept him obscure and of nar-
row usefulness in Savoy, into n means of victory over the

FRANCIS XAVIER. 141

powers of darkness, of which the world has not ceased to feel
the benefit, nor will, perhaps, to the end of time.

But another acquisition was at hand, for which alone Francis
Loyola might have thanked God, as the pearl of great price ;
Francis Xavier, the future apostle of the Indies, the admira-
tion and the blessing of nations, whose career, splendid and
innocent from its beginning to its early close, extorts up to
this day reverence even from men who believe neither in
moral heroism nor in Catholic truth. It seems as if worldly
sagacity had grown with spiritual experience in the mind of
Ignatius ; for he was disappointed in his early disciples, and
he never repeated his mistaken judgment concerning them.
The young men who shared his imprisonment at Salamanca
did not follow him to Paris. When he found himself re-
duced to destitution by the dishonesty of the Spanish
scholar, he wrote to tell them of this disaster, and advised
them to finish their studies in Spain, unless Calisto could
obtain one of the Portuguese bursaries at the University of
Paris. He wrote also to Dona Eleanor de Mascarena, ask-
ing her to procure this from the King, which she not only
did, but gave him money also for the journey. But Calisto,
nearer than the others had been to Ignatius, and once so
eager for a pilgrimage to the Holy Land, left his first love,
and pursued earthly riches. He went twice to America,
became wealthy, and returned to Salamanca a different and
a worse man. Artiaga, though he did not rejoin Ignatius,
does not appear to have lost his great reverence for him ; he
was sent to America as Comendator, and afterwards became
a bishop ; but it seems not wholly just to accuse him of
avarice and ambition, since he twice offered to resign his
bishopric, that some disciple of Ignatius might take his
place. That offer none of the Society could accept. He
was poisoned during an illness, by the carelessness of his
attendant. The French page, Jean, went into a convent,
and died there in peace ; Cazeres returned to Segovia, the
city of his birth; he lived licentiously, entered the army,
and ran through all sorts of adventures ; he was arrested as
a spy both in France and England, and so cruelly treated
in captivity that he remained lame for the rest of his life.
But compensation was at hand ; Xavier now shared the

142 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

chamber of Ignatius ; he was poor, though of high birth ;
full of talent, passionately fond of learning, kind-hearted,
pleasant in all his ways ; high souled and ambitious ; he dis-
dained what seemed a poor and pusillanimous spirit in Igna-
tius ; and it was long before these noble minds understood
each other. Like Ignatius, Francis ] Xavier was the youngest

1497. of several sons, all soldiers except himself. He was born six
years after Ignatius, about the time when Vasco de Gama
made his first voyage to the East Indies, and he seems to
have settled in Paris aboub the year 1526.

1-530. in October, 1530, after three years' study, Xavier began

to lecture publicly on Aristotle ; and this he did with such
extraordinary skill, that applause, which he received compla-
cently, attended him from all sides. Loyola, not repulsed by
his dislike, took the interest of a friend in his successes ; he
endeavoured to make his talents appreciated, spoke of him
with admiration, and procured him hearers and scholars.
Xavier was propitiated ; he now listened to the exhortations
of Ignatius, and the words of Scripture at last vanquished
him, — ' What shall it profit a man, if he gain the whole
world and suffer the loss of his own soul ? ' This question
sinking in all its fulness into his mind, was the turning-
point of his existence. Long years afterwards, referring to
this same passage, he wrote from India, through Simon
Rodriguez, his request to the King of Portugal : ( That he
would consider and apply to himself this single sentence.'
' If I could believe,' he continued, ' that the King would not
repulse my humble and faithful counsels, I would entreat
him to meditate daily, were it but for a quarter of an hour,
on that Divine maxim, praying for grace to understand it.
I would wish him to end all his prayers with these words.'

Meanwhile, Don Juan Xavier thought it time his son's
studies should finish and their reward begin ; the family
were not rich, for a letter of Francis to a brother, in which

1 The name of Xavier came to him through his mother, Dona Maria.
It was assumed by his ancestors early in the 13th century, when King Theo-
bald rewarded the services of the Asnarez family by the gift of the castle
and estate called by that name. His mother had married Juan de Josse", n
distinguished man of letters, and auditor of the Royal Council, who took
her name ; he stood high in the favour of the King of Navarre.

ATTEMPT TO MUKDEK IGXAT1US. 143

he speaks of his obligations to Ignatius, mentions also that
' he had supplied him with money,' and kept him from
falling, as many did, into the heresies then prevalent at
Paris. Juan destined him for the service of the Church, with
the hope, entertained till very lately by Francis himself, that
some of its highest prizes would be within his reach. He
wrote therefore to recall him to Spain ; but Francis wished
to stay, and this desire was enforced at home by his sister Xavier s
Maddalena, a holy maiden, who had once filled a place in the ^jst,^.-
court of Queen Isabella, and now had retired into the con- leua.
vent of St. Clare, at Gandia. She entreated her family to
let him remain till his course of theology was concluded;
'for,' she said, ' God has elected him to be His messenger to
the Indies, and a strong pillar of His Church.' This letter
was long kept in the family, and many persons saw it.

Francis therefore remained, and continued to teach and
to study. He could not retire from his public work to go
through the 'Exercises;' but, in intervals of rest, the in-
struction of Ignatius supplied their place. There seems to
have been a considerable struggle in his mind before he
abandoned himself wholly to the impressions of grace. That
Xavier's outward life, ever perfectly blameless, was now
visibly under pious influences, is proved by an incident
which about this time had nearly brought Loyola's career
to a close. One Michel Navarro, an unworthy companion
of Xavier, who had often received assistance from him,
jealous of his intimacy with Ignatius, and fearing its con-
sequences for himself, urged on also, probably, by others
whose motives were not better than his own, resolved to
murder Ignatius. One night, armed with a dagger, he
placed a ladder against his window, and ascended, knowing
that Ignatius would then be alone. Suddenly he heard, or Michel
thought he heard, a voice exclaiming, ' Wretched man, ^Tarro'8

" attempt to

where are you going, and what are you about ? ' Navarro, murder
terror-struck, rushed into the room, fell at Ignatius' feet, Igna
and confessed his wicked design. Ignatius was indulgent,
and exhorted him with great charity to a better life. Na-
varro seems to have professed an entire conversion; but
this state of mind did not last long.

144

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Laynez
and Sal-
meron
arrive in
Paris.

Bobadilla.

The fame of Ignatius had now travelled back from Paris
to his former friends at Alcala; and two young men who
had studied there, both eminently gifted by nature, and
already advanced in philosophy and classics, urged by a
strong desire to use their talents for the glory of God, re-
solved to go to Paris, and continue their studies under the
guidance of one whom they heard spoken of as a saint.
These two were Diego Laynez, twenty-one years old, a na-
tive of Almazan in Castille, destined to be the second general
of the Society, and Alfonso Salmeron, of Toledo, already dis-
tinguished as a Greek and Hebrew scholar, though only
nineteen.

As these young men dismounted at the door of their inn,
on their arrival in Paris, it chanced that Ignatius was passing
by. Laynez recognised him by description, and addressed
him at once. They were received, as was certain to be the
case, most kindly, and, having attached themselves to the
little company of his disciples, they passed through the
* Exercises ' about the same time as Faber.

Another bright spirit, which Ignatius had discovered in
great humility and poverty, joined them soon after ; a poor,
though well-born scholar, from Valladolid, who, having
taught philosophy in that city with distinction, came to
study theology at Paris, and was frequently obliged to ask
alms of Ignatius. The Saint, caring at once for soul and
body, fed him, and inspired him with a fervent desire to
serve Christ. This was Nicholas Alphonso, named Boba-
dilla,1 from a village near Valencia, in Leon, where he was
born. Perhaps in his daring and original character, Igna-
tius found something congenial with his own. At this
time he was already allied in close friendship with another
remarkable scholar, Simon Rodriguez, whose family was
Rodriguez, noble.2 Rodriguez himself had much talent ; his exterior
was comely and graceful ; he was one of those who verified
the sagacious remark of Loyola, that they who were best
fitted to succeed in the world were also the best and most
useful servants of Christ. His long life was eminently ser-

1 Semper stivnwts, semper ct tiliqw *H>i similix Jiobudilln.
'* They resided at Buyella, near Viseu, in Portugal; their name was
D'Azevedo.

XADAL. 145

viceable to the Church ; his greatest fault was a piety too
absorbing and meditative for the business which Loyola
proposed to his Order ; and more than once he incurred his
master's displeasure. But he possessed much learning and
considerable ability, with a most affectionate indulgence for
the young, and so great an attraction for those whom he
guided, that it came at last to be an inconvenient influence,
and not quite consistent with the rules of the Society.

Rodriguez had always been supposed destined for extra-
ordinary things. When his father, Egidius Gonsalez, was
dying, he called his children round him to receive his bless-
ing ; looking on Simon, carried in his mother's arms, he said
to Dona Caterina, ' Senora, I commend that boy especially
to you. I see that God wills him to do great things for His
honour.' Caterina ever after considered Simon as conse-
crated to the service of the Church, and he was trained ac-
cordingly. Heaven bestowed on him an angelic innocence,
and a fervent zeal. Like many ardent minds of that day, he
was bent on visiting the Holy Land, and renewing in an-
other sense the old crusade against the infidels. This was
the favourite project that occupied alike Ignatius and him-
self ; and so their hearts soon became united in the closest
bonds of Christian charity.

It was not always that Ignatius was so entirely success-
ful : he had an earnest desire to obtain the adhesion of
Nadal, a native of Majorca, in whom he discovered uncom-
mon gifts, and he employed Faber and Laynez for this
purpose; but Nadal repulsed both, and even resisted his
confessor, Emmanuel Miona, who was also the director of
Ignatius. One day Ignatius sought him out, led him into a
small unfrequented church, where there was no chance of
interruption, and, beginning to talk with him on religion,
showed him a letter he had written to one of his nephews,
exhorting him to leave the world and follow Christ. Xadal
took a copy of the New Testament from his pocket, and said,
* I hold fast to this book ; it is sufficient for me ; I will not
follow you, unless you have something better than this to
offer.' Ignatius, no doubt, endeavoured to convince him that
what he offered was, in truth, the purest and most spiritual

L

146

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

1534.

Genelli.

gospel teaching ; but it was of no avail at that time. Ten
years after, Nadal made the discovery for himself.

Hitherto Ignatius had imparted his plans to his disciples
with some reserve, and to each he spoke confidentially,
desiring they would communicate the substance of their con-
versations with him to no one ; therefore, though well known
to one another, sharing the same studies, and sometimes
going through the ' Spiritual Exercises ' together, and, above
all, united by their great love and reverence for Ignatius,
they had no foreknowledge of the act that was to form them
into an Order, or of the companions they would join. Faber
had already pledged himself; and Ignatius now spoke pri-
vately to each of the great work he desired them to begin
in earnest, of separating from the world, and living wholly
for Christ. He found among them different views and opi-
nions ; and bade them therefore prepare themselves for a
decision by prayer and fasting. Up to a certain day they
were to consider what life they would choose, whereby to
glorify God in saving their own souls and the souls of
others ; and then they were to come to him, and declare the
result of their deliberations. They would find, he said, that
there were others willing to work with them. This passed
in July, 1534, while Henry VIII. forbade the title of the
Pope to be spoken in England, or even printed in a historical
work.

When they were all assembled in the presence of Ignatius
— Faber, Xavier, Laynez, Salmeron, Bobadilla, Rodriguez —
panions of each meeting the companions whom he would have wished
Ignatius. fo choose^ an<l thinking himself the only unworthy member
of that holy brotherhood — they looked at each other in
astonishment; they shed tears of joy; they prostrated them-
selves to praise and thank God.

Ignatius having made in their behalf a short prayer, told
them that he had assembled them in order that they might
communicate their wishes and hear his own respecting the
journey he had long desired to make to Palestine. His wish,
he said, was to return to that country, and devote his life to
converting the people to the true faith. For the saving of
souls he would die there, if that were permitted him. If any
of those present were willing to join him, he would be their

First as-
sembly of

FEAST OF THE ASSUMPTION. 147

faithful friend as long as lie lived. He had resolved to con-
secrate himself to God by solemn vows of celibacy and
poverty, and of serving Him in the Holy Land.

Those who listened to Loyola believed that God spake
through his lips, and accepted joyfully the destiny that he
offered them ; then, entering into details, they debated what
they should do if they were hindered (as Ignatius had been)
from remaining in Palestine ; and it was resolved that they
should go to Jerusalem ; and if, after awhile, a majority of
their number decided that they ought not to leave Syria,
they would receive such decision as a token of the Lord's
will ; but, if they came to the contrary judgment, then they
would all repair to Rome, and place themselves at the dis-
posal of the Pope. If they found at Venice no opportunity
of transporting themselves to the East> they were to wait
there a year, after which time their vow of going to Jeru-
salem was to be no longer binding. Some of the young men
had not concluded their theological studies, and Ignatius,
with the patience of perfect sagacity, decreed that they should
defer entering on their great enterprise for three years longer.
On the 25th of January, 1537, they were to meet at Venice,
but the disturbed state of Europe made it impossible to
foresee what would probably be the chances of crossing the
Mediterranean three years later. All desired to pledge their
solemn vows before the altar ; and their reverence for the
Mother of God made them choose for this ceremony the 15th peast of
of August, the day on which the Church commemorates her the **:

. . sumption,

Assumption into Heaven. 1534.

In a journal that remains of Peter Faber, he gives the
following short account of what passed on that memorable
day : — 'In this same year, 1534, in August, on the feast of
the Assumption of the Holy Virgin, we, all of us having
come to the same resolution, and made the Spiritual Exer-
cises (Master Francis had not done this yet, though he had
the same resolution as ourselves), went to the chapel of
Notre Dame, near Paris, and each made a vow to go at the
time fixed to Jerusalem, and to place ourselves when we
returned in the hands of the Pope ; and to leave, after a
certain interval, our kinsfolk and our nets, and keep nothing
but the money necessary for the journey. At this first meet-

148 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

ing were present Ignatius, Master Francis, myself (Faber),
Bobadilla, Laynez, Salmeron, Simon, and M. Jean (this was
Codure). Le Jay had not yet come to Paris, and Paschasius
had not yet been gained. The two following years we all
returned on the same day to the same place to renew our
resolve, and each time we felt greatly strengthened. Le Jay,
Codure, and Paschasius were with us those last two years ;
1536. all these, I say, were with us the last year (1536).'
Eodriguez' Some remembrances of Simon Eodriguez give a few more
the^ay ° details ; he says, the greatest secrecy was observed at first
in their proceedings ; they chose, therefore, for the place
where they should pronounce their vows, a church half a
league from Paris, on the hill still called ' Montmartre '
(from St. Denis, who is said to have been beheaded there),
and dedicated to ' Notre Dame du Mont des Martyrs.' In
this choice of place and time they sought her protection ;
they believed that their devotion to the Father and the Son
would be more acceptable if offered through the Divine
Mother. The seven descended into a crypt beneath the
church ; Faber, the only priest among them, celebrated Mass ;
and when, previously to giving them Holy Communion, he
turned towards them holding the body of our Lord in his
hand, each in a distinct voice pronounced the vows of poverty,
celibacy, obedience to the Pope, and of going to Palestine to
convert the infidels ; they promised also never to take any
money for dispensing the Sacraments or any pious work.
Then Faber gave them the Communion ; they received it
with such devotion, such joy and fervour of love, that Rod-
riguez, writing thirty years afterwards, felt his heart glow
with ineffable consolation at the remembrance ; their souls
were inundated with happiness ; most of all that of Ignatius,
who now saw the object of his long toils and hopes attained.
' When I think of that time,' writes the good Father
Genelli, ' I seem to witness their acts, to share their hopes
and great designs, and to see through the deep shadows of
the past a bright ray of heavenly sunshine descend and fill
the quiet place with lustrous exultation ! In that moment,
weighty with the destiny of future years, they must h;m-
known that God was with them, preparing them for great
deeds and noble victories among a generation sunk in cold-

PROPHECY OF RAIXOLDA. 149

ness, and the apathy of inglorious self-love. Never before
did so small an army set forth to conquer a world ; never
one more full of courage.'

None of these men proved less worthy than Ignatius be- Prophecy
lieved them to be ; none ever declined from the fervour of his
first vows. They were fulfilling, though then they did not
know it, the decrees of Heaven ; for, while they assembled in
the crypt of Montmartre, Rainolda of Arnheim predicted to
Canisius, her kinsman, then in Flanders, that his son would
one day belong to an Order of Jesus, which should be
founded for the great profit of the faithful, and especially of
Germany ; and Peter Canisius himself was a great helper of
this prediction.

When the new associates left the church, they passed the
rest of the day near a fountain, which then sprang from the
side of the hill, once stained, it was said, by the blood of St.
Denis. There they made a frugal repast, and took sweet
counsel together upon the manner of life they should lead
during the rest of their stay in Paris. Their spiritual father
decided with them on certain practices which they were to
observe ; such as daily prayers, meditations, examinations of
conscience, frequent communion, reading of the Scriptures,
and the ' Imitation of Christ,' the only book besides the
Bible which Ignatius seems to have much valued ; so
that thus the brethren would be united in spirit, though
they could not yet reside together. Their studies were not
to be in any wise interrupted ; they were to return to the
place in which they were then assembled, and on the same
day of the two succeeding years renew their vows ; they
promised to regard each other as brothers ; they were to
meet as often as they could, to walk together, and occa-
sionally to assemble in each other's rooms, as the early
Christians in their Agapes, or Feasts of Love, where they
would enjoy themselves in their humble way, and speak of
God's work, and how to aid each other in advancing it ; and
thus keep up, though separated, the charities of a regular
life.

As they did this, and continued to cultivate their studies
in Paris, striving in the spirit of humility and piety to
develop all their powers and gifts in our Lord's service, their

150 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

zeal appeared to enlarge and increase their natural faculties ;
they excelled others of the University in all the objects of
their common efforts ; and, before they emerged from it, were
marked as extraordinary men.

These acquirements were already needed, for the new
heresies had gained adherents in Paris ; Calvin had returned
to study philosophy at the College de Montaigu, and, while
Ignatius was at St. Barbara, was exciting much notice,
making many converts to his opinions, and to the great
horror of the Sorbonne, even within its own walls ; for the
Rector Cop, lecturing once on the doctrine of justification, so
scandalised his audience, that they created an uproar in the
streets. Cop hid himself for a time, and then fled from
Paris. Calvin was glad to take refuge with a vinedresser in
the Faubourg St. Victor, who, giving him his own gown and
rake, set him on the road to Nerac, where he was sheltered
by Queen Margaret of Navarre.

Francis I. in his zeal for the revival of letters, had, in
spite of the remonstrances of the Sorbonne, brought pro-
fessors of Greek and Hebrew from Germany, who spread the
doctrines of Luther and Zwingli. Such professors were
needed ; for, according to an almost incredible statement of
Galland, * There was not, in the beginning of that reign, a
Frenchman who could read Greek or write Latin.' l The
king's sister, Margaret, instructed, as was supposed, by
Roussel, Bishop of Oleron, favoured the Protestants at
court ; the Sacramentarians affixed their theses at the gates
of the Louvre, and even on the doors of the king's apart-
ment in the palace of Blois. Francis professed indeed the
greatest horror of all heresy, to which, probably, he was in
reality perfectly indifferent ; but he encouraged literature,
which amused him, and he conferred, he thought, a lustre
upon his reign by these importations from the infected
countries, whose influence he could not entirely neutralise,

1 Many years later we hear of Mnldonat writing from Paris to Francis
Torres, that he wishes the Homilies of St. Cyril may be sent him in Latin,
' because our printers are not willing to undertake Greek.' The partners
Stephan printed in 1550 a Greek Testament in beautiful type.

RESOLVES TO LEAVE PARIS. 151

even when lie afterwards endeavoured to suppress it by the
most revolting cruelties. Ignatius, therefore, had plenty of
occupation in confirming the waverers, and in confuting the
ideas which had taken possession of erratic minds ; many,
when they heard him, wished to be again secure within the
true fold ; and these he brought before Valentine Leivin, the
inquisitor, that they might be reconciled to the Church.

Three scholars, well known, doubtless, to Loyola, were at Codure,
Paris at this time, who, after his departure, asked admission £e Ja^'»

' ' . r ' Brouet.

into his Society, all eminently worthy of such an honour :
Codure, who died young ; Claude Le Jay, from Geneva ; and
Paschasius Brouet, the most lovable of his Order, golden-
tongued, persuasive ; so sweet natured, that Ignatius tells us
he was called the * angel of the house.' l Faber, by his right
of ordination, and with Ignatius' consent, led them through
the ' Exercises ' in his absence, and received their vows.2

These successes caused a double increase of personal 1534.
austerities in the hard life of Ignatius; he aimed more
ardently than ever at Christian perfection, and chose, per-
haps, to set an example of self-denial, which he would not
enjoin on others ; for afterwards he prescribed no severities ;
he even forbade them, unless expressly allowed by the
Superior ; but now he would sometimes pass whole days in
the church of Notre Dame des Champs, belonging to the
Carmelites ; he liked, also, to hide himself in the gypsum
quarries of Montmartre, which recalled to him his cavern of
Manresa. He fasted to excess ; and his health, which had
never been good since he came to Paris, now failed entirely.
He suffered intense pains, which once lasted without inter- Ignatius
mission sixteen or seventeen hours, and became almost in- fes°lyes

to leave

capable either of study or prayer. Still, he used his wasting Paris,
powers to the utmost whenever he could do good. Peralta,
a professor of the University, who saw much of him at this

1 He came from Bretancourt, near Amiens.

2 A Spanish bishop, who knew Ignatius well about this time, discoursed
with him one day about prayer, and asked him how and in what frame of
mind he felt himself to be when he prayed. Ignatius answered, ' Of that
I will say nothing ; it suffices that I converse with you on what is edifying
for yourself j in what you desire me to say there might be self-lore or pride.'

152 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

time, declared that what he then knew of his holiness and
charity would alone suffice to make him be justly regarded
as a saint.

But his sufferings and his weakness went on increasing,
and the physicians declared that nothing could save his life

Genelli. but a return to his native air. His friends insisted on this,
' and the pilgrim yielded to the counsel of those about him ; '
as he related to Gonsalez. Xavier, Laynez, and Salmeron
had affairs to settle with their families, before they could ful-
fil their vow of poverty ; they dreaded, and Ignatius for them,
the remonstrances and entreaties they might have to en-
counter ; and they wished Ignatius to act on their behalf,
which he consented to do.

It was not yet time, however, for him to leave Paris :
another of those persecutions awaited him which he asked
for his Order as a favour from God. He was not now
attacked for teaching publicly, as he had been in Spain, but,
on the contrary, the retirement in which he and his disciples
kept themselves was thought mysterious and suspicious ; it
was said that he desired to found a new sect ; and he used a

Inquisu- book (of course the ' Exercises '), which might perhaps con-

tion by tain some heretical doctrines. A formal accusation was laid
Laurent.

before Laurent, the inquisitor who had succeeded Leivin.
Ignatius postponed his departure ; he prayed for an inquiry.
Laurent assured him he wholly disbelieved the charge, but
desired that the book of ' Exercises ' might be shown to him.
He was so well pleased with it, that he asked to have a copy.
Ignatius wished a formal recognition of his innocence ; the
inquisitor thought this unnecessary : but, foreseeing of what
importance an authentic vindication might prove hereafter,
he went to the office of the Inquisition, without asking leave,
taking with him a notary and some doctors of the University,
by way of witness, and obtained from Laurent the attesta-
tion he desired : —

We, brother Thomas Laurent, professor of theology, priest of tho
Order of Preaching Brothers, Inquisitor- General in France, dele-
gated by the Holy See, certify by these presents, that after an
inquiry made by our precursor, Valentine Leivin, and by us his
council, into the life, morals, and doctrine of Ignatius of Loyola, we
have found nothing that is not Catholic and Christian ; we also

THE REFORMERS IN GERMANY. 153

know the said Loyola, and M. Peter Faber, and some of his friends,
and we have always seen them live in a Catholic and virtuous man-
ner, and have observed nothing in them but what becomes Christian
and virtuous men. The ' Exercises ' also, which the said Loyola
teaches, seem to us, so far as we have looked into them, to be
Catholic.

Given and done at Paris, at the Dominican Convent,
tinder our usual seal, 1535, 23rd January. In the
presence of [here follows the names of the witnesses ;
that of the Inquisitor is illegible].

It was not surprising that any semblance of novelty was
regarded with suspicion, when events were passing which
threatened the most serious dislocation that the Christian
world had ever yet known. The Lutherans over half Ger-
many had long been in open rebellion ; Charles V. feared to
exasperate them, because he wanted to concentrate his forces
against the Turks. The Confession of Augsburg had shown
that no compromise could be of any avail ; for the Emperor
had, in fact, already allowed liberty of worship, proscribing
only Anabaptists and Sacramentarians, whose excesses horri-
fied decent men of all parties. Protestants, as well as
Catholics, were permitted to preach and explain the Scrip-
tures ' hi the sense given to them by the Fathers.' The Proceed-
Lutherans were still dissatisfied ; in fact, toleration was but
a small part of what Luther demanded, and the last thing in
he was willing to grant.1

On the remonstrance of Frederic, Count Palatine, the Pro-
testants reduced their claims to these : — First, communion
under both kinds ; second, marriage allowed to priests ;
third, the omission in the mass of the invocation of Saints ;

1 It is pleasant to relate an honourable act of Luther which preceded this
Convocation at Augsburg. He forbade his adherents (who were nearly all
the insurgent party) to impede the journey of the Emperor through the
Tyrol, where the Landgrave of Hesse, and other chiefs, thought it would
be easy to intercept him and take him prisoner. And when the preachers
of his side complained that Charles ordered them to abstain from intruding
into the pulpits of the parish churches at Augsburg, where certainly they
could have no right to be, Luther told them that submission to authority
was a duty when it did not imply a sin. Charles in return bade the priests
touch on no disputed subjects, so that all might go to hear them with edifi-
cation.

154 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

fourth, the Church property which had been stolen to re-
main with the plunderers ; fifth, a General Council to be
called immediately to decide on other points in dispute. For
all this while, and in spite of the insane hatred of Luther
against the Pope, a Council to be summoned by him was
always demanded by the Protestant party ; they were not
yet ready to follow their leader and defy the head of the
Melanch- Church. Melanchthon, in another conference appointed by
fruitless Charles, when seven persons on each side were to revise and
endeavours modify the Confession of Augsburg, suggested so many
peace. motives and ways for approximation, that Luther burst into
imprecations against him. He had agreed with the Catholics
on fifteen articles ; partially agreed on three more ; and the
remaining three were allowed to be placed under the head of
* abuses.' The points of agreement were important,1 and
peace might reasonably have been hoped for ; but peace was
not the aim of those who expected to make their own for-
tunes in the general disturbance of Germany. Luther and
his partisans desired war at any price ; and the oil that
Melanchthon cast upon the waters was as nothing in the
violence of the storm. The Lutheran leaders, assembled at
Smalkald, resolved on resisting the Emperor ; the Diet, con-
vened at Cologne to elect his brother Ferdinand King of the
Romans, gave a new occasion of revolt ; they threatened to
join their forces to those of Soliman, then invading Austria,
if they were opposed in their schemes of religious emancipa-
Peace of tion. Charles was compelled to sign the peace of Nurem-
berg ; after which, the Protestant chiefs having enabled him
to make an imposing display before the walls of Vienna^
Soliman approached, saw, and withdrew without a battle^
Charles had an interview with Clement VII., the most un^
1534. fortunate sovereign in Europe, at Bologna, as he passed

1 Melanchthon allowed ' that the Saints intercede for us, and that we may
celebrate their memory on certain days ; that Our Lord is contained entire
under one species ; that some days of the week should be kept holy, and a
fast be observed on the vigils of some of these ; that faith and justification
come by grace, but man has free will.' A very few years afterwards the
Cup was nearly promised to the laity by the Council of Trent ; the granting
Indulgences exceedingly restricted, and their sale absolutely condemned.
It is plain, therefore, that there was no wish to appease these dissensions
in the minds of those who expected to share the spoils of the convents and
cathedrals.

DEATH OF CLEMENT VU. 155

there on his way to Spain. They agreed that a General Interview
Council should be summoned. Clement met Francis I. °nd King6
at Marseilles ; the marriage of Catherine de' Medici, the of France.
Pope's niece, with the Duke of Orleans, was decided upon ;
and Clement returned full of satisfaction to Rome. But
there he learned that the Turks had besieged Tunis, and
were plundering the coasts of Italy ; the Anabaptists had
renewed their hateful excesses in Westphalia, and taken
Miinster ; his own family had long embittered his life ; the
Cardinals de' Medici and Cosmo, his nephews, were fighting
for Florence. The Pope consulted his Cardinals ; they could
only advise him to negociate a peace, if possible, between the
princes of Christendom, and convoke the Council so long
desired. Clement saw that these measures were now indis-
pensable ; and he would have endeavoured in sincerity to
carry them forward, if life had been granted him ; but he
was now an old man, and could not struggle against so much
perplexity and grief.

His Holiness took the matter exceedingly to heart, and it Kanke.
was this sorrow and dread that brought him to the grave,
says Seripando. He died not regretted, for princes who Death of
are unfortunate are seldom popular ; and Clement, from the gepT^d'
time he mounted the throne, had been persecuted by des- 1534-
tiny, his people plundered, his city sacked, himself twice a
prisoner ; and all his efforts to drive the foreigners out of
Italy had only strengthened their power and sealed its doom.
The Austrians were now holding firm possession of the
north and south ; and in the empire of opinion Rome had
ost as much as in territory. Yet this was not the sin, nor
even the error, of Clement VII. ; he lived in times that were
:oo strong for him ; but they would have been so for any
ordinary man ; he strove to meet them conscientiously ; those
nearest his person always esteemed him most. His reluctance
to summon a Council, not greater than that of his successor,
Paul III., was justified by the event ; for the Council at last
assembled only established a more defined and irrevocable
separation between the adherents of the new doctrines and
the old faith. Its sole success was in laying down the
dogmas of the Church with an accuracy and fulness that
make future cavils within its pale nearly impossible; and

156 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

this was done with so much learning and patient delibera-
tion, that even Protestants regard its decisions with respect.
Clement had said that, if he could choose a successor, Farnese
should be the next pope ; and now the conclave, with only
one day's deliberation, placed Farnese on the throne. The
Romans showed ' immense joy ' to see at last, after one
hundred and three years, and thirteen foreign pontiffs, one
of Roman blood seated on the chair of St. Peter. He was
likely to fill it honourably and well, and the hopes of
Christendom revived.

BOOK II

FROM HIS FINAL LEAVING AZPETTIA TO
HIS ESTABLISHMENT IN ROME.

Ignatius returns to Azpeytia — Preaching — His acts there — Voyage from
Valencia to Genoa — Bologna — Venice — Letters — Hosez — Pietro Con-
tarini— D'Eguia — War- — The Students summoned from Paris — Inci-
dents of their journey — Arrival at Venice — All but Ignatius start for
Rome — Reforms of Paul III. — Contarini — The Companions in Rome —
Their return to Venice — Ordination — Dispersion — Letter — Accusations
— Antonio Rodriguez — The name given— Ferrara — Vittoria Colonna —
LaStorta — Rome, 1537 — Hosez — Bologna — Rome — Suspicions —
Strada — Codure — Letter — Augustine — Trial and acquittal — Famine
—Ignatius' first Mass — Corruptions of the Church — The Society
formed — And confirmed by Paul III. — Ribadeneira — Joam III. of
Portugal— Letter — Xavier sails for th» Indies — 1540 — Parma —
Balnereggia — Naples — Bobadilla — Ochino — Inquisition at Naples —
Jesuits established there — Bull of Paul III. — Dominic Soto — Name
of the Society — The Seal — Choice of a Superior — Ignatius reluctant
— All make their vows at St. Paul's — Death of Codure — Ignatius
preaching — Conversions — Araoz — Borgia — Emiliano — Rules — The
Constitutions ; Journal — Admissions ; Studies — Ireland, 1541 — Nadal
— Zapata — Brouet — Ochino — Faenza — Modena — Cardinal Morone
— Sienna — Portugal — Tivoli — Habits of the Gesu — Prudence of Igna-
tius— Truth — Expulsions — Einond Auger — Palmia — Koster.

BOOK II.

FEOM IGNATIUS FINAL LEAVING AZPEYTIA TO HIS
ESTABLISHMENT IN ROME.

LOYOLA, thus justified by the Inquisition in Paris, was now
at liberty to set out for Spain. He committed his disciples
to the care of Peter Faber, as being the oldest among them,
and the only one of the number who had received holy
orders. They procured him a horse ; for he was too weak to
travel on foot. He started about the 25th of March, 1535 ; 1535.
for that is the date of a letter from Francis Xavier to his t°
parents, in which he commends Ignatius to them. At
Bayonne he was recognised by some persons, who hastened
to carry the news of his arrival to the Castle of Loyola, then
occupied by the family of his brother, Don Martin Garcia.
Two younger brothers and two nephews were also there at
this time. These last were probably Emiliano and Araoz,
both young boys at the period of the Saint's visit to Spain.
The former went afterwards to Home, the better to forward
his interests in life ; but, at the request of his uncle, he
went through the ' Spiritual Exercises,' and soon after
begged permission to join the Society, of which ultimately he
was a worthy member. The latter, Antonio Araoz, who also
became devoted to the Saint, must have been a sister's son.

Ignatius stopped at an inn six miles from Azpeytia, where Approach
Juan Esquibar, who knew him well, and had been sent to
look for him, shortly after arrived. On his inquiring if
there were any strangers in the house, the host answered
there was one who spoke like a native of Guipuscoa, and
had the air and bearing of a well-born man, though he was
mounted on a sorry horse and was poorly clad. Juan desired
to be shown to the stranger's apartment ; but, instead of
opening the door, he looked through a crevice and beheld
Ignatius kneeling in prayer. He instantly recognised him,
and rode off to inform the family at Loyola of the near
approach of their saintly relative ; spreading the tidings
wherever he passed.

158 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Hereupon his brothers and nephews prepared to set out
with a noble cavalcade, and bring him with honour to his
ancestral home ; but, alarmed lest the intended display
should shock the Saint's humility and be the means of
depriving them of his presence, they sent in their stead a
worthy priest, Balthazar d'Arabeza, with directions to wel-
come him in their name, and beguile him, if possible, into a
visit to Loyola. Suspecting, however, that Ignatius, in his
desire to avoid a ceremonious reception, would diverge from
the high-road and take the path by the mountains, which
were infested with brigands, they despatched two servants,
well mounted and armed, who, while appearing to be but
chance travellers like himself, were to act as his guard.
All happened as they had foreseen. The Saint, after cour-
teously dismissing the priest, took the way by the moun-
tains, and, meeting the two men, at first supposed them to
be robbers; but, on finding who they were, and for what
purpose they had been sent, he refused their offered escort,
and, instead of proceeding to his brother's house, went on

Azpeytia. alone to Azpeytia. But even thus he did not escape the
honours prepared for him ; for at the entrance of the town
he was met by a procession of the clergy and a number of
his kinsmen, who received him with all the reverence due
to his high repute for sanctity, and entreated him to ac-
company them home. This also he declined to do ; saying
that, since he had become poor for the sake of Christ, he
had no home but the houses of the poor, and he would lodge

Sta. Mad- nowhere but at the Hospital of St. Magdalen. There his
family sent him a comfortable bed, together with provisions ;
the bed he would not use, but disarranged it every morning,
to conceal that he slept upon the floor. When this pious
artifice was discovered, a common bed was given him, such
as the poor lay upon in the hospital, and this he was con-
tent to use. The provisions that had been sent him he
distributed among the sick; and, during all the time he
remained in Azpeytia he lived on alms, which, to the disgust
of his relatives, he persisted in begging from door to door.
He used to wait upon the sick, and eat at the same table
with the poor, sharing with them the victuals he received in
alms, and reserving the worst portions for himself. Never

VISIT TO LOYOLA. 159

but once, say his biographers, did he consent to enter the
house of his ancestors,1 and then only in compliance with
the entreaties of his brother's wife, who on her knees im-
plored him by the passion of our Lord to visit Loyola, at Visit to
least for a few hours. But he yielded, we are told, rather yo
that he might impress upon her the reverence with which
he regarded that holy mystery, than out of any weak relent-
ing of his heart towards his own kindred and home ; for he
had renounced all for Jesus' sake, and, it may be, had still
enough of natural tenderness unsubdued within him to
make him dread a fresh entanglement with human ties. As
it was, he remained but a single night, which he passed on
the bare floor, going from the hospital in the evening, and
returning early in the morning, before the inmates of the
castle were awake.

Many years after this, when he desired to encourage a
young novice whose heart clung too fondly to memories of
home, Ignatius told him that for a long while he had been
troubled by a picture in his book of prayers representing the
Holy Yirgin, in whose sweet and gentle countenance he
seemed to see such a resemblance to that of his sister-in-
law, Doiia Maddalena, that, whenever he turned the page, Likeness
his heart was touched with a feeling of regretful affection for ^j^sif
the place and friends he was to see no more. So he fastened l«ia,
a paper over the picture, resolved to obliterate that dan-
gerous tenderness — a childishness he called it — and these
temptations, he said, never returned.

His health had already benefited from the effects of the
journey and relaxation from severe study, even before he
again breathed his native air; and he now resumed the
practice of all his former austerities ; he began also to labour
for the instruction and salvation of souls. When his brother,
Don Martin, learned that it was the Saint's intention to
teach in public, he was much chagrined, and endeavoured to
dissuade him from his purpose, telling him that he would
have no listeners. Ignatius replied that he should be quite Preaching,
content if he had but one. The event surpassed all expecta-
tion. Many of every rank flocked to hear him, even the

1 Pere Pierrart thinis this is a mistake, and that on another occasion he
remained some days there.

160 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

chief men of the neighbourhood ; and the lord of Loyola was
himself amongst them. Ignatius was accessible to everyone,
but he would speak on none but spiritual subjects. He
preached for two or three hours together on three days in
the week, besides Sundays and holidays ; nor did he desist
even when his strength was much reduced by continual low-
fever. The crowds at length became so great, that he was
forced to leave the town for the open country, men climbing
up into the trees to hear him ; and so marvellously was he
assisted by the power of God, that he was distinctly heard
at a distance of three hundred yards, although his voice was
not naturally strong. He spoke entirely from the impulse of
the moment, preparing nothing beforehand, but throwing his
whole soul into his discourses, which, therefore, in spite of
their extreme simplicity, produced extraordinary effects.

Parents were glad to bring their children to learn of Igna-
tius and receive his blessing. One ugly little fellow, Martin
Alarzia. Alarzia, stammered so much that the people around laughed
at him; Ignatius turned to them and said: — 'You laugh
because you see only the outside of this boy. I can tell you
that it is not so ugly as his soul is beautiful in the sight of
God, and this beauty will continue ever to increase. He will
one day be a distinguished servant of God, and will do great
things for the saving of souls.' The event proved the truth
of the prediction, for Alarzia lived to be a holy and zealous
priest.

Another boy was brought to Ignatius that he might bless
him, the mother said, and pray to God to preserve him for
her comfort and support. He was eight years old ; his name
Francis d'Almara. Ignatius looked attentively at him, then
he said to his mother, * Fear not, your son will live long, and
have many children.' And d'Almara lived to the age of
eighty, and had fifteen children.

When Ignatius preached publicly for the first time, he
told the people that one of his reasons for returning to his
own country was to appease his troubled conscience, which
never ceased reproaching him with the examples he had
given in his youth. Every day he implored God to forgive
him ; now he asked pardon of his fellow-countrymen also,
and he besought their prayers. ' Besides, I was obliged,' he

THE STOLEN FRUIT. 101

said, < to return, that I might pay a debt of justice to an in-
nocent person. Yonder,' he cried, pointing to a man who
was present among the crowd, ' is one who was imprisoned
and fined for damage done in an orchard by me and my com- S '
panions. Let all therefore know that he is innocent and I
the guilty person ; and now, in reparation of the wrong that
was done him, I publicly make over to him my two farms,
presenting him as a free gift with all that is over and above
the debt I owe him.'

Such a beginning secured a ready acceptance of the lessons
he taught ; and he made, we are told, a revolution in the
morals and habits of that part of the country. He com-
menced with the clergy, whom, all the writers of that time,
and in nearly all places, describe as, for the most part, sunk
in a dissolute and scandalous life. Many priests kept women
in their houses, who wore veils on their heads as if they were
married, and said openly that they considered themselves
wives of those priests. Ignatius procured of the governor an
order forbidding women who were not legally married to
wear a veil.

Then he attacked the passion for gaming, which was uni-
versal in Spain. This custom was so inveterate that the
Spaniards, says Howell, would say their prayers before they
began to play, and thank God for their good fortune after-
wards. The crusade was so successful that for more than
three years after cards or dice were not to be seen in Azpey-
tia. Then he addressed those who indulged in the luxuries
of life, and a vain display in jewels and dress ; above all, he
tried to repress a style of feminine adornment .which he
thought unsuitable to Christian decorum. The women
listened with delight and remorse ; they wept, they mended
their ways ; the over-obtrusive charms were hidden, the
vain decorations cast away. On each of the ten days that
intervene between Ascension Day and Pentecost, Ignatius
spoke in the evening on one of the Ten Commandments ; and
on the day of Pentecost itself, it was said, the Holy Spirit
descended into many hearts. When he had preached on the
taking of God's name in vain, all oaths and impieties of
speech became odious, and were heard no more. Women
who had led bad lives now devoted themselves to penance

M

1G2 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

and works of piety ; some of them made long pilgrimages
on foot, some practised a more safe devotion by attending to
the sick poor in the hospitals. All strove to convert their
companions in sin. That association which has so often in
Italy impressed strangers with the considerate and tender
charity of the Catholic faith, instituted for the 'poveri
The bnsh- vergognosi ' — decent and destitute persons whose bashfulness
ful poor. or nonest pride concealed their wants from all eyes but those
of their loving mother, the Church — originated at Azpeytia
with Ignatius, who established there the Confraternity of the
Holy Sacrament, charged to discover and relieve such persons
in perfect secrecy ; and he gave to it an income from his own
property, which fund was to be administered by the principal
inhabitants of the town. He commenced among them the
holy custom of praying at noon daily for those who were
living in mortal sin ; he gave money for ringing the bells at
that time. He revived the evening prayers for the souls of
the departed. He obtained from, his kinsmen at Loyola a
gift of twelve loaves to the poor every Sunday, in honour of
the twelve Apostles.

He succeeded in everything that he attempted, and it
pleased God often to bestow upon His servant a miraculous
power. A woman said to have been possessed for four years
was brought to him. He said that, not being a priest, he
could not exorcise her ; but he prayed for her, placed his
hands on her head, made over her the sign of the cross, and
she was cured. A girl horribly convulsed was brought to
him as a demoniac. But the Saint perceived that the con-
vulsions were physical ; he dispelled them by the sign of the
Ignatius cross. In the hospital was a poor man named Bastida, who
'n |h.e had been subject to epileptic fits for many years. One day
he was seized with the disorder in the presence of the Saint.
Ignatius, moved with compassion, lifted up his eyes to
heaven, and, uttering a short prayer, laid his hand upon his
forehead. Bastida immediately revived, and, so perfect
was the cure, that the fits never after returned. Almost
more wonderful was the restoration of a poor consumptive
creature thought to be dying : Ignatius at first refused his
benediction, saying he was not a priest ; then, vanquished
by the importunities of the sick woman and the bystanders,

TRADITIONS ABOUT IGNATIUS. 163

he gave it, and her health and strength returned. She had
been carried from Gamara, where she lived ; she returned on
foot and without help. Some days afterwards she came to
thank her benefactor, bringing with her an offering of fruits ;
the Saint would not refuse her gift, but distributed the fruit
among the poor of the hospital. But not the Saint's hand
alone, even things that belonged to him were endued with a
miraculous virtue. A poor woman, whose arm was withered
aud useless, moved partly by a feeling of devotion and partly
by a hope of obtaining some heavenly favour, took some of
his linen home with her to wash, and on the first touch she
was entirely healed.

The exertions made by Ignatius, while he treated himself
with so little indulgence, at last brought on another illness.
He refused to leave the hospital, but two ladies of his rela-
tions, Maria d'Oriola and Simona d'Alzaga, came there to
attend on him. One night when they wished to leave a light
in the room, he would not have it ; he said, God would not
let him want anything that was necessary for him. He rose
in the night to pray, as was his custom ; his heart, over-
burdened with joy, relieved itself in exclamations. His kins-
women ran to his room, thinking he was ill ; they opened
the door suddenly, and saw him surrounded by a bright light,
his hands clasped, his eyes raised to heaven, his face shining
vrith a radiance that dazzled them, his soul absorbed in
v rayer. When he found himself discovered, he was con-
founded, and desired his cousins not to speak of what they
had seen ; doubtless they did not think it necessary to be
silent after he had taken his departure.

Such are the traditions which the people of Azpeytia still
preserve and delight to repeat. Many families remain there
who have heard from their parents stories like these, carried
down from the days of Ignatius. Three miles from the town
is a farmhouse, whose owners gladly relate how he used fre-
quently to rest there after his walk from the town. There
they showed Pere Pierrart, about the year 1865, a figure of
the Saint, and in its pedestal was enclosed the rope he wore
round his waist, which rope he left as a parting gift when he
said farewell. The marvels attributed to him do not exceed
the credence of most persons who have examined the influence

M 2

1C4

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

of mind over matter ; not cures only, but such phenomena
as the ' levitation,' of Saints in the air, and the glory seen
round their heads, have been admitted and explained by
some who reject Christianity, and are perhaps more unreason-
able than those who profess to submit reason to faith. But
the companions of Ignatius did not attribute to him the
power of working miracles in the usual sense. Ribadeneira
expressly says this, and adds, what can hardly be denied,
that the success of the Society founded by Loyola, amid such
great discouragements, was of itself a lasting and continued
miracle, and a proof of Divine interposition that needs no
confirmation from lesser or disputable facts.

Leaving Three months Ignatius had remained at Azpeytia ; he had

A/peytia. recovere^ his health ; he desired now to hasten on towards
the objects for which he had left Paris. Clergy and laity
strove to retain him ; they entreated him to continue the
good work he had begun. He answered that God called him
away, that he must extend the work elsewhere; but they
themselves would still participate in it. He intended to set off
on foot, taking no money ; his brother Martin insisted on
escorting him to the port whence he was to sail for Italy, and
Ignatius compromised by accepting his brother's company as
far as the confines of Biscay a. There he made his last farewell
to his kinsman, dismounted, and pursued his journey on foot to
Xavier, then to Almazano and Toledo, where lived the fami-
lies of Laynez and Salmeron. With all these he concluded
the arrangements committed to him, though the parents of
the young men were almost all unwilling that they should
make the renunciation of their property ; but he would not
take charge of the monies they were to receive. From Va-
The Char- lencia he went to Segorbia, to visit his old friend Juan de
Castro, who had formerly been hindered from following him.
He was now a priest and a novice in the Carthusian monas-
tery of Vallis Christi ; Ignatius told him all he had done and
hoped to do, and asked his counsels and prayers. De Castro
said he would answer him next day. He passed the night in
prayer, and in the morning, as one filled with Divine light,
he declared to Ignatius that this work must be of God, a^ "

treux.

Diocese of
Segorbia.

IGNATIUS AT VALK.VIA. 105

bade him proceed ; he was even willing himself to quit the
monastery, where as yet he had not taken the vows, and to
accompany Ignatius. But this the Saint would not allow,
and the friends parted with mutual promises of intercession
and a lasting charity.

Perhaps this was the monastery in which it was made
known to Ignatius that two of the monks, unfaithful to their
vows, intended to abscond. He announced this revelation
before all the brotherhood ; the two offenders, smitten with
remorse, immediately confessed their designs, and delivered
up the disguises they had prepared.

Igniatius was to embark for Genoa from Valencia. There

O

he stood for the last time in the neighbourhood of the lady
whose service he had professed in the chivalry of his earlier
years ; he saw the romantic residence given by Ferdinand and
protected by his successor, where Princess Juanita lived with
her mother, the Queen of Naples. The Princess too must
have heard of him, if she did not see him ; for he stayed several
days in Valencia, and preached much and converted many
there. If she had ever contemplated a possible marriage
with Don Inigo, she might have thought her kinsman
Charles V. would not have opposed it ; he was a goodnatured
prince to young women in those days, and sympathised in
their inclinations. He took his sister Catalina away from
Tordesillas, that she might share the festivities of his recep-
tion in Castille ; 1 and removed his father's widow, Germaine
de Foix, from the convent of Abrox£O — doubtless greatly to
her satisfaction, since she re-married next year, with Charles's
consent, though the lord of Brandeburg was looked on as
a mesalliance by the old subjects of King Ferdinand. We
can find afterwards no mention of the Princess Juanita, and
may conjecture as we please, from the silence of history, that
she remained unmarried from some memory of her illustrious
lover ; or, incited perhaps by his example, took shelter in the
obscurity of a religious life.

When Ignatius left the house of his friend Martin Perez,
where he had lodged in Valencia many days, to embark for

1 But the poor Queen pined for her and refused food, so the Princess was
forced to return.

166

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Italy, the sea was infested by pirates ; Barbarossa had driven
Muley Hassan from Tunis, and swept the Mediterranean
with a fleet of 100 galleys, plundering both by sea and land.
He did not fall in with the vessel which bore Ignatius ; that
danger was averted by another : it was caught in a violent

Danger by storm ; the helm carried away, the mast broken ; the sailors
gave themselves up for lost. Ignatius told Gonsalez after-
wards that while they shrieked and lamented as if their
last hour was come, he felt no fear or disturbance, only a
profound grief that he had answered so imperfectly to the
graces that Heaven had bestowed on Him. At last they
reached the port of Genoa ; but he was not yet safe. In
crossing the Apennines to Bologna he lost his way, and

and land, found himself, after much scrambling and climbing, on the
brink of a precipice, where he could neither advance nor,
without difficulty, return. He had to crawl on hands and
knees up steep rocks, which overhung a torrent far below, he
holding on by ledges of rock, or by herbs growing in the
crevices. He said afterwards that he had never been in
greater danger ; his escape seemed to him a miracle.

Bologna. He arrived sick at Bologna. The winter was advancing,
the rains had set in, the roads were flooded, and when at last
the weather mended, and he had reached the town, as he
entered it his foot slipped in passing a bridge, and he fell
into a moat. He rose bruised, wet through, and covered
with mud. All along the streets the boys shouted at him ;
he asked alms but nothing was given to him : he would have
perished of hunger and cold but for the Spanish College,
which took him in and sheltered him kindly until he had
recovered strength. Then after a week he set off for Venice.

Venice. He arrived at the well-remembered spot on the last day of

the year 1535. Probably ' the learned and honourable man '
with whom he lodged when he wrote this letter to his friend
Cazador, afterwards Bishop of Barcelona, was the elder

1536. D'Eguia. It was dated February 12, 1536 :— '

Ignatius to Cazador, Archdeacon of Barcelona.

You say at once that you will not withdraw from me your former
assistance. After I received the letter of Isabel Roser, I told you

1 Menchaca, from whom Genelli takes it, gives it in Latin.

CAZADOK. 1G7

tliat she will take care of me only till next April, helping me to
continue my studies. I thought this was best, so that I might pro-
cure myself the books I want, as well as other necessaries.

Although living is dearer here, and my health does not allow me
now to bear want and corporal fatigues as well as those of study,
I am well provided with everything, thanks to Isabel Roser, who
has made me receive here twelve crowns in her name, besides the
alms you have sent me for the love of God. Fifteen days before
Christmas I was kept in my bed at Bologna by pains in the
stomach, owing to cold and fever. I resolved, therefore, to go to
Venice, where I have passed a month and a half in the society and
the house of a learned and worthy man, so that I am persuaded
nothing better conld have happened to me. The wish you express,
to see me preach publicly at Barcelona, I also feel always ; not
that I think I can do more than others, or be more useful, but for
the sake of explaining to the people, as one of the least among
them, things simple and easy to comprehend, hoping of God our
Lord that He will sustain by His grace my weak efforts, so that I
may do something for His service and His glory. I reckon, then,
that, after having finished my studies, in a year from this Easter.
I shall remain in no town of Spain to preach the word of God till
we have first met, as we both wish ; for I think I am without doubt
more obliged to the people of Barcelona than to any others on this
earth. This, however, must be understood, clave non errante,1 if
God our Lord does not call me out of Spain to some work which
will bring me less honour and more trouble. I cannot tell how
this may be ; what I do know is, that i shall always preach in
poverty, but putting aside the solicitudes and difficulties which now
entangle me during my studies.

Ignatius sought a lodging in a hospital of which St. Cajetan
de Thienne was one of the directors. This must have occurred
after the date of the preceding letter, and perhaps gave rise
to the story of Ignatius wishing to gain admission into the
Order Cajetan had founded ; he, it was said, refused, saying Theatin&
that it would be better Ignatius should create a new one,
entirely devoted to external acts of charity.2 Cajetan him-
self was not then at Venice, but at Naples. In that same

1 The power of the keys not being impeded.

2 Eibadeneira relates that Laynez having come to Rome from Venice in
April 1545, communicated, in his presence, to Ignatius the desire of the
principal members of the Theatine brotherhood to join his new Society.
Ignatius answered, it was more for the Lord's service that each Order should
remain as He had been pleased to constitute it.

168

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Letter to
Miouu.

Hosez

ami the
D'Eguias.

winter Ignatius wrote the following letter to liis confessor
Miona, at Paris : —

I wish much to know what has become of you ; which is not
surprising, since I am indebted to you in spiritual things, as a son
to his father ; and, besides, I am bound to you by the love and
goodwill you have always had for me, and have shown by their
effects. I do not know any way of repaying a tithe of what you
have done, except to persuade you to make the ' Spiritual Exercises '
during a month, with the person I have named to you, and who
offers to conduct them. If, therefore, you have tried them and
found edification, I pray you in the name of our Lord write and tell
me. And if not, I beseech you by His love, and His painful death
for our sakes, to set about them ; and if you are afterwards sorry
for it, I consent to suffer whatever penance you inflict on me, and
to be regarded by you as a man who trifles with priests to whom he
owes everything. As in writing to one I mean my letter for all, I
have not yet written to you particularly, but Faber can tell you all
you want to know concerning me, and you can read the letter I now
send him. I pray you twice, thrice, and as often as I can, for the
glory of God our Lord, to do what I have said, so that the Divine
Majesty may not reprove me later for not having conjured you
with all my might to do that which I think the best thing on earth?
not only for the separate good of each, but also to learn how to
conduct others in the way of piety — how to help and guide them.
Aud if you feel not the want for yourself, you will see how much
you can profit others : more than you expect. I pray the infinite
goodness of God our Lord to give you grace to know His most holy
will, and to accomplish it perfectly in everything, juxta talenta
omnibus commissa, if we would not hear Him say to us one day,
' Serve nequam, sciebas,' &c.
Venice, November 16, 1536.

The ' Exercises ' were not less efficient at Venice than he had
found them before; they won for him three new companions —
Diego Hosez, or Hoyes, and the two D'Eguias. Hosez was of
an ancient family of Malaga,1 a worthy man, very earnest
against the heresies of the Germans. Though the desire of
spiritual profit led him to Ignatius, it was not with entire
confidence ; he had heard accusations, and he entered on the
* Exercises ' well provided with volumes of the Fathers,
Councils, and other such works. But when he had gone

1 Originally of Cordova, made Lords of Abbayda by some former .sove-
reign of Castille.

PIETRO COXTARINI. 1G9

through the first meditations, he was persuaded that he
beheld the characters of Divine truth. He attached himself
to Ignatius at once, and the remainder of his few years on.
earth were spent in toiling as a member of the Society of
Jesus. He bore to heaven the first fruits of the Order
destined to lead so many there.

The two D'Eguias, Diego and Stephen, whom Ignatius had
first known at Alcala, were remaining at Yenice, on their
return from a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. They received him
gladly into their house, and consulted him how they should
shape their future life, which they intended to devote entirely
to God. By his advice they sought Divine guidance in the
* Exercises,' and afterwards became members of his Society.
Diego d'Eguia had the signal honour and privilege of being
confessor to his master during their later years. But in this
office he did not entirely escape his censure ; for he spoke of
Ignatius as a saint, and this gave him great offence. Never-
theless Ignatius loved and venerated him. He sometimes
said, ( When we are in heaven we shall see Padre Diego fifty
yards above us, so that we shall hardly know him.' A saying
of Diego's was often repeated, — ' Chi si stima qualche cosa,
val poco ; chi si stima d' assai, val nulla.'

Pietro Contarini, a cousin of the Cardinal, and subse- Pietro
quently Bishop of Baffo (Paphos), placed himself in close con- Contanm-
nection with Ignatius, and became his protector and warm
friend. He resided in Venice, and was Administrator of the
Hospital of SS. John and Paul, where the companions of
Ignatius lived. Many noblemen of the Republic, and many
persons of other classes, went through the ' Exercises ; ' some
of these afterwards entered the Company ; and Yenice always
presented a rich harvest to the Jesuit preachers.

The time was now approaching when the ten companions
were to be re-united ; it came sooner than it was looked for.
When Charles V., returning victorious from Africa, presented
himself before Paul III., at Rome, he brought with him no
promise of peace ; on the contrary, he could not, even in the
presence of the Pope, or after the moving appeal made by his
Holiness, control the passion with which he sought a nt.-\v

170 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

quarrel with Francis. He even challenged him to single
combat. In a few weeks he invaded the Milanese, Provence,
and Picardj ; but success no longer attended his arms, and
he retreated into Spain. The Queens, his sisters, with
difficulty prevailed on him and Francis to conclude a short
and partial truce ; and the young men, who were left by
Ignatius at Paris to complete their studies, were warned to
leave France at once, lest the roads should be closed to them.
Instead therefore of waiting till the last week in January,
they started on November 15 for Venice.

But their departure was not unopposed, and even Faber
could hardly have been wholly without hesitation when the
strongest representations were made to him of the good work
they were doing, and would have to renounce by leaving Paris
for an uncertain and distant usefulness in the East. Bartoli
mentions, without naming him, * a celebrated theologian,
whose learning equalled his virtue,' who declared that Faber
could not, without sinning grievously, desert the good he had
effected in France, and which, said his counsellor, was more
important than anything he could hope to do in Palestine ;
he added that he was ready to present this opinion in writing
signed by all the doctors and theologians of Paris. Faber
had indeed peculiar endowments for the work of winning souls
among the highly- cultivated world, in which he was then
exercising his untiring zeal and great learning ; and perhaps
it was impossible for an uninspired judgment not to be-
lieve he had there found his calling. He had a delightful
ingenuity in mingling spiritual things with familiar conver-
sation ; he could join in talk the most divergent from such
subjects, and like a skilful pilot steer the discourse into any
channel he chose. He pleased as much as he edified; all
sought his society, and the sweetness and the depth of holy
feeling with which he spoke, touched all hearts and often
effected wonderful conversions. He directed the * Exercises'
with so much of the spirit in which they were written,
that Ignatius thought him in this without an equal. He was
obviously doing great and lasting good, and if God "Himself
had not confirmed within the hearts of the six young men
the engagements they had entered into with Ignatius, they
would perhaps have yielded to these indications, and thought

THE COMPANIONS LEAVING PARIS. 171

it His will tliey should remain in France. ' But the Society
of Jesus was in the order of Providence, and Faber persevered.

Ignatius was now solicitous for his friends. He wrote to
the confessor of the French Queen Eleanor : — ' Master Le-
fevre (this was Faber's name in Paris) and his companions
will have a difficult journey to make, and must be reduced to
great necessity.' He therefore asks assistance for them.

It was advisable that they should not start all at once : The corn-
some remained to wind up their worldly affairs ; the others f^^g3
were to proceed to Meaux, and there wait till their com- Paris,
panions joined them. Simon Rodriguez was among the first
party ; it pleased God to send him a sudden malady, and a
surprising deliverance. He was seized with a burning fever ;
an abscess broke out on his shoulder ; and when he reached
Meaux, he suffered intense pain, and passed the night rolling
delirious upon the floor, which was his only bed, as well as
that of his companions. But the worst part of his torment
was the fear of delaying the others, who, unless they con-
sented to leave him, might find the passes closed, and their
journey hindered. He and his associates prayed fervently
to God that night; towards morning he fell into a quiet
slumber ; he awoke quite well, and when, a few hours after,
the rest of the party arrived from Paris, he was able
to accompany them without difficulty. He soon met with
another interruption : one of his brothers, and a college friend
of Simon's, having discovered that he had not left them for
a short absence, as they supposed, but with the intention of
following Ignatius, rode hastily after him, and having over-
taken him, implored him not to afflict his mother and
brothers, nor, by devoting himself in a foreign country to the
Company, disappoint the King of Portugal, who had some
right to benefit by the education which he had enabled him
to receive. Simon gently defended himself, and said, 'he Eodriguez
thought it would be easier for him to persuade them to go
with him, than for them to induce him to return.' And they
were forced to let him proceed.

Further on, he met with a different sort of importunities :
a party of young people were dancing together, in the
summer evening, and three or four young girls came up and
wanted him to join them; possibly they were 'sectaires,'

172 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

to whom-the clerical dress was a matter of amusement, for
they persisted until Rodriguez was frightened and fled with
precipitation, calling out, ' Aux voleurs, aux voleurs ! '

It seems to have been not in vain that early in entering
on the religious life Simon had marked a cross upon his
heart.

Francis Xavier also had impediments to overcome. The
first was too easily set aside to deserve much notice ; it
was a canonship at Pamplona, which was pressed on him
just as he was leaving Paris. The next did not seriously
molest him till some days afterwards. He had resolved in
the fervour of his piety that he would strive to do penance
separately for every fault of his youth. It was a common
recreation of the students in Paris to run races, and Xavier
Xavier. accused himself of having felt a complacency in his own
swiftness. For this offence he bound his legs tightly with
rough cords, and endured the pain this gave him, until
he was forced to sit down by the roadside exhausted and
unable to walk further.1 When at last he could neither
conceal the effect nor the cause, his companions were horrified
to find the flesh so inflamed and swollen that it had closed
over the cords. They carried him in their arms, 'fayre
and softly, to the nearest Inne, where they sent for a
Physitian ; ' doubtless the village barber or blacksmith, but
he was discreetly afraid of operating in such a strange case,
and would not undertake to remove the cords. Then they had
recourse to earnest prayer. And God, who is pleased some-
times to show His strength in our greatest weakness, worked
the miracle that was asked. When Xavier awoke, after a
night of peaceful slumber, he was a sound man ; the cords
had fallen off and the flesh was healed.

The wayfarers now resumed their journey, and had no more
of these alarms. But delays of another kind sometimes oc-
curred. Once in a defile they were stopped and questioned
by some French soldiers ; it would have been embarrassing
if they had been forced to answer separately, for several were
Spaniards ; luckily, a peasant who had stopped to look at
them, turning to the soldiers, said, ' Let them go on ! don't
you see que ces messieurs sont reformateurs ? qu'ils vont re~

1 This account of the journey is from an old life of Xavier in English.

THE COMPANIONS ON THEIR WAY TO VENICE. 173

former quelque pays ? ' "Whether said in mischief or friend-
ship, these words persuaded the soldiers to let them pass.

Crossing Lorraine, they were drenched with rain. In
Germany the snow was so deep, that they were detained in
some places two or three days. There they met the French
army marching towards Lorraine. The people, who durst not
stir from their houses, wondered to see them, and asked if
they had travelled through the air. Again they were stopped
by the soldiers ; and interrogated, they said they were
students from Paris journeying from devotion towards St.
Nicholas, a small place on the confines of Lorraine, through
which indeed they had to pass. Their rosaries procured
them a joyful reception wherever they came among Catholics.
In the Protestant cities they were sometimes insulted, almost
always challenged by the preachers to an argument, which
they would not decline, though with little hope of con-
vincing their prejudiced hearers. One minister, indeed,
owned that they had the best of the dispute, but he would
not promise to return to the ancient faith. The great
humility and modesty of these poor pilgrims, contrasting
even in the eyes of the most ignorant with their learning
and eloquence, touched many persons ; frequently they were
kindly lodged and entertained, and guides were sometimes
sent on with them to show the way. At Basle many came
to visit them at their inn, and invited them to controversy ;
among them was the celebrated Carlostadt. But we do not
find that controversy ever did much good in these cases.

They had started with no other equipment than their staves,
their chaplets round their necks, and a little valise on their
shoulders. They walked two and two, ( with great recollec-
tion and modesty,' the weakest going first ; sometimes in
prayer, sometimes conversing of the things of God, or singing
psalms and hymns. Every day Faber, Le Jay, or Brouet,
who were priests, said mass ; the others received the Holy
Communion. Amongst them there was no authority; all
desired to serve and assist the others ; they were together as
loving brothers. When a resolution was necessary, each
gave his opinion, and the majority decided.

One evening, arriving at a place sixteen miles from
Constance, the minister who had been cure there, when he

174 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

and his flock were Catholics, followed them into the inn,
laughed at their chaplets, and challenged them to an argu-
ment. They accepted the defiance, though very weary :
Laynez opened the discussion. We may well suppose the
astonishment of the ex-cure, when he found what antao-o-

y O

nists he had encountered in these poor and simple-seeming
men. He interrupted the dispute by a proposal that they
should adjourn to take supper together, quoting Virgil —

Et jam nox humida ccelo
Praecipitat ; suadentque cadentia sidera coenam —

Let us sup first, he said, and then we will resume our
discourse ; to-morrow I invite you to come and see my books
and my children — for the minister had a large family — the
travellers however declined the invitation and supped alone.
They renewed the discussion afterwards, but the minister,
excited by wine and the presence of a large auditory, at last
argued himself into a passion, swore at his adversaries in
good round German, and left the inn in a rage, threatening
that he would have them put into prison. Those who
witnessed this, advised the travellers to leave the place
immediately ; but they thought it better to remain that
night. Early next morning, a man ' about thirty years of
age, of tall stature and a fair countenance, so that some said
he was an angel,' came to the inn, and made signs to the
travellers to follow him, for he spoke only German, which
they could not understand. He led them ten miles across
the country, where they could see no track, yet they were not
impeded by the snow which lay thick all around ; when they
reached the high road he left them.

Constance. Next day, they proceeded to Constance, now a Protestant
city. Near it stood a hospital for the plague. A woman
coming out of it as they passed, showed great delight at the
sight of their chaplets, and asking them by signs to wait a
moment, she ran into the hospital, and brought out pieces
of crucifixes, which the Lutherans had destroyed. To make
reparation for this insult to our dear Lord, the young men
prostrated themselves upon the snow, and devoutly kissed
those precious fragments.

THE COMPANIONS AT VENICE. 1 7 "•>

After fifty-four days, on the 6tli of January, 1537, their Venice,
toilsome journey ended at Venice ; they had the great happi-
ness of seeing their Father Ignatius again ; he wept over them
for tenderness and joy. It was not yet time for the voyage
to Jerusalem ; they deferred asking the Papal benediction
for the present, and divided themselves among various works
of charity in Venice. They resided in the Hospital of the
Incurables, and that of S. John and S. Paul. There they
all taught the truths of their religion, attended the sick,
helped the dying, and followed the dead. This great charity
edified all who saw it ; the senators and the chief men of the
Republic often went to look at their apostolic work, and
many shed tears of emotion at the sight. For these men of
consummate learning and rare gifts, some of them highly
born, thought no ofiice too humble for them ; they washed
and lifted in their arms men suffering from loathsome dis-
eases ; watched by them at night, consoled them, and showed
them how to make sufferings and misfortune a privilege and
a joy.

Xavier is said to have sucked the wounds of the sick in
the hospital, merely to overcome the repugnances of nature ;
but another explanation gives additional value to this act —
it was a remedy of those times much vaunted by the physi-
cians, and probably with reason, for something like it has
been lately revived.1

Thus they remained at Venice till mid Lent, when it was
thought right that all but Ignatius should go to Rome. He
deemed it prudent not to accompany them, for two persons
were there whom he believed personally hostile to him.
These were Cardinal Caraffa, friend and partner of Cajetan, a
man of stern and irritable temper, possibly displeased because
Ignatius and Hosez had refused to join his Theatines ; and
Ortiz, then conspicuous in Europe as the envoy of Charles V.
to the Papal Court, in the matter of Queen Catherine and
Henry VIII. Ortiz, at Paris, had been active in bringing

1 The story of King Edward and Queen Eleanor is familiar to us ; and a
touching incident is related of the reign of Louis XV., when a lady of the
Court saved hy this repulsive means the eyesight of her daughter, nearly
lost by confluent small-pox.

176

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Ignatius
left in
Venice.

Journey of
the com-
panions
from
Venice to
Rome.

Loreto.

Ignatius before the Inquisition ; and the Saint could not tell
how far this old prejudice might exist still. Ultimately
Caraffa proved not unfriendly to Ignatius, and Ortiz became
one of his earliest and most useful patrons.

About ten weeks after their arrival in Venice, the com-
panions of Ignatius left him there, and set out for Rome.
They made, as before, but little provision for their journey ;
and, when they had followed the sea-shore for three days,
towards Ravenna, some of them fainted for want of food.
They rested on Passion Sunday, in a place covered with pine-
trees, and fed on the seeds of the sweet pine. Sometimes,
from want of money, they had a difficulty in getting across
the rivers, now swollen with the spring rains, and were forced
to give a knife, an ink-bottle, or any small thing they had
about them to a boatman to ferry them over. Once near
Ancona they were arrested in this way; and one of the
party went to pawn his breviary while the others waited on
the bank. ' When I was passing through the streets of
Ancona,' said he, afterwards, ' begging alms with which I
might redeem my breviary, I saw one of my companions,
wet and barefooted, asking the market-women to give him,
in charity, a little fruit or vegetables. I thought of his high
birth, his great talents, the riches he had renounced, the
eminent learning and virtue which would have given" him
such influence in the world ; and I felt unworthy to be the
associate of such men. These ideas returned to me often,
increasing my admiration for them, and my wish to do them
any service.' [This seems to describe Xavier.]

Sometimes the country was so flooded that they had to
wade long distances through the water. Codure, whose leg
caused him great pain from inflammation, came out from
this hydropathic treatment entirely cured.

At Ravenna they were received into a hospital, but only
one bed was offered to the nine. This one bed was so repul-
sively dirty, that Rodriguez, who, with two others, was to
occupy it, as being the most tired, chose rather to lie upon
the floor. But he afterwards greatly reproached himself for
what he thought an excess of fastidiousness. At Loreto they
were hospitably received in the convent. They passed three

PAUL III. 177

happy days there, then proceeded to Tolentino, which they
reached at night, exhausted by fasting and fatigue. The
rain fell heavily ; no one was out of doors, so they could not
hope for alms. Three went in advance ; the rest sought a
little shelter close to the walls. One of the three, already
drenched with the rain, was walking in the middle of the
road, now dark ; when he saw, advancing towards him, a
man of noble presence, and, as far as he could judge, pleasant
in countenance, who stopped, took his hand, placed some
money in it, and withdrew without saying a word. The
travellers thought this was a Divine interposition, and
they went to the inn, and ordered a splendid supper of
bread, wine, and dried figs; but they would not partake of
their feast till they had found some beggars with whom to
share it.

Next day they arrived in Eome, where Paul III. had
worthily filled the chair of St. Peter for about two years.
Marco Antonio Contarini, writing from Rome,1 says of
Paul III. and his Court : —

For many years the Prelates had not been so strict in their lives Ranke.
as they were then. The Cardinals had greater liberty of giving
their opinions in the Consistory than for a long while past ; and
the Pope, so far from being displeased, greatly encouraged this ; so
that every day new reforms might be expected. Among the
Cardinals were so many highly distinguished men, that it was com-
monly owned that the world had none such elsewhere.

Farnese had commenced his Papal life by an action full of
promise for the future interests of the world. He assembled
round him a large number of Cardinals, chosen for their
personal merits only ; beginning with Gaspar Contarini, who
suggested to his choice of counsellors such men as Sadolet and
Reginald Pole ; Caraffa, well acquainted with Spain and the
Low Countries ; Ghiberti, Bishop of Yerona ; Fregoso, Arch-
bishop of Salerno. Almost all were members of the ' Oratory
of Divine Love,' that pious society, which, from the days of
Leo X., comprised so many good and holy prelates,2 who,
seeing the general miseries of the Church, ' e cosi maltrat-
tato il culto divino,' and even in the Pope's own city, had made

1 To the Senate of Venice, in 1538.

2 Such as Cajetan, its founder; Lippomani, Giuliano Bathi.

178 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

themselves into a ' fortress ' for its protection. These men
had sympathy enough with some of the Protestant party to
deserve their confidence. Contarini wrote a treatise on
Justification, which gave occasion to those who were jealous
of his influence with the Pope and Emperor to spread abroad
rumours unfavourable to his orthodoxy. The enemies of the
Church have not been slow to adopt these views, but far
different was the judgment of his friend Cardinal Pole,
who congratulated him with admiration.1 * You have
brought to light,' he said, ' the jewel which the Church
was keeping half concealed.' He attacked the abuses of
the Curia at Rome, and was indignant when told that his
censures implicated former Popes. * Shall we care,' he said,
' for the fame of three or four Popes, and not mend what is
corrupt, and earn a worthy reputation for ourselves ? '
He wrote to Pole from Eome, in May 1537 : —

The Pontiff has taken in hand the work of reformation, begin-
ning with himself. He has chosen four Cardinals — Simon eta, Gin-
rnichio, Theatino, and myself — to examine and correct carefully
everything that passes through the Dataria. . . . Almost all the
Cardinals are favourable to a reform. The face of things in the
Consistory is beginning to alter. ... I cherish great hopes that
our affairs are daily taking a turn for the better. I desire above
all that you and the Beverendissimo of Carpi should be with us, so
that by the efforts of many the Christian republic may be more
easily set to rights.

He found much fault with the abuse of dispensations ; he
rejected indignantly the idea that the Pope can suspend or
confirm without reasonable cause.

He wrote two letters to Paul III., offering suggestions ; in
the second he uses these strong words :—

Certain lawyers have said that . . . the Pope ... is bound by
no rule but that of his own will. . . . Now this statement is so
thoroughly false, repugnant to our- common sense, contrary io
Christian doctrine, demoralising to the whole Christian world, that
scarce could anything be devised more deadly. . . . What could be
more opposed to the law of Christ, which is the law of liberty, than

1 For a vindication of Contnrini's orthodoxy, see his Life, by Casa; also,
Epist. Card. Poll, part iii. ; De Viterbien*i Xo<lti/i/io, p. 87 ; Diufriba, cap. v. ;
and TA-ffcr* of Ai-tl/iit/lir//i> and /'"A', l'>rixi:r«, 1748.

POLICY OF PAUL HI. 179

that Christians should be subject to a Pope who can make and
unmake laws, or dispense with them, without other rule than
his own will ? Heaven defend Christian men, I say, from this
wicked doctrine ! Let not the Pope impose or dispense from any
laws despotically. Let him follow the rule of nature and reason,
and of God's commandments, the rule of love, which refers all things
to God, and to the common benefit, as the most divine of all aims.

Holy Father ... do but reflect if it be not this rash doctrine Ffoulies.
that has given the Lutherans a pretence for those books of theirs
called ' The Babylonish Captivity.' For, I take God to witness, is
there any greater slavery that could be imposed on Christendom
than this which is involved in the principle of these lawyers of
whom I speak ? . . . Far be it from us then to excuse our sins by
coining a false doctrine for our convenience. . . . The prophet
forbids us to make excuses for sins . . . yet here we endeavour not
merely to excuse our sins, but actually teach a doctrine by which
we may call evil good, and good evil.

It must be owned that this was not language to be ad-
dressed to an arbitrary or unworthy sovereign.

We learn from Contarini himself how the Pope took it. 1538.
He travelled * one bright ^November day ' (he seems to dwell
complacently on the recollection) with the Holy Father from
Borne to Ostia. ' Our good old man,' he writes to Reginald
Pole, ' spake to me about the reform of the Compositions
[these were the business of the Curia] . He told me that he
possessed the short treatise I had written, and read it in the
mornings. I had ceased to hope, but now he spoke to me
with such Christian feeling that my confidence revives. I
now believe God will do some great thing, and not allow the
gates of hell to prevail against His holy Spirit.' All that
Paul had promised he began to do ; he appointed commis-
sioners to cany out the reforms needed in the Apostolic
Chamber, the Ruota, the Cancellaria, and the Penitentiary ;
he kept the wise Ghiberti always near him ; he suppressed
abuses; he prepared for the (Ecumenic Council generally
demanded. But on this last point he spoke little ; he had,
in fact, small hopes of its success. He chose his deputies
with so much regard to their moderation, that thev were
afterwards accused of Lutheranisni. He resisted the per-
suasions of those who, like Caraffa, would have cut the matter
very short by an imperious demand for recantation, implying

N -'

180 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

1540. a threat. The Bishop of Vienna wished him to instruct his
Nuncio in this sense. Paul's sagacity and humanity rejected
this advice. ' It is to be feared,' he said, ' that even if instant
death were before them, they would endure it rather than
renounce their opinions.' He had a form of reconciliation
drawn up by good and wise men in such a manner as to avoid
giving offence to any, which he was ready to send on the
least sign of the wanderers desiring to return to the Church.
* Would it were come to that,' said the Pope ; ' we scarcely
dare to hope it ! '

Whatever were the faults or errors of Paul, it is certain
that there was then in himself and his Consistory a real
desire to discover and reform the wants and malpractices of
the Church.

In those times of strong passions and violent contrasts, it
is pleasant to contemplate a character like Gaspar Contarini,
which stands out as a sort of personification of the sublime
of moderation, liberality, and good sense. His father was
one of the merchant lords of Venice. Gaspar was the eldest
son, and seems to have devoted himself to the priesthood as
much from a love of study as from piety. Maffei said he was
the most learned man of his time. It was his custom to rea,d
with close application three hours a day, never more nor
less, each day beginning with a resume of what was done
before. The free air that was then blowing over the fields of
literature, the new range of thought which opened before
active minds, was delightful to Contarini ; but in following
the speculations of the day he retained his humble Chris-
tianity. The sober simplicity of his language was suitable to
one who only wished to impress the convictions of his judg-
ment upon other minds, not to win their applause.

In his youth his father's rank, and his own uncommon
talents, caused him to be chosen one of the Council of the
Pregadi, in Venice; there, with the diffidence of a refined
mind, he remained long silent : this was a grief to him, for
he had much to say. At last he spoke, and obtained at once
the highest esteem of the other senators, though he aimed al.
no graces of oratory, and uttered his ideas in simple language,
and with no display of manner. Perhaps, in those troubled

CASPAR CONTARDs'I. 181

times, he thought that to be calm and cool was a virtue or a
necessity of the first order. In the exact sciences, as well as
in classic literature, he kept pace with the investigations of the
day. It is said that when the world was circumnavigated for Eanke.
the first time by the Spanish ship Yittoria, Contarini, then
with the Court at Yalladolid, was the first who explained
why she returned a day later than that noted in her log-
book. He was sent frequently on embassies and missions,
when he showed always the utmost sagacity, judgment, and
temper. When Charles V. arrived in Germany, Contarini
was the ambassador who greeted him from the Pope. After
the wars which devastated Italy, and ended only with the
sacking of Rome, it was chiefly Contarini who reconciled
Clement to the Emperor, and he helped much to restore
peace.

He was sitting in the Council one Sunday, in the year
1535, when the news was brought him that Paul, the re-
cently-elected Pope, had made him a Cardinal. He did not
at this time know the Pope, and could hardly believe the
announcement. He had seldom left his home except on some
imperial mission ; like most of the Venetians, he was pas-
sionately attached to his native city ; there, too, he held high
honours, and saw no superior. But it was represented that
a refusal would seem disrespectful, and therefore be injurious
to the Court of Rome.

In his new position he was simple, grave, and diligent as
usual ; dignified and gentle ; striving earnestly for reform
within the Church, more sometimes than was agreeable to
others of the Consistory ; distinguished among them for the
firm and equal mind, pure moral instinct, and polished
amenity which were his nature ; as well as for the love of
truth, the enlightened moderation, and many-sidedness
which accompanied his Catholic convictions. If there ex-
isted any person who could smooth away the asperities of
dispute and bring characters so dissonant into harmony, it
would have been Gaspar Contarini. But besides characters
and opinions, there were also personal interests and selfish
ambition to be encountered ; and against these the integrity
and genius of Coutarini were of small avail.

Such a mind was worthy to understand Ignatius; and

182

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

when Gaspar knew him, he said, ' This is just the man I have
always sought.' He made Ignatius his director, and helped
largely to remove the difficulties that might have embarrassed
him at the Papal Court.

Arrival of
the com-
panions in
Rome.

Interview
with

Paul III.,
1537.

When the companions of Ignatius arrived in Rome from
Venice, each repaired at first to the hospital of his own
nation ; they were afterwards all received in that of St.
John.

They had no sooner made themselves known, than one of
the enemies Ignatius had dreaded — Ortiz, procurator to the
Emperor — offered them his assistance, and presented them
himself to the Pope. He recognised Faber, Xavier, and some
others whom he had seen in Paris, and spoke highly to Paul
of their virtues and acquirements, their voluntary poverty,
and their desire to preach the Gospel in the Holy Land.
Paul III., himself a learned man, delighted to hear discussions
between men of letters, and frequently gave himself this re-
creation during his dinner, which Papal custom obliged him
to take alone. He desired that the Jesuits should be presen-
ted to him on the following day. Ortiz brought them to the
Vatican, where some of the Eoman theologians were ready
to dispute with them. Paul gave them an argument ; and,
when his repast was ended, signified that they should be
brought up to him, and said, ' We are exceedingly rejoiced
to see so much learning joined with so much humility/ They
were allowed to kiss his slipper, and he, extending his arms
as if to embrace them all, told them that if he could assist
them in anything he would do it willingly. They answered
they wished nothing but his benediction, and leave to go to
Jerusalem. ' I give you leave readily/ said he, ' but I do not
think you will go.' For at that time a league had been con-
cluded between himself, the Emperor, and the Venetians,
against the Turks ; and the war he knew would prevent
their crossing the sea.

Faber afterwards added another request, which was granted
through the Cardinal-Penitentiary, Antonio Pucci, on April
27. All of them who were not yet priests, including Igna-
tius, had permission granted to receive holy orders from any

ORDINATION. 183

bishop whatever, as having taken the vow of poverty,
and having the necessary qualifications in learning. For
Alphonso Salmeron, the youngest, a dispensation was granted,
by which he might be ordained as soon as he was twenty-
three. And the Pope sent them sixty crowns for their journey
to the Levant, to which a hundred and forty were afterwards
added by some devout Spaniards. All these sums were re-
turned when that intention was given up.

Faber and his friends now returned to Venice ; they tra- The com-
velled in as much poverty as before, for they would not touch

any of the alms that had been given them to reach Palestine : Venice,

153~
but the time of year now made the journey easy, and the

country on that coast is delightful. They arrived wearied
at Ravenna, and dispersed to beg hospitality. Rodriguez
knocked at a door, which was readily opened to him, and he
was asked to go upstairs ; but there he found, by the aspect
of three women who received him, that he was not in good
company ; and he rushed out of the house faster than he had
entered. The sequel of the adventure was fortunate : Rodri-
guez, placing himself in the open street, near the windows of
these ladies, began preaching to the passers-by on sin, death,
and judgment ; the women, moved by curiosity, came to
listen ; and all three, smitten by conviction and remorse,
asked counsel and assistance from the preacher, and entered
on a better life.

In Venice they resumed their charitable labours at the
hospitals ; those who were not yet priests made their vows
of poverty and celibacy before the Nuncio Veralli ; and at
last, on the 24th of June, the Feast of St. John the Baptist,
Ignatius and his seven companions were admitted to holy Ignatius
orders by the Bishop of Arba, Vincenzio Nigusanti : their a°L^.seven
devotion and holy joy moved the bishop to tears. He said Company
he had never performed an ordination that touched him so °t Venice,
much. 1537.

War was now openly declared between Solyman and the
Republic ; a passage to Syria was impossible ; and there
seemed no chance that even the end of the year would bring
them nearer to their object. The new priests thought now

184 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

only of preparing themselves to say their first mass ; Igna-
tius chose to postpone this happiness in his own case. All
wished to leave Venice, and seek in different parts of the
Republic places where they might find retirement for the
benefit of their own souls, and at the same time be able to
exercise their mission to save others. Ignatius, witli Faber
and Laynez, went to Vicenza ; Xavier and Salmeron to
Sanfelice ; Le Jay and Rodriguez to Bassano ; Brouet and
Bobadilla to Yerona ; Codure and Hosez to Treviso. Each
in turn was to be Superior during a week. And thus they
were to wait the close of the year.

They now commenced a retreat of forty days. All except
Ignatius said their first masses in September and October.
He, more conscious of unworthiness as he attained greater
degrees of perfection, postponed this solemn action till the
next Midsummer, and then again for six months longer;
so that he did not celebrate the holy mysteries till Christmas-
day of 1538, choosing for that occasion the Chapel of the
Nativity in Santa Maria Maggiore; 'as if,' says Genelli,
' he had all along cherished some hope that he might visit
the real Bethlehem, and there offer for the first time the Body
of his Lord, on the very spot where He became incarnate.'
But it seemed the will of Providence expressly to prohibit
the expatriation of men destined to such great usefulness ;
for the war with Solyman lasted during the year which they
were to pass in the States of Venice, and ceased when they
renounced their intention.

Ignatius and his two friends obtained permission to occupy
Vicenza. near Vicenza a ruined convent, which had been destroyed in
the last war, and had neither doors nor windows. They
carried thither some straw to sleep on ; they begged their
daily bread, but received it very scantily. Ignatius wrote
from this place the following letter to his noble friend Pietro
Contarini, partly in Latin and partly in Italian — which he
had only begun to learn — a curious confusion of both lan-
guages. The imperfect Latin certainly appears strange in
one who had taken a doctor's degree at Paris.

Ignatius begins in Latin : —

THE RUINED CONVENT AT V1CENZA. 185

To the magnificent Lord Peter Contarini, my brother in Christ.

As I have related our affairs at length in letters to Don Martin
Gonzaga, in which also were many things regarding yourself par-
ticularly, I will use few words now, and write not so much because
it is necessary as that we may not appear unmindful of you.
Hitherto by the goodness of God we have been very well ; we ex-
perience daily more and more the truth, ' having nothing, and yet
possessing all things.' I say, all things that the Lord has promised
to those ' who seek first the kingdom of God and His righteousness ; '
for if all things are added to those who seek first the kingdom of
God and His righteousness, how can anything be wanting to those
who seek only the righteousness of the kingdom, and Himself, the
King of Kings ? To them the blessing is not so much ' of the dew
of Heaven and the fatness of the earth,' as of the dew of Heaven
alone : to them, I say, who look with both eyes on celestial things.
This He grants us, Who, when He possessed all things, yet despoiled
Himself of all for our instruction ; Who, though He was in the
glory of Omnipotence, and of so much knowledge and power, yet
subjected himself to the authority and judgment and will of weak
humanity. But this is enough for those who can possess Christ in
another way. To you it rather belongs to consider how you will
use all in Him from Whom you receive all, for if you cannot be
wholly occupied by the one thing needful, the next thing is that
the many things about which you are occupied and solicitous
should be well ordered. But I digress too much from what I
intended ; I return to ourselves. [Then lie comes to Italian.] Near
Vicenza, at a mile from the gate called Santa Croce, we have found
a monastic place, called San Pietro in Yanello, where no one lives,
and therefore the friars of Sta. Maria delle Grazie are contented
[Then Latin again, in a jnmlAe quite incomparable] that we remain
there as long as we please, which we are doing, and shall be there
some months, if God permits ; and thus it only remains [some
iccrds wanting] that we should be good and perfect, since God's
goodness never fails. Do you therefore also ask the Lord with us,
that He will give us the grace of doing His holy will, which is the
sanctification of all; and farewell, in Christ Jesus our Lord, Who
directs us all in the way of peace, which is in Himself only.

Your poor brother in the Lord.

The dilapidated convent was another Manresa to Ignatius;
he had there the same celestial visions and rapturous tears.
Codure joined them when his retreat was over, and they
began to preach. Ignatius, speaking afterwards of his own

186

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

New accu-
sations.

J udgment
of the
Inquisitor.

sermons, told Gonsalez that they were greatly effective and
converted many; the companions therefore now received much
more abundant alms. They went into the most frequented
parts of the towns ; they mounted on a stone or a bench, waved
their caps, and invited the passers-by to listen to what they
had to say. As they spoke Italian very imperfectly, they
were at first sometimes taken for foreign jugglers or con-
jurors; but the spirit which animated their discourses, their
earnestness, their charity, and the eloquence of their saintly
and pale countenances, surrounded them before long with
patient listeners, and many were won to the faith. For at
that time it was to a great proportion of the people a new
thing; the churches were so much deserted, and the Gospel
so seldom preached.

But at Venice a new tempest of accusation arose against
Ignatius; the old stories of heresy were repeated; it was
said that he had fled from Spain and France to escape the
Inquisition; and the Nuncio Yeralli proceeded to investigate
the matter, probably at the request of Ignatius himself, who
always urged the authorities to examine into these state-
ments as soon as they were revived. Veralli appears to have
been easily satisfied; but Ignatius, now returned to Venice,
desired a formal recognition of his innocence, and received
it on October 13, 1537. It was expressed in the fullest
terms. It bore —

That the priest Ignatius of Loyola, having of himself appeared
before the judges, and a term having been assigned to the witnesses ;
their declarations, and the defences of the accused, having been
listened to, the sentence they pronounce is this :

The Father Ignatius of Loyola is innocent of all the imputations
and calumnies that have been brought against him before our
tribunal ; they are false and wholly unfounded. We declare him
by these presents entirely justified, and impose silence on all who
are interested in this process, certifying that the above-named
Ignatius is and has ever been a priest of good and holy life, of
irreproachable doctrine, of excellent reputation and condition ; that
he has spread purity of morals and faith in Venice. Such is our
opinion and our judgment, by which we recognise his innocence in
the fullest sense.

Simon Rodriguez was at this time so ill that his recovery

ANTONIO THE HERMIT. 187

was despaired of. He, along with. Le Jay, was inhabiting
the hermitage of St. Vito, near Bassano, where he had been
received by a holy old man, named Antonio. This favour Antonio
•was granted them through the immediate providence of th.® hel>
God; for some men having formerly abandoned Antonio,
after asking to join him with great seeming fervour, he re-
solved henceforth to live alone. But now he willingly shared
his residence with these chosen persons, and gave them for
a bed a large table in the corner of his cell — a luxury to
them (says Bartoli), who were accustomed to lie on the
ground. In the night they all rose to pray and sing psalms.

When the illness of Rodriguez became severe, Antonio
brought a physician to visit him, who gave no hopes of his
recovery. This report was carried to Ignatius, then himself
weakened by a slow fever, yet he set out immediately with
Faber (for Laynez and some of the others lay sick in the
hospitals), and walked with such vigour that Faber could not
always keep up with him. Once when Ignatius halted for
his friend, Faber saw that his face glowed, as it used to do
when he had been especially favoured in prayer. Ignatius
told him, * Rodriguez will not die.' The moment he entered
the hermitage and embraced the sick man, Ignatius bade
him be of good courage ; * for, brother Simon,' said he, ' you
will not die yet : ' and from that time Rodriguez began to
mend. Even in this extremity he was still lying on his
wooden bed. Ignatius asked that a mattress should be given,
him, and the good hermit procured one immediately.

It was not at first that Antonio appreciated Ignatius ; he
wondered at the secular dress, the liberty of action, and un-
restrained intercourse with the world, in which the Saint and
his disciples differed so much from other Religious ; he knew
the profit of a contemplative life, and thought too little of the
value of energies and time devoted to the serving God through
our neighbour. He had seen Ignatius several times while
Rodriguez was unable to remove; and, when he came to
take leave of the worthy hermit who had tended his com-
panion so kindly, the esteem Antonio felt for him was less
than ever. But after they had separated, it was revealed to
the hermit in prayer that he had presumptuously condemned
a saint ; and he related with great humility ' that God had

188 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

thus taught him how little you can guess the sap of a tree
from its bark.'

The peasants of the neighbourhood revered Father An-
tonio, and long afterwards told wonderful stories of his piety
and self-denial. His disciple, Gasper Gropelli, quotes several
excellent sayings of his. He used to explain the words of
David, ' In circuitu iinpii ambulant,' thus : — ' Men of the
world begin their circle in self-love, proceed through the
creatures, and return to their own self again. Holy minds
begin with love to God, proceed through love to their neigh-
bour, and end by being absorbed in God, from whom they
began.'

A rich man told him once, he was not impatient to get to
the end of his journey — ' the world is a very pleasant place.'

* If the road is so pleasant,' said Antonio, ' what will the
palace be ? '

When some one told Antonio in his sickness that he would
yet live twenty years, he said, { I would not give a quattrino
for them, if you could sell them to me.' While he was dying
he often said, '0 death, I have been long expecting thee.'1

The sanctity and repose of such a life, the happiness of
having only God and one's own salvation to think of, instead
of the constant distractions of that intercourse with persons
of all ranks and characters which Ignatius imposed on his
disciples, fascinated Rodriguez. When he had rejoined the
others at Bassano, he longed for the safety and leisure of the
hermitage. He fell into a great melancholy, and at last
resolved to desert his engagements with Ignatius, and return
to San Yito. As he left the house in which he lived, un-
known to anyone, and proceeded from Bassano towards the
hermitage, he thought he saw an armed man coming to meet
him, who, with fierce countenance and a sword in his hand,
seemed to bar his passage. Eodriguez stopped in amazement,
then took courage, and tried to go on. The figure again
advanced towards him with more terrors than before, and

1 His disciple Gropelli entered the Society of Ignatius, but being ' accus-
tomed to independence,' was found unfit for it. Antonio died in 1552. His
hermitage was given to tho Jesuits, but they soon surrendered it to the
Capuchins.

ILLNESS OF XAVIEE. 189

Bodriguez fled back to the town with precipitation. Those
who were near could not understand the meaning of his
flight, for no one besides himself had seen the vision ; but
Ignatius knew all, and went out to meet him, receiving him
with open arms and a smile on his countenance, as he ad-
dressed him in the words of Our Saviour, 'Modicse fidei,
quare dubitasti ? '

The year was now fast advancing, and no signs appeared
of their reaching Palestine. Ignatius had assembled them
all in his mined convent near Yicenza ; their lodgings were
comfortless, but they wanted nothing that charity could
supply, for since they began to preach they received alms
in abundance. These, however, did not hinder the winds
from blowing through the house everywhere — it was winter ;
Xavier and another fell ill. It was necessary to convey
them to Vicenza ; but they were placed in some old houses
adjoining the Hospital of Incurables, hardly better protected
than before, only that they had a bed to lie on — one for both
patients. They had alternately ague fits of burning and
shivering, and as they were differently affected, it was im-
possible to give relief to both. They had plenteous compen-
sation granted them. Xavier was one day visibly consoled
and strengthened by St. Jerome, for whom he had an espe-
cial reverence. He was told by him that he would be sent
to preach in Bologna, and that a cross would there be given
him, whereby his soul should receive great profit : all which
happened (' E come seppe farlo un tal personaggio, il console
e rin vigor! con parole di Paradise ') .

When Xavier and his friend were recovered, Ignatius re-
solved to set out for Rome. He would go thither accom-
panied by only two others ; and the remaining seven were to
station themselves in cities which had Universities, and to
carry on their missionary functions among the young men.
Xavier, as he had been told in a vision, was sent to Bologna,
along with Bobadilla ; Rodriguez and Le Jay to Ferrara,
where Ercole and Renee kept, their brilliant court ; Salmeron,
not yet a priest, with Brouet, to Sienna ; Codure and Hosez
to Padua. But before they separated, all desired that some
rules should he laid down for their manner of life ; and they
resolved on the following : —

190

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

The name
given to
the
Society.

Le Jay at

Ferrara.

1537.

They were to live on alms, and reside in hospitals where-
ever they went. Each was in turn to be the Superior for a
week ; they were to preach in the open places of the towns,
and in whatever other places they were permitted. In their
discourses they were to dwell chiefly on the rewards of virtue
and the punishment of vice; they were to speak by the
Spirit of God, rather than with human eloquence. They
were to instruct children in Christian doctrine, and the
principles of moral life ; to seize every occasion of doing
good ; never to receive money for any service rendered ; in
all cases they were to desire nothing but to benefit their
fellow-creatures for the love of God.

They then discussed what answer should be given when
strangers asked their rule and their name ; in short, who
they were. Ignatius had already long decided this, or
rather had received the decision from God. For those who
knew him believed fully that the name of Jesus was com-
municated to him in the cavern of Manresa, when our Lord
Himself traced the outline of the new Society in the medita-
tion on Two Standards. Ignatius now said to his disciples,
that since they had united for the sake of our Saviour, to do
His work, and fight for His glory, it seemed fit that they
should call themselves by His name, and declare that they
belonged to the Company of Jesus : the word ' company ' in
Spanish having a military meaning. Contrary to his usual
custom, Ignatius did not discuss the point, but announced
his intention at once. Then they separated for their re-
spective missions.

Le Jay was chosen to preach at Ferrara; partly, it was
supposed, because the Duchess Renee was known to have a
strong attachment to her own countrymen, and Le Jay was
French. But she would not see him, and the two years he
remained there passed without any personal intercourse.
Not the Duchess only, but a large party at the Court, were
exceedingly glad to hear the new doctrines. They had wel-
comed Calvin when he came there two years before, soon
after the publication of his ' Institutes,' under the name of
Charles d'Espeville, in the guise of a young man devoted to
literature, which the D'Este family patronised, and in this

REXEE. 191

character he was presented to Ercole himself. And it is
probable that the Duke's own zeal against the Protestant
party was by no means vehement at that time.

Vittoria Colonna l seems to hare first induced the Duke to
patronise the new Order. She had heard of it at Rome :
she met Le Jay or Rodriguez at Ferrara, by accident, and
learning that they were lodged at the Hospital of St. Anne,
she went there the same day. She inquired how they lived ;
she was told that they passed part of the night in prayer ;
begged their daily bread in the city, in order not to take it from
the poor in the hospital ; led a hard life, never warming them-
selves at the fire, though the season was cold ; that they
spoke only of God ; that they spent their whole time in
doing good. Vittoria placed herself under their direction,
introduced them to the Ducal Court, and prevailed on Ereole
to take Le Jay for his confessor. He afterwards asked him
to become tutor to his son; this would have obliged the
Jesuit to live at the Court, and Ignatius refused leave. He
had acceded to the same proposal in the case of the King of
Portugal ; perhaps the weak and harsh character of Ercole,
and the divisions of the Court and Ducal family, caused this
difference.

The sorrows of Kenee, well known to us through the Kenee.
touching verses of Marot, are commonly attributed by the
Protestant party to her Calvinism. They probably were
owing much more to her French descent and partialities,
and the misfortune of a husband who disliked her, and
hated her country. It appears that her forbearance only
made him worse : —

O dur mari, rempli de violence,

Qui s'endurcit par les choses Itenignes !

In the absence of all her kindred, and of the companions
who had once made her home at Ferrara cheerful, banished
by Ercole, she still found a consolation which Calvin per-
haps would have grudged her, in

Les saints ou elle fait ses vceux
A chacune heure.

' Cette Aspasie pure et noble,' says Lamartine. Her husband was Mar-
cbese di Pescara.

192

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Ochino.

Ignatius

La Storta.

Marot expressly describes Ercole's enmity to tlie French
as the cause of Eenee's afflictions : —

Pourquoi le train de notre nation

Veut-il defaire ?

Faute d'aimer 1'aiguillonne, a ce faire
En lui engendre un desir de deplaire
A celle qui met a lui eomplaire

Merveilleux soin.

Yittoria, who, like others of the Colonna family, warmly
admired Bernard Ochino, the half heretic preacher, whom
they had often heard at Naples, was charmed to find him
now at Ferrara, and through her interest he preached that
Lent in the cathedral.

Seven years later he returned there a fugitive, and under
the ban of the Church. Eenee assisted him to fly, as it was
said she had aided Calvin before.

Ignatius, still accompanied by Faber and LajTiez, set out
f°r R°me- At a little village, called La Storta, about six
miles from the Eternal City, Ignatius entered a church to
pray. While his spirit communed with God, a wonderful
vision was vouchsafed him ; and a rapturous communication,
not to be detailed in words, by which God the Father made
it clear that He had admitted him to an ineffable nearness
to the Divine Son. Then Ignatius saw Jesus holding His
Cross. ' He gave me to Christ as a portion,' said Ignatius
to Gonsalez, ' to be henceforward consecrated wholly to His
service.' The Saviour seeming to accept him, looked oiihim
with Divine benignity, and spoke these words — ' Ego tibi
Romse propitius ero.' It appears from the relation of Lay-
nez, that Ignatius did not understand what was the meaning
of this sentence. ' I do not know,' said he, ' what is re-
served for us ; perhaps we shall be martyred at Rome.' * He
told me, too,' says Laynez, 'that Christ had appeared to him
raising the Cross in His arms, and near him was the Eternal
Father ; Who said to our Saviour, " I will that you should
take this man to be your servant." Jesus received Ignatius,
and said, "I will have you serve Me."

Father Laynez, when he was General of the Society, re-

DEATH OF HOSI.7. 193

lated this history one day before all the companions who were
at Rome. Ribadeneira says, that he was present when Igna-
tius was framing the Constitutions ; the Saint told him,
that in serving God before the altar, he sometimes found
himself in the same state of mind as when the Eternal
Father appeared to him, and placed him with His Son
(' quando el Padre Eterno me puso con su Hijo *).

On this journey they were sometimes taken for offenders
under the ban of the Church, going to ask absolution of
the Pope. TThen they came in sight of Rome, Laynez took
off his shoes ; he would enter its holy walls with the utmost
show of humility.

Before they arrived, Ignatius gave his younger friends many
cautions and much advice. ' Let us avoid all relations with ?t.Ji<nnt'-

I»Jt> j .

women,' he said, ' unless those of the highest rank.' He did
not choose that his disciples should be the confessors or direc-
tors of women ; and they adhered to this rule as long as he lived.
They entered Rome in November. They begged alms at
first ; but some rich Spaniards who knew them would not
allow this, and maintained them all in the Spanish Hospital
of St. lago.

The Fathers left in the northern towns worked with various
success. At Padua, after Hosez and Codure began to preach Padua,
in the public squares and hospitals, the clergy, suspecting
some concealed designs, arrested and put them in prison.
They remained but one night, for many came forward next
day to give evidence of what they did and taught, and they
were dismissed with permission to preach as often as they
pleased. That night they spent in rejoicing and singing
psalms ; Hosez, thankful for this first suffering endured for
his Lord's sake, was full of exultation. He was already
nearer another release than he anticipated. For soon after
this, he preached in the great Square of Padua en the text,
'Watch and pray, for you know neither the day nor the
hour.' He had hardly finished, when he was seized by an
attack of fever ; and he soon knew that he must apply his
sermon to himself. He withdrew to the hospital, and pre-
pared for death. Full of sweet hopes and aspirations, he Death of
expired in the peace of the Lord ; like the labourer in the Hosez-

o

194 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Gospel, though the last to enter the vineyard, he was first
called to receive his reward. His countenance, which had
before no comeliness, became after his death in a manner
transfigured. Codure gazed on him with awe, and wept for

joy-
Ignatius was then at the monastery of Monte Cassino ; he

heard of the danger of Hosez ; and, whilst he recommended
him in prayer, he beheld his spirit surrounded by a glorious
light carried by angels into Paradise.1 Some days after,
while Mass was going on, at the words of the Confiteor,
* Omnibus sanctis,' Ignatius said that he saw the heavens
opened, and, among the spirits of the redeemed, he beheld
his friend, the dead Hosez, radiant with a celestial light.
And for many days the delightful vision was frequently
renewed.

Codure was insufficient for the work of Padua. Simon
Rodriguez came to him from Ferrara, leaving Le Jay there ;
Codure and soon had the whole burden to bear, for Codure also fell
fails ill. JIL There was in Padua a rich and noble ecclesiastic, who
had been persuaded by this Father to reform his disordered
life. Out of gratitude this priest now wished to receive the
Jesuit into his own house, and Codure assented, and was
removed there. Rodriguez also left the hospital where he
had at first lodged, moved by the charitable importunity of
a lady, whose sons had earnestly recommended him to her.
One of them had obtained through Rodriguez the mercy of
a holy and peaceful death; the other, grace to enter a
Religious Order. She was alone now, for she was a widow.
He seems to have remained in her house till Ignatius called
him to Rome.

Bologna. Xavier and Bobadilla meanwhile toiled at Bologna. A
few days after they arrived there, Xavier went to offer Mass
in the chapel where St. Dominic was interred ; and his heart
expanded with such sweet emotion, that he shed tears of joy.
A noble lady, one of the Third Order of St. Dominic, who had
come from Spain to live and die near the tomb of the Saint,
desirous to know the stranger who appeared so much

1 The vision was shown him on the spot where the Patriarch St. Benedict
saw the soul of Germanus, Bishop of Capua, ascend to heaven in a globe of
lire.

RECEPTION BY PAUL TIL 105

affected, went with one of her friends to the hospital where
he lived, and requested an interview. He spoke to them on'
spiritual subjects, with so much unction, that the companion
alluded to, Isabella Casalina, also a member of the Third
Order, perceived that he was one inspired by the Lord. And
she described him with such admiration to her uncle, Don
Casalini, of Forli,' that he persuaded Xavier to leave the
hospital, and come to his own house. But he could not
induce him to live with less austerity, or to take any food
but the bread given him in alms. He taught, preached,
or visited the poor incessantly ; and waited with joy for the
tribulation which St. Jerome had told him he would meet
in Bologna.

It came in the shape of a quartan fever, which afflicted
him several months — the result doubtless of poor food and
excessive fatigues. He did not, in consequence, desist from
any of his customary labours. He was rewarded by great
results from his preaching, and the universal love and
reverence of the people, vvhich had not diminished when,
three years afterwards, he passed a few days in Bologna,
with the Ambassador of Portugal, on his way from Rome to
the Indies.

Xavier remained at Bologna till Ignatius called him to
Eome to transact the business of the Order.

Casalini, his host, said ' he was sparing in his words, but
wonderfully efficacious.' He won all hearts by that ineffable
charity which gave such sweetness to his manners, that in
him, as in Ignatius, it seemed, we are told, like an enchant-
ment.

Paul III., far from being unfavourable to Loyola, gave Rome,
him the most cordial reception, readily accepted his offers
of service, and, in order to make his companions useful at
once, desired that Faber should lecture on the Scriptures,
and Laynez on Scholastic Theology, in the College of
Sapienza ; while Ignatius endeavoured to arouse and convert
more generally by his instructions, and especially by the
* Spiritual Exercises.' But first he returned the money which
he had received for the journey to Jerusalem, and sent back

1 Canon '»f St. Petronins, and Rector of Santa Lucia,
o 2

196

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Marquis
d'Aguilar.

Accusation
of ambi-
tion.

Ridolfo
Pio Carpi.

Gaspar
Contarini.

Ortiz at

Monte

Cassiuo.

to Valencia four golden crowns which Martin Perez had given
him. He went with Faber and Laynez to visit the Marquis
of Aguilar, then ambassador from Charles V., at the Court
of Rome ; and, mention being made of reports already spread
•to the detriment of the Company, Aguilar intimated that the
world called them hypocrites ; and said, that under so much
external humility they concealed great ambition, and came
to Rome to seek a Cardinal's hat or at least a mitre. Loyola
was at first so astonished, that he could only make the sign
of the cross. Then, he stood up and made a solemn vow
never to accept for himself or his people any dignity whatever,
unless he were obliged, on pain of sin, by the Vicar of Jesus
Christ; and he renewed his vow some while after, in the
presence of Cardinal Carpi, protector of the Order, and its
kind and liberal benefactor in later times.

Cardinal Gaspar Contarini, who doubtless knew Ignatius
by the letters of his cousin Pietro, was one of his earliest
friends in Rome. He spoke of him to Ortiz, once the enemy
of Ignatius at Paris ; and Ortiz, moved by what he heard,
asked to be led through the t Exercises ' in the solitude of his
place at Monte Cassino ; there he passed more than a month,
wholly abstracted from the world. He said, afterwards, he
had learned moye religion in those forty days than he had
taught others all his life through; that then he found the
great difference there was between learning in order to
teach, and learning for his own salvation; and, that he
valued more the least illumination of his solitude than the
most curious acquisitions of all human science. He wished
to become one of the Society of Jesus, and to bind himself
by vows like the others ; but from this Ignatius dissuaded
him, because he was too far advanced in years to commence
a new way of lifer and was engaged already in a service that
enabled him to do much for the glory of God. Ignatius was
lodged in the Noviciate of Albaneta, now a ruin ; but the un-
roofed refectory remains, and is still shown by the monks
as the place frequented by S. Ignatius.

It was at Monte Cassino that Ignatius learned the death
of the saintly Hosez ; and it was returning from thence
that he met with the young disciple who was to replace

FRANCIS STRADA. 197

him — Francis Strada,1 formerly slightly known to him in
Spain. He had come to seek his fortunes at Rome. Ortiz
had procured him a place about the person of Cardinal
Caraffa; but Strada, full of talent and spirit, soon grew
wearied of a Court where men and events move slowly,
thouo-ht himself neglected, and was about to start for

O D y

Naples, where he meant to become a soldier. Ignatius,
skilful to move a mind thus disposed, persuaded him that
the world would continue to disappoint him everywhere,
and that there is but one banner under which it is worth a
wise man's while to serve. Strada turned back with Ignatius,
and never afterwards left him. He had but ( a slight
powdering ' of Latin, and his Italian was imperfect ; but his
eloquence had an extraordinary gift of moving sluggish and
hard hearts ; even many who did not understand the
language he preached in, were touched by his expressive
countenance, his voice, and action. This terrified him;
and he meditated and prayed much on the words of St.
Paul : ' Lest having preached to others, I myself should
be cast away/ He became one of the most eminent
preachers of the Society of Jesus, and spread its influence
in Flanders, Portugal, and Spain.

Before Easter, 1538, Loyola summoned the companions he
had left behind to join him in Rome. Everywhere they
departed with the regrets and reverence of the population ;
and from Padua some of the principal clergy accompanied
Codure and Rodriguez as far as Loreto. They found their
Father, with Faber and Laynez, lodging in a vineyard at
the foot of Trinita di Monti, in a small house lent him by
Quirino Garzonio, a relation of Cardinal de Cupis; but a
larger place was now wanted, and Codace, a rich man of the
Pope's household, and much in favour with His Holiness, 1538.
soon gave it them. He was the first Roman who entered
the Company. Ignatius made him master of the house — for
he was wise as well as generous — and placed such confidence
in him, that it was said he never refused him anything.

The house, which was the gift (or loan) of Codace, was at

1 Properly Estrada.

198

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Bartoli.

1538.
LettiT to
Isabel
Roser.
describing
the attacks
on tlic
(Jonjpfiny.

the Torre di Melangolo, still remaining. A room is still
shown there as that occupied by Ignatius. Xavier mentions
the tower in his letters from India, when he pours out his
warm affection for the brethren he had left. From this he
took his departure for the Indies ; andfin the small square
room of the tower Ignatius embraced him for the last time.
There is a remarkable gateway, surrounded by stone carv-
ing, which must be older than the days of Ignatius, and
may probably have furnished an incident in the story of
Bibadeneira.

The Company preached, served the churches, taught all
ages and classes, attracted numbers round them, and soon
effected a visible improvement in the people. The Sacra-
ments, long neglected, were again sought for ; the clergy,
after the example of the new teachers, roused themselves
and their flocks ; and Sunday sermons?, almost discontinued,
became again common throughout the city. The unction,
simplicity, and fervour of Ignatius made his addresses so
powerful, and his life gave such efficacy to all he taught,
that, though Laynez, Bobadilla, and Salmeron were giving
sermons at this time with all the resources of their great
talents and uncommon learning, none succeeded like Igna-
tius in winning souls. Even men of the highest attainments
listened to him with docile admiration ; and the harvest was
so abundant that, when the day was over, and these new
apostles met to thank Heaven for their success, their holy
joy and thankfulness almost supplied the place of food
and rest, and they sometimes forgot to beg the alms on which
they lived.

But close on this prosperity followed a persecution more
dangerous than any the Company had yet met with. It
is related in a letter written by Ignatius at the end of the
same year to the friend of his early life, Dofia Isabel
Roser :—

December 19.

I think you will be surprised and disturbed not to receive letters
from me oftener. I wish I could write more frequently, persuaded
as I am that if I were to forget all the good that God has done me
through you, with such love and compassion, His Divine jVhijesly
would forget me also; for you have never ceasetl helping me, out of

LETTER TO DOXA ISABEL ROSER, 199

love and reverence for Him. If I have been long in writing, it was
because I hoped from day to day, and every moment, to conclude
a business that concerns us ; for I like to inform you precisely
about all our affairs here. I do not mean that we have been per-
sonally attacked, or brought before the tribunals ; but, by rumours
scattered among the people and inconceivable denunciations, we
were suspected and disliked by some of the faithful, to their great
scandal, so that we were forced to present ourselves before the
Legate and Governor (the Pope having gone to Nice), because of
the great scandal some took concerning us. We named many who
had declared against us, and called on them to say in the presence
of our Superiors what they had seen reprehensible in our teaching
and life. And that you may understand the affair from the begin-
ning, I will partly explain it. Rather more than a year ago,
three of us came to Rome, as I remember to have told you. My
two companions began at once to teach gratuitously at the Sapienza
by order of the Pope, one professing Theology, and the other
Scholastic Theology. I myself only gave the ' Spiritual Exercises,'
in and out of Rome. We sought in this way to gain some men of
learning and worldly consideration, not for ourselves, but for the
honour and glory of God ; for our glory is to preach and serve the
Divine Majesty. We acted thus, in order to find less opposition
among the worldly, and to preach more successfully the Holy Word
of God ; for, judging by appearances, we work on a soil fertile in
bad fruit, sterile in good. When we had by these ' Exercises,'
with the help of God, obtained the aid of some persons distinguished
for rank and knowledge, we resolved after we had been there four
months, to assemble in this city,1 and when we were all together,
we asked permission to preach, exhort, and confess. The Legate
gave ns very extensive powers, though meanwhile many injurious
reports about us had been carried to his Eminence, which retarded
the expedition of the permissions we desired. When we had them,2
four or five of us began to preach in the churches on Sundays and
feasts, and in other churches to instruct children on the command-
ments of God, mortal sins, &c. The two lectures at the Sapienza,
and Confessions, were also continued. They all preached in Italian,
I only in Spanish. I had a large audience at all my sermons, a
great many more than we expected, for three reasons : 3 1. It was

1 This took place end of March, 1538.

2 Cardinal Caraffa gave them. May 3, 1538.

3 He preached in the Church of Our Lady of Montserrat. Ortiz never
missed one of these discourses.

200 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

an unusual time — we began directly after Easter, when other
preachers of Lent and the festivals left off; — and it is customary
hero to preach only during Lent and Advent. 2. Because many
men, after the devotions of Lent, are inclined by their sinful dis-
position to return to the pleasures and diversions of the world
rather than to do works of piety. 3. Because we neglect the orna-
ments and arts of oratory ; and we have learned, by much experience,
that oui' Lord in His infinite goodness does not forget us, and deigns
to make use of us, in spite of our un worthiness, to show His mercy
to others. We appeared, then, before the tribunal ; two of our
three adversaries were also summoned, one proving quite different
from what was expected ; the others, whom we had begged to come
forward, were so confounded, that they had no longer the wish or
courage to appear, and they obtained a prohibition against our
pursuing the matter before other judges. As these were rich
persons, one having 1,000 and the other 600 ducats of income, and
as besides they were men of authority and of the Court, and one a
considerable personage, they presented the case to the Cardinals and
other persons of importance, so that they raised for a long while
many obstacles against us. The two chiefs of this little cabal at
last presented themselves, at the time appointed, before the Le-
gate and Governor, and declared they had heard our sermons, our
instructions, &c., and their testimony completely justified our
doctrines and morals. Though the Legate and Governor much
esteemed us, they wished to put an end to the matter, for the sake
of these and other persons. We, on the contrary, repeatedly asked,
what we thought perfectly just, that it should be explicitly declared
if our doctrine was good or bad, so that there might be no more
scandal among the people against us ; but we could obtain nothing
either for law or conscience sake. However, no one henceforth
dared to speak against us for fear of prosecution. As we could not
obtain a sentence, one of our friends spoke to the Pope when he
returned from Nice, and begged him to give us the declaration we
wanted. He promised to do it; but as nothing followed, one of our-
selves mentioned the subject to him. The Pope, having gone after
this interview to one of his country houses, I went thither, and
talked alone \viih his Holiness in his apartment a whole hour. When
I had fully set before him our designs and our projects, I relaled
candidly how many times in Spain and Paris proceedings had been
taken against me, how often I had been imprisoned at Alcalti and
Salamanca, not choosing that he should learn these occurrences
from any -but myself ; and in order to induce him to order an in-
vestigation, so that one way or other wo might have a judgment

LETTKll To DONA ISABEL ROSER. 201

or declaration respecting our doctrine. Finally, since, in order to
preach or exhort the people with success, we needed a good repute,
not only before God, but man ; and that all suspicion of our
teaching and morals might be brought to an end, I prayed his
Holiness, in the name of all my companions, to set all to rights by
naming a jndge of his own choice, so that we might be censured and
punished if any fault were discovered, and protected if we were not
reprehensible. The Pope, as far as I could conclude from my con-
versation with him, heard my request with favour, praised our
abilities, and the use we made of them for good. Some time after,
having spoken to us in terms worthy of a true pastor, hejordered the
Governor, a bishop, and the highest judicial authorities, both eccle-
siastical and civil, in Rome, to proceed at once with the affair. He
began the inquiry all over again, with the utmost care. The Pope
having returned to Rome, expressed himself, many times publicly,
and in presence of many, iii a manner highly honourable for us.
For it is the custom that every fortnight several persons assemble at
the Vatican to dispute before the Pontiff during his dinner. These
favourable words of the Sovereign Pontiff in a great measure dis-
persed the storm, and the sky daily becomes brighter for us ; so
that our affairs proceed, I think, as well as we could wish, for the
service- and glory of God our Lord, and already several bishops
urgently ask us to come and do some good in their dioceses, by the
help of God ; but we remain tranquil, in the hope of still better
times. By the grace of God our Lord, we have at last obtained the
sentence we desired. But about this something happened which is
really wonderful. You must know a rumour was spread here that
we had escaped from several countries, among others, Paris, Spain
and Venetia. Now, just at the moment when the judgment was
about to be pronounced, God deigned to send hither the President
Figueroa, who imprisoned me at Alcala, and proceeded against me ;
also the Vice- General of the Legation of Venice, who had inquired
concerning me when we began to preach in the States of Venice ;
also the Dr. Ori, who had instituted a process against me at Paris :
and the Bishop of Vicenza, in whose diocese three or four of us
had preached. All spoke in our favour. Moreover, the cities of
Sienna, Bologna, and Ferrara sent attestations for us. The Duke
of Ferrara, not satisfied with this, and taking our affair to heart,
wrote to our ambassador, and condescended to send several letters
to our Society, declaring that he considered our business as his
own, because he knew all the good we had done in his town and in
others, though we had much difficulty in remaining in Ferrara, on
account of the obstructions raised against us there. We give

202 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

thanks to God our Lord that up to this time we have never ceased
preaching two or three times a day on Holydays, and giving two
instructions every day, while others heard confessions, and some
gave the ' Spiritual Exercises.' Now that we have a decision in
our favour, we hope to extend our preachings and lessons to chil-
dren. Although the soil be dry and sterile, and we meet so much
opposition, we cannot say that we ha^re been without work, or that
God our Lord has not done for us much more than we could
imagine. I will not here enter into details, lest I should write too
long, only I can say, generally, that God our Lord has fully
contented us. I cannot but tell you, however, that four or five new
companions have resolved to join us, and persist for many days
past in this design. We do not dare receive them, for we have
been reproached with this, among other things, that we wanted to
found a Congregation or an Order without authority from the Holy
See. Though we do not yet live in common, we are nevertheless
united by the same manner of life, so that we may meet together
hereafter ; and we hope that God our Lord will assemble us very
soon for His greater glory.

Eome, 19th Dec. 1538.

While I was writing this letter, the Pope has ordered, by the
Governor, that in accordance with the prescriptions of. the law,
schools for children should be opened in the town, in order that
we may instruct them in Christian doctrine, as we had already
begun to do.

But the charitable reserve of Tgnatius leaves some details
to fill up. The cause at first of this attack was a Piedmontese
The monk monk, named Augustin, and of the Order of Augustinians,
Augustm. wnQ j^ a(jopted the heresies of Luther, and taught them
under an appearance of great devotion ; and having consider-
able talent as well as boldness, he was listened to by large
numbers of people, and received everywhere with great ap-
plause. Paul III. had now gone to Nice, where Francis I.
and Charles V. were about to meet, in the hope, realised but
imperfectly, that he might induce both mouarchs to keep
peace between themselves, and unite their forces against the
Turks. Rome, thus deprived of its Sovereign, appeared a
favourable field for the efforts of Augustiii ; but he began with
the utmost caution. He preached for some time without allud-
ing to any disputed points, and when his simple, natural mid
intelligent discourses had procured for him a hi^-li dearer of

THE MONK AU< JUSTIN". 203

confidence, lie insinuated with prudent dexterity the doctrines
that he desired to introduce concerning- Papal authority, the
value of indulgences, of celibacy, and of good works. Sal-
meron and Laynez heard Augustin preach, and perceived what 1538.
he was preparing to do. After several sermons had confirmed
their suspicions, they went to see him, and with friendly
remonstrance endeavoured to dissuade him from the Lu-
theran views. Brother Augustin repulsed them with con-
tempt, told them they were ignorant and malicious, and that
the suffrage of all Rome would be on his side if they presumed
to find fault. Thus baffled, the Spaniards ceased to notice
Augustin, but in all their discourses brought prominently
forward the disputed topics. Augustin now attacked them
on precisely the grounds on which the}' had censured him.
He uttered from the pulpit a furious accusation of heresy
against Ignatius — ' a wolf, disguised as a shepherd, who had
committed frightful ravages in several of the first Universities
of Europe . . . under the mask of sanctity. Rome, though
perhaps late, ought not to show herself less prudent than
Paris, Salamanca, and Venice, where Ignatius, convicted of
heresy, escaped death only by flight. . . But even in Rome,'
said Augustin, ' there are men of incorruptible faith, belong-
ing to his own nation, who have renounced him. There is
one especially, who, attracted at first by this man, has left
him with horror.'

These 'men of incorruptible faith ' were Spaniards — Pedro
of Castille, Francis Muderra, and one Barrera — devoted to
Augustin, who helped to spread his doctrines ; the * one
especially ' was Michel Xavarro, that dependant of Xavier
\vho had tried to murder Ignatius at Paris, then desired to
join his new Community, then left it, then professed repen-
tance, and at Venice asked again to be received as one of the
Brethren. When Ignatius refused to enlist so unstable a
character, Michel became his enemy and calumniator, and
aided Augustin with all his powers of falsehood, spreading-
stories of the worst nature, relating to facts he pretended to
have witnessed. He was promised a sum of money if he
would carry a formal accusation against Ignatius before
Conversini, then Governor of Rome. The effect of this pro-
ceeding and of the accusations diligently repeated, soon

204 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

showed itself; the new preachers became suddenly, and
almost universally, the objects of dread and aversion ; the
charm and power of their exhortations were attributed to
witchcraft ; all feared being involved in the punishments
supposed to be impending over them, and the very tAvo
priests whom the Cardinal Legate had given to help them in
hearing confessions, and who better than others could have
borne witness to their lives and doctrines, dreading to share
these suspicions of heresy, fled from the city, and even from
the Papal States. Ignatius remained undisturbed ; he en-
couraged his companions, he thought upon the vision of La
Storta, recognised the cross, and humbly prayed a fulfilment
of the promise. This was now near at hand. One friend re-
mained faithful to Ignatius, and this one, Quirino Garzonio,
was able to do him effectual service. For when his kinsman,
Cardinal de Cupis, head of the Sacred College, reproached him
for his intercourse with men accused, and perhaps even con-
victed, of great crimes, he remonstrated, and declared what
he knew from experience of his friend's work and of his
strict loyalty to the Church. But De Cupis answered with
patient benevolence, * that Garzonio was under the influence
of enchantments used by Ignatius to subdue men's judg-
ments and hearts.' ' You do not know,' said he, ' what
convincing proofs of their wickedness I have in my posses-
sion. Depend upon it, these men are very different from
what you suppose.' All this was repeated by Garzonio to
Ignatius, who defended the Cardinal. He knew him to be
really a good man, and was sure that if De Cupis were
allowed an interview with him he would entirely change his
opinion.

Garzonio therefore asked this as a favour. ' Let him come,'
said De Cupis, ' and I shall treat him as he deserves.' And
so he did, but in a sense opposite to that in which he had
spoken ; for De Cupis himself related to Garzonio, that after
a conversation of nearly two hours, while Garzonio in an-
other room waited the result, he was not only convinced, but
so moved with admiration and contrition, that he knelt before
Ignatius and asked his forgiveness. He brought him out of
his cabinet, with every possible show of regard, and pro-
mised him in this, and all other mutters, all the service in his

CONVERSIXFS DECISION.

power ; he also bade his almoner take care that Loyola and
his companions should daily receive bread and wine, as much
as they needed ; a charity which was continued as long as
De Cupis lived.

Thus strengthened, Loyola appeared before1 Conversing 1538.
and asked for an immediate trial. On the day fixed, Michel
Xavarro declared on oath, that on three occasions, at Alcala,
Paris, and Venice, he could bear witness that Ignatius of
Loyola had been condemned for heresy and other crimes,
and had only saved himself by flight from condign punishment.
Ignatius listened with composure, then showed a letter to
Xavarro, and asked him if he knew the handwriting. Na-
varre answered that it was his own. Ignatius then read
aloud the letter: it was addressed to some friend of Xavarro's;
it spoke of Ignatius and his virtues in the highest terms of
admiration, and at some length related Avhat he himself
had seen. Xavarro turned pale, hesitated in attempting to
answer, and at last kept silence, being entirely discomfited.

The audience was now considered as terminating in the
full justification of Ignatius, so that nothing more needed to
be said. Doubtless the protection of De Cupis had a- great
part in this result.

Xavarro was soon after banished for calumny ; Augustin
and the two others offered a public recantation, and used all
the intercession they could procure to induce Ignatius to be
satisfied. But he, warned by experience of the strength of
life that exists in falsehood, thought no protection sufficient
against future attacks without a formal judgment and sen-
tence. He seems to have stood alone in what may have
appeared at the time an uncharitable perseverance. The
Legate and judges, and even some of his companions, thought
he had obtained enough in the simple retracting of his ac-
cusers. He expresses himself thus in a letter written (in
Latin) to his friend Pietro Contarini, at Venice ; it is dated
December 2, 1533. * We know,' he says, * that this will not
prevent us from being blamed hereafter; nor do we seek
such an exemption ; we wish only to defend our honour, the
holy doctrine, and the way of life that we profess. If we are

1 Benedetto Conyersini. Bishop of Bertinoro, Vice-Camerarius, and then

Governor iu the Pope's absence.

20 G LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

called ignorant, rude, ineloquent, or even bad, unstable, or
deceitful, we will bear it in silence, by the grace of God.
But we were afflicted when the doctrine we preached was
said to be erroneous, and the life we had adopted was declared
blamable ; for these two things do not belong to us, but
to Christ and His Church.' He adds that he does not wish
the guilty parties to be punished ; he seeks only a full recog-
nition of his innocence.

And now came to light the wonderful coincidence by
which, as Ignatius relates to Dona Isabel Eoser, the three
persons who could best prove the innocence of Ignatius had
come to Koine on private business. Figueroa from Alcala ;
Ori, the Dominican Inquisitor, from Paris ; and Gaspar de
Doces, Vicar-General in the Venetian States. They all
bore willing testimony to the Christian zeal of Ignatius, to
the excellence of his teaching, and to his exemplary life.
After this, the calumny having fallen to the ground against
the leader, it was desirable to clear his companions, and for
this too the Lord provided. For, as soon as the story of their
accusation became known, the bishops and clergy who had
seen their work and way of living, in Paris and the places
where they had preached in Italy, were earnest in sending
the most favourable testimony respecting them ; and Ercole,
Duke of Ferrara, ordered his ambassador at Rome to do and
say all he could for Le Jay and Rodriguez.

In spite of all this, Conversini seems to have been unwill-
ing to proceed to any more explicit condemnation of Augus-
tin and his colleagues ; and at length, to put an end to Loyola's
importunities, he announced that the Legate wished the
cause to be considered as already decided, and ordered both
parties to keep silence in future. We know by the letter to
Dona Isabel how the justice refused by Conversini was gran-
ted by the Pope, after his return from Nice, in an interview
which Ignatius had with him at Frascati ; and how, after the
inquiry had been recommenced, and brought to a triumphant
issue, by the witnesses who came forward on behalf of Igna-
tius and those who taught along with him, a sentence was
pronounced which, on this point, silenced his enemies for
ever. This species of accusation was never renewed during
his life. * Not only,' said the sentence, 'had no fault been

FAMINE IX ROME.

found In these persons, either in law or in fact, but the
excellence of their life and doctrine was fully shown ; and
while their accusers were proved to have uttered only false
and empty statements, the best men of the highest character,
on the contrary, had given the strongest testimony in their
favour.'

The calumniators left Rome, but did not ultimately escape,
Muderra, afterwards himself convicted of heresy, was con-
cemned to death, but escaped from prison ; Pedro of Castille,
tried at the same time, was imprisoned for life. But long
afterwards, Xavarro, confiding in the charity of one he truly
knew to be a saint, asked assistance from Ignatius in his
misfortunes, and received it ; and Pedro, moved by the grace
of God,, in his long solitude, died a true penitent in the arms
of a Jesuit Father named Avellaneda. Barrera, at the hour
of his death, which was premature and sudden, declared
the innocence of Ignatius. Only Augustin, the original
cause of all, came to a wretched end. He fled to Geneva,
laid aside his monk's habit, and published a work in which
he attacked the Church ; but after a time, leaving Geneva for
Spain, he fell into the power of the Inquisition, and was put
to death.

Towards the end of this year, Rome was visited by a ter- 1538.
rible famine, made more disastrous by an unusually severe
winter. The people were lying down in the streets and
squares, hoping to excite, but too feeble to seek, compassion.
Distress was everywhere ; many who were used to give
charity to Ignatius and his Company, now needed it them-
selves ; nevertheless, the faith of the Jesuit Fathers did not
wait on prudence ; they lifted up those poor dying creatures,
carried them into their own house, and gave up their beds
to them, or placed them on straw spread on the floor. They
were living then in the spacious building which Codace had
lent them, at the Torre di Melangolo ; Ignatius removed to
the old house where the Gesu now stands, about a year after-
wards. In this large residence they collected more than four
hundred people ; and from the piety of rich persons, moved to
give all they could spare into the hands of men so much re-
spected, they soon received so many donations, in furniture,

208 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

food, and money, that they were able to purchase covering for
the most destitute ; it is even said, that during the period of
distress, which lasted till harvest, about three thousand per-
sons received assistance through them. Nor is this unlikely,
for the recent trial and its issue had raised them to a great
height of reverence in the popular mind ; and their humble
and self-denying way of living inspired a perfect confidence
in their disinterestedness. They used this new occasion of
intercourse with the poor to benefit them spiritually, and few
hearts were hardened enough to resist the exhortations of
men so compassionate and so devoted. These poor creatures
when first received into the house were exhorted to confess
their sins ; they were instructed in Christian doctrine ; heard
frequent and well adapted discourses ; had fixed times of
common prayer ; and they often became true converts.
Some, under the impulse of remorse and gratitude, begged
that they might remain with Ignatius as long as they lived.
From the destitute, these sentiments ascended to the rich ;
and among all classes, up to the highest, there was but one
voice respecting the foreign priests. Many persons, led by
curiosity alone to visit the house where the Fathers lived,
were impelled to become partners in the good work, and
even took off part of their own clothing to wrap up those not
yet provided for. The nobles, unwilling to do little while
these priests, themselves living on alms, did so much, placed
large sums at their disposal. Margaret of Austria, daughter
of Charles V., procured them great assistance; she seems
from the first to have been attached to the Society, made
Codure her director, and after his death prevailed on Igna-
tius himself to take his place. After her unpropitious mar-
riage with Ottavio Farnese, she continued to correspond with
him ; some of these letters remain.

The storm that had now passed away left Ignatius to

1539 prepare for his first Mass, full of peace and thankfulness;

Letter to recognising in the depths of his heart that the Lord had

tin. been favourable to him in Rome. He wrote to his brother

Martin on the 15th February, 1539 :—

I went at Christmas to the Sta. Maria Maggiore, nnd sniil

ABUSES IX THE CHURCH. 209

with the help and grace of God, my first Mass, in the chapel which
contains the cradle where the infant Jesus was laid.

This letter was never received, for though. Ignatius did
not know it, his brother had died two months before.

When Ignatius had not been long in Rome a young
man came there whom he had known at Barcelona — Michele
Arrovira, much in favour at the Court of Prince Philip.
Ignatius had one day said to him, not in answer to anything
told in confidence, but guessing his thoughts : * You intend
to marry ! Alas ! how you will repent it ; what trials await
you ! ' And this happened. At Home he met Ignatius
coming from Ara Coeli, and showed him a letter from Francis
Borgia, then Governor of Catalonia; his wife Eleanor was
still alive. ' You will one day,' said Ignatius, ' see the man
who wrote that letter a member of the Company of Jesus
and its head.'

And this prophecy, too, Arrovira saw fulfilled.

It ought never to be forgotten, that in the times when
Loyola entered on his religious life, a woful depravity of
morals had spread far and wide ; many clergy were among
its most deplorable examples; the convents were infected
with the vices of the outer world.1

The Popes had not overlooked this : Nicholas V., Sixtus IV.,
Innocent VIII., Julius II., and the illustrious Leo X. had all
examined, complained loudly, and taken measures for reform.
Adrian VI., only a few years before, had in a Brief addressed
to the Diet of Nuremberg, acknowledged the local corrup-

1 Bellarmine himself confesses ' there was hardly anv relisrion remaining '

* " CT

and yet the instinctive reverence of mankind for the clerical profession, sur-
viving esteem, and independent of interest, still showed itself in the pro-
tection of Church property in time of revolt or war ; and the spiritual judges
were in those times so far superior to those employed in the secular juris-
diction, that the people endeavoured hi all ways to bring their affairs before
them, and thus aided, what has been sometimes termed ecclesiastical en-
croachment, with all their power.

P

210 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

tions of the Church, with a sincerity worthy of a noble and
Christian mind, had promised reforms, and asked assistance
and advice.

Paul III. applied himself vigorously to correct abuses ; and,
in 1538, commissioned trustworthy persons to investigate
and report. These declared, that even in the Universities,
errors contrary to faith were publicly taught, and that great
scandals existed among the clergy and in the convents. To
remove this last grievance, they proposed that the several
Communities should be (without exception, as far as appears)
forbidden to receive novices ; so that the old set of monks
and nuns having died out, a new generation might be trained
in the spirit of their primitive rule. The Pope rejected this
plan ; but, that it could ever have been suggested shows how
unpropitious the moment was for the establishment of a new
Order; and how necessary was the sagacious caution of
Ignatius, who, before he divulged the darling idea of his life,
prepared the way for its reception by giving proofs of the
piety and judgment which fitted him to use such a privilege.

The time was now ripe : the hour and the man were come,
ordained by Providence for the defence of the Church in time
of great necessity ; the army and its leader were ready to
combat the powers of darkness, ever more active within the
sacred fold than beyond its barriers ; and Loyola summoned
his few adherents to discuss, after prayer arid solemn medita-
tion, the project which had long been spoken of amongst
them, but never till now with a near hope of its accomplish-
ment; some opinions among themselves, it appears, were
against it, probably from a dread of the unfavourable aspect
of the times. It wa.s resolved that they should deliberate at
night, so that they might postpone no work of charity by
day. They prepared themselves by prayer and fasting to
consider, in the presence of God, the questions placed before
them, and each was enjoined to meditate alone, and form his
independent judgment, before they met to compare their
decisions and motives.

Ignatius first desired them to examine if it were good thai
they should remain disconnected and independent should tin-
Pope send them, as he had already proposed to do, on inis-
sionaiy work in distant countries. All rejected this id<-;i

THE ORDER CONSTITUTED. 211

He then inquired if they were willing to add the vow of
obedience to their vows of chastity and poverty, and they
were all ready to do so. But, since this was the point of
primary importance, on which all the rest must depend, some
of them proposed that all should retire for solitary prayer
during thirty or forty days ; others, that three or four should
do this on behalf of the rest ; but both of these suggestions
were rejected : it was resolved that the companions were to
proceed, according to the language of the * Exercises/ by
' the way of election.'

At their next conference, it was their duty to produce all
the arguments they could find against the vow of obedience,
and the inconveniences that might result. The three fol-
lowing were the most plausible : 1st. The popular opinion
was hostile to the existing Orders, and this hostility would
extend itself to any new one. 2nd. The obligation of obe-
dience to one Superior might repulse some among the many
persons who now desired to join them. 3rd. The Pope,
without whose approbation they could not unite themselves
in a Community, might refuse it, and order them to join one
of the existing Orders.

When they met again, the opposite reasons were brought
forward, and they discussed the advantages of perpetual
obedience. They represented, first, that among the old
Orders none exactly answered the demands of the time,
whereas the companions of Loyola had expressly devoted
themselves to combat the errors which perverted many even
among the faithful ; and the Pope could not but incline to
them on this account. Secondly, the missions they under- 1539.
took would be more successful if they were recognised as
Regular Clergy. Thirdly, if some were repulsed by the vow
of obedience, others would be greatly attracted by the pros-
pect of depending wholly on the Pope. And, finally, they
were persuaded that the Company already collected and
acting together would lose its most earnest members if the
vow of obedience were not allowed. This suggestion was
decisive.

Many nights were passed in discussing what might be said
on both sides. When the subject was exhausted, they came
unanimously to this conclusion, that they ought to unite

212 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

themselves under obedience to a Superior, whom they would
immediately proceed to choose. They bound themselves to
this obedience by a form drawn up by Faber, examined and
approved by all ; each in turn read it aloud after mass, and
before receiving the Holy Communion, and then signed his
name ; the form was this : — •

I, the undersigned , declare before God Almighty, the

Holy Virgin Mary, and all the Court of Heaven, that after having
prayed to God and well deliberated on the matter, I have freely
made this decision ; that the vow of obedience, which I believe
desirable for the glory of God and for its own continuance, ought to
be taken by this Company, and that I have freely determined (but
without any oath or obligation) that I will enter the Company, if by
the permission of God it should be confirmed by the Pope. And in
testimony of this resolve, which I declare I have taken by the grace
of God, I now, though quite unworthy, am about to receive the
Holy Communion. Tuesday, April 15, 1539.

The signatures are R. Cacres,1 John Codure, Laynez, Sal-
meron, Bobadilla, Paschasius, Brouet, Francis Xavier, Peter
Faber, Ignatius, Simon Eodriguez, Claude de Jay.

On the 4th of May, it was unanimously decreed, that in
future, whoever entered the Society should make, through
the Superior, a vow to the Pope, that he was ready to go into
any country in the world, Christian or infidel, at any moment.
This decision was immediately entered among their rules.
It was determined, also, that each member should publicly
instruct children in the Christian doctrine, during forty days
in the year, for about an hour at a time. They even wished
to oblige themselves to this by oath ; but Bobadilla, with
better judgment, as time has proved, objected to the oath ;
and it was not imposed. However, it was ruled that in
future no account should be taken of any single opposition,
lest their proceedings should be too often impeded. Those
who desired to enter the Society should make a noviciate ;
they were to go through the ' Spiritual Exercises,' and prac-

1 The name of Cacres, which comes first, is somewhat surprising, because
hardly anything is knowu of it before or after. But that it is a genuine
signature is ascertained by a letter written by this Cacres from Paris to
Ignatius in 1541. Genelli thinks it may be Carceres, or Cazeres, mentioned
in two letters of Ignatius of 1530, quoted by Menchaca.— *SVr J'cwVr.

THE ORDER ESTABLISHED. 213

tise the other pious usages of the Community. On the eve
of Corpus Christi, they resolved that they would choose a
Superior ; the election to be for life, but with restrictions
that should afterwards be determined. If they were dis-
persed into many countries, all affairs of the Society should
be decided by the majority of members then in Italy, either
by summoning them to Rome, or procuring their votes in
writing. The decision arrived at was to be binding upon all.

It was then left to Ignatius to draw up the form that
should be presented to the Pope. He did this by stating, in
five chapters, the rules they had decided upon. Cardinal
Contarini presented the manuscript to Paul III., and en-
forced the petition of Ignatius by his own personal recom-
mendations.

Paul received it graciously, and remitted it for considera-
tion to Tommaso Badia, a Dominican, master of the Palace,
afterwards Cardinal San Silvestro. Badia kept it two months,
and then returned it to Contarini, with an opinion in its
favour. On the tfrd of September, the Cardinal wrote to
Ignatius : —

I received yesterday, by your Spaniard, Marc Antonio, the
manuscript of your ' Constitutions,' -with a letter from the master of
the Sacred Palace. To-day I went to the Pope, and after setting
your request before him, I read the fifth chapter to his Holiness,
with which he seemed well pleased, and which he deigned to
approve and confirm. We shall return to Rome with his Holiness
on Friday, when Ghinuccio will receive his orders to prepare the
Brief or Bull. I recommend myself to your prayers.

Your devoted,

CARDINAL CONTAEINI.

This was written from Tivoli. When the Pope had
heard, and seen with his own eyes the papers presented by
Loyola, he exclaimed, ' The finger of God is here.' But he
would not proceed as rapidly as Contarini anticipated. He
desired three of his Cardinals to examine the ' Constitutions ; '
these were men of eminent learning and worth ; but one of
them was Bartolomeo Giudiccioni, of Lucca, whose opinion
was entirely hostile to Religious Orders ; and he would not
even take patience to read the papers sent him ; ' for '
said he, ' all Orders become relaxed, and then do more

214

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

The Order
establish-
ed.

Dated
Dec. 27,

1 540.

March,
1543.

Dec. 18,
1540.

harm to the Church than they did good in the beginning.'
Giudiccioni was a redoubtable opponent, for he was an ex-
cellent theologian, a distinguished poet, possessing great
abilities, and so highly venerated for his holy life, that when
he died Paul III. exclaimed, ' My successor is dead.' His
horror at the disorders into which many of the monks and
nuns had fallen, made him desire, not reform, but suppres-
sion; he wished all Orders abolished but four, which he
would remodel and place under strict governance. To allow
a new Order was, to his mind, an idea not deserving even to
be discussed. He would not waste a thought on the scheme
of Ignatius ; and the weight of his judgment carried with it
that of the two Cardinals conjoined with him. Ignatius, not
discouraged, had recourse to prayer — reminded the Saviour
of His promise ; then, in the name of himself and all his
Company, he vowed to the Lord that the Sacrifice of the
Mass should be offered three thousand times in thanks-
giving when the confirmation they prayed for was granted.
It seemed as if the time which the Lord had set was now
come ; for no one could ever tell how it happened, unless by
Divine influence, that one day Giudiccioni desired that the
chapters of the Institute should be read to him ; he then ex-
amined them himself, and his opinion was at once reversed.
He approved the whole completely ; he announced to his col-
leagues that, though he thought as before on the danger
attached to Religious Communities, yet the Institute pro-
posed by Loyola was so different from the others, so excel-
lently planned, and so adapted to the necessities of the times,
tha.t he could willingly join them in recommending its con-
firmation to the Pope. They acquiesced, and the report
thus presented, obtained from Paul III. the Bull which
begins ' Regimini militantis ecclesisc.' It limited the number
of the professed to sixty ; but, three years after, this restric-
tion was removed.

Cardinal Contariiii had doubtless a large share in this
result. Ignatius, writing to his cousin Pietro Contariiii,
tells him that his Holiness has formally given his approba-
tion of the Company, and thanks Pietro for the trouble he
has taken in procuring the favour of the Cardinal, who h;i.*»
been one of their most efficient patrons with the Pope.

PEDRO ]JI RIBADENEIRA. 215

One evening after dark the door bell of the Torre di Rii-ade-
Melangolo rang ; Ignatius, in his humility filling the office
of porter, opened it, and a boy entered, dressed in the rich
apparel worn by the pages of great lords ; he seemed about
fourteen years of age. He asked to be admitted, and then
told his story. His name was Pedro di Ribadeneira; he
had been ordered by his master, Cardinal Alessandro Far-
nese, to accompany him that morning into the country ; but
Pedro thought a day's liberty in Rome would be more agree-
able, and he did not go ; now he was afraid to return to the
palace. Ortiz had desired him when he first came to Rome
to visit Ignatius, and therefore he came now to ask his in-
tercession.

He was the son of a noble lady of Toledo,1 who had con-
secrated him to the Blessed Virgin before his birth. He was
well educated ; his mother, however, was a widow, and unable
alone to control the effervescent and fiery temper which showed
itself early in the child. At seven years old he ran to stop a
runaway mule, which severely injured him ; somewhile after
a playfellow broke his leg.* The imprisonment that followed
these accidents produced the happiest effects. When, in the
year 1540, Cardinal Farnese with his attendant prelates
arrived at Toledo, bearing the Pope's condolences to Charles
on the death of the Empress Isabella, Ribadeneira, who was
allowed to run into the Nunciatura, just opposite his
mother's house, at all times, attracted by these splendid
visitors, waited diligently on the Cardinal at his repasts, in
accordance with the custom of those times, and seems to have
pleased all the party; for even the rigid Giudiccioni, who
accompanied the embassy, became interested in the intelli-
gent and comely boy, and suggested to Cardinal Farnese
that he should carry him to Rome. Dona Caterina was well
pleased, because she wished her son to be among priests.
Pedro heard the proposal with delight, but it was the pros-
pect of novelty and adventure that charmed him. At Rome
he was instructed along with the other noble youths of the

1 Caterina de Villalobos ; her husband was Alvaro Ortiz de Cisneros : his
grandfather was Governor of Toledo.

- The playfellow was Denys Vasquez, who afterwards, like Pedro, became

a Jesuit.

216 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Farnese household in letters, in horsemanship and gymnas-
tics, fencing and dancing ; these were congenial and easy to
him, but in morals he seems to have made small progress.
Once at an entertainment given by the Pope, when the Cardi-
nals were sitting in the vast halls of the Vatican, their pages
standing behind with lighted torches in their hands, Pedro
suddenly rushed upon another page who was waiting on his
master near him, and dashed the blazing torch at his head.
The whole place was in an uproar. He said the other page
was making faces at him. At the following Candlemas, all
the Court and their attendants received blessed candles from
the Pope's own hand ; each taking it reverently kissed the
cross on the Pope's slipper. But Bibadeneira, either igno-
rant or saucy, kissed the Pope's hands. Paul asked who
the youth was, but did not express displeasure. Altogether
Pedro was tired of his town life, and ready for any mischief.
Then came the order to accompany the Cardinal into the
country, and when Pedro had enjoyed his day's liberty, and
knew that he would be missed at home, an unwonted timidity
appears to have seized him, probably a consciousness that
after being long a favourite he had become insupportable,
and could not proceed further with impunity.

Ignatius received him with the utmost kindness ; the other
priests were equally paternal. They kept him that night,
and next day Ignatius went to Cardinal Farnese, whom he
knew well : Farnese only laughed, promised forgiveness, and
desired that Pedro should return. Bat these few hours had
produced a wonderful change in the boy's mind. He now
wished to remain with the Fathers. He went back to the
palace and to some other places only to find friends whom he
might consult, as Ignatius bade him, on his choice of life. The
step appeared too rapid and extreme to all ordinary judg-
ments ; he was hardly fifteen, and the contrast with his former
life seemed too great for a boy so young. But Ignatius saw
extraordinary promise in Eibadeneira, and thought with a
precocious and turbulent nature like his, it was best to begin
soon. He kept him in the house ; and at last, in September,
1540, he received him formally into the noviciate. Dona Cate-
rina heard the news with pious joy. He was made to ret;iin
at first his ordinary dress ; it was impossible yet to be quite

THE NOVICIATE OF RIBADENEIRA. 217

sure of him ; lie had not gone through the * Exercises,' nor
even received his first Communion. And at one time he re-
gretted the splendours and pleasures of the Court ; his old im-
patience and wilfulness seemed to revive. Ignatius reproved
without the least effect. Pedro was only irritated; then
Ignatius had recourse, as usual with him, to prayer, and
earnestly asked that this soul might be given him. He sent
for Pedro, who, almost as soon as Ignatius began to speak,
burst into tears, and said, * Yo los hare, padre, yo los hare' (I
will do them) ; meaning the ' Exercises.' He passed through
these, made his Confession to Codure, and received the Holy
Eucharist at Christmas of that year, the first after the Com-
pany of Ignatius had been recognised as an Order.

The two years of his noviciate did not pass without many
outbreaks. He disliked early rising, and took to lying down
with his clothes on, to save the time appointed for dressing ;
this was against the rules of order and cleanliness, and cen-
sured accordingly. When he was bidden to sweep the house
he filled it with dust ; when he went about he banged the
doors, clattered down the staircase, ran or jumped through
the corridors. The grave Fathers began to think Ignatius
had introduced a monkey into the house, and one day the
master of the novices, following the youth into the room when
Ignatius sent for him, complained that he was unmanageable,
that he disturbed the peace of the house, and that they could
do nothing with him. Ignatius appeased the novice-master,
answered the other priests, who urged a dismissal, by assur-
ing them Pedro had made much progress already, and would
hereafter be a worthier subject than those who had less effer-
vescence to subdue. The boy really tried, and in part suc-
ceeded ; he tied his ancles together, that he might remember
not to run down stairs ; he made less noise, and took pains
when he was ordered to dress the dinner. Once, an egg pasty
was to be added to the usual fare, because Ignatius had a
guest. Pedro, expecting a compliment, placed it on the table
himself ; but when the crust was broken, it was all burnt up.
Ignatius discerned the boy's satisfaction, and said, 'How
dare you show yourself, after making such a dish as this?
Leave the room.' He once asked him ' if he knew what it
was to be a secretary ? ' ' It is to be faithful in keeping

218 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

secrets,' said Pedro. ' Since that is your idea,' said Igna-
tius, ' you shall be mine ;' and he often gave him letters
and other things to transcribe. He wrote badly, and some-
times made mistakes in spelling. Ignatius, fastidious in the
matter of neat writing, had much patience and corrected his
copies repeatedly. One day, to give him a stronger lesson,
he threw the papers on the floor, and said, ' This foolish boy
will never do any good ! ' Pedro wept, and beat his cheeks
for vexation. Then he infringed the rules of the refectory,
and took his breakfast into his own room to save time ; then
he made grimaces to another novice, when the Ministro
(doubtless Codace) crossed the hall. He incurred long
penances by these transgressions ; but his courage, and his
desire to join the Order, carried him through the two years
successfully, though not without many mischances.

Before the recognition of the Order, an unexpected mark

of confidence in Ignatius had come through a former enemy.

The King King Joam III. of Portugal, desiring to evangelize his newly -

gai asking acquired possessions in the Indies, asked the advice of Diego

ipr mis- Govea, formerly the master of Ignatius at St. Barbara, and

sionanes. 'm .

then his fierce opponent, who said he knew no men so zealous
and so capable as the companions of Ignatius. Then, by the
King's desire, he wrote to his former pupil at Rome. Igna-
tius answered, that he and his associates were ready to go
whithersoever the Pope should send them. Govea trans-
mitted this answer to Lisbon ; King Joam, henceforward the
warm and active friend of the Company, ordered his ambas-
sador, Pedro Mascareiiha, to press the affair with Ignatius
and the Pope. Mascarenha, exaggerating his instructions,
asked for six of the Saint's companions. Ignatius offered
two ; he said, ' We are but ten altogether, and two are
already wanted as missionaries by the Pope ; how many then
would remain for the rest of the world ? '

Mascarenha appealed to the Pope ; but his Holiness re-
fused to interfere. Bobadilla and Rodriguez were then named
for the Indian mission. Rodriguez had but just arrived from
Sienna ; he left Rome on the 5th of March, and embarked uf

XAVIER'S DEPARTURE. 219

L'ivita Vecchia for Portugal. Bobadilla came from Naples,
but suffered so much from rheumatism that he was not able
to proceed ; the impediment seemed providential, for Xavier
was appointed in his place. He heard his destiny on the
loth of March; next day he started for Portugal with Mas-
earenha. Ignatius sent by him a letter to his nephew at
Loyola, which Menchaca gives in Latin to this effect : —

Obliged as I am to despatch immediately some of my companions
to the Indies, to Ireland, and to Italy, I cannot write to yon at length
as I should wish to do. The bearer of this letter is Master Francis
Xavier of Navarre, son of the lord of Xavier, and one of onr Com-
pany. He goes by order of the Pope, and in accordance with the
request of the King of Portugal, besides two others, who are going
by water. [It seems as if Ignatius still intended to send Bobadilla.]
Master Francis will tell you all that can interest you, and I have
charged him to speak to you on certain subjects as if I were with
3Tou myself. I must inform you that the ambassador of the King of
Portugal, with whom Master Francis travels, is much attached to
us, and we owe him a great deal. He hopes to serve us, if he can,
with his King, and all other persons, in all things which concern
the service of God our Lord. I beg you, therefore, to receive hyn
with all honour, and as sumptuously as you can.
Eome, March 16, 1540.

When Xavier appeared before Ignatius in his travelling Xavier's
equipment, as all did who left the Torre di Melangolo, that dePirture-
Ignatius might see they were sufficiently provided with the
small stock of comforts which was accounted necessary, he
wore only the garments needed in the soft spring of Rome.
Ignatius, knowing that he would have to cross the Alps in the
stormy month of April, took off the flannel vest he was him-
self wearing, and made Xavier put it on. He dismissed him
with the words he commonly used to those who left him for
a distant mission — ' Ite, omnia incendite, et inflammate ;'
words never uttered to a more fervent heart than Xavier's.
He accompanied the ambassador to Bologna, where he stayed
a few days. He found he was well remembered ; for, when
his arrival became known, crowds assembled in the church of
St4> Lucia before daybreak to hear him say Mass. He was
constantly occupied in speaking or in hearing Confessions.
He wrote to his father, Ignatius, in a letter dated 31st March,

220 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

* I have much more to do in Bologna than at San Luigi ' (in
Rome).

On the day of his departure a multitude pressed round him
to receive his blessing. He recommended himself to their
prayers, that they might meet him in Heaven ; for, to all
appearance, they would never see him again on earth. Then
they burst into tears and lamentations, and some wanted to
accompany him wherever he went.

It was in memory of Xavier that the Society of Jesus was
afterwards invited to Bologna, and the chapel of Santa Lucia,
where the Saint usually offered the Holy Sacrifice, was given
them. The chamber which he occupied was converted into
a chapel ; and the Bolognese piously believed that many
favours were granted to them through his intercession.

It seems to be a part of the exaggeration with which the
history of Xavier has been overlaid, that he is said to have
departed from Rome with no property but his breviary and
chaplet, nor any clothes but what he had on ; and that Igna-
tius took off his own waistcoat to give him, because both
were too poor to buy another. It appears more likely that
this was only a touching instance of the tender affection that
subsisted between the two, which made Ignatius feel this
to be the way of making the gift that would most cheer
Xavier's heart. The description often quoted of his squalid
attire and repulsive self-neglect, is clearly in contradiction
with the strict rules of the Society, which made cleanliness
a duty, and with the charity and prudence which Ignatius
cultivated to the highest degree, and were now to be exer-
cised by Xavier on embassies and in courts. That scrupulous
attention to ' please everyone his neighbour to edification,'
which made Ignatius enjoin on his brethren the utmost con-
sideration for the pride of a vanquished disputant, and a
conformity to the customs of every country in their attire ;
and that suggested those rules of admission which nearly
closed the Order to anyone who had a deformed or unsightly
appearance, would certainly have forbidden Xavier to make
himself unacceptable at the table of Mascarenha and De
Souza, or in the Court of King Joam ; and we hear after-
wards of his consenting to enter Fucheo wearing velvet ami
gold. His unwise biographers represent him as feeding

XAVIER SAILS FOR THE INDIES. 221

during the long Indian Toyage on ' the refuse of the food
given to the sailors ;' whereas, in fact, the Viceroy made
him a constant guest; and Xavier mentions this in his
letters with gratitude and regret. He would indeed have
done but half the work appointed for him, if he had not re-
tained, under that of the missionary and monk, much of the
character of the polished nobleman who carried the royal
blood of Navarre in his veins.1

Joam HE., charmed with the two priests whom Ignatius
had sent, was unwilling to part with them. He kept them
near him, and during the snmnier and autumn much nego-
ciation passed between himself, the Pope (who left both
parties at liberty to do what they pleased), and Ignatius.
At last it was proposed by Ignatius that Xavier should be
sent to India, and Rodriguez remain in Portugal, where he
might plant a seminary of the Society, and so provide for
the wants of both countries. King Joam acceded ; and on
the 7th of April, Xarier sailed from Portugal to enter on his Xavier
mission to the Indies, leaving Rodriguez to found those
seminaries, whence for two hundred years an ample stream leaving
of learning and sound faith flowed from Portugal over a iapo^*
large part of the world. There were subsequently times 8*1- 1541>
when the proceedings of Rodriguez displeased his kind
Father, but none when Ignatius ceased to entertain for him
the most indulgent affection.

While the negociation went on with the King of Portugal, 1540.
other demands besides that indicated by the allusion Igna-
tius makes to Ireland, bore testimony to the value set by
many bishops on the labours of the Community. The Car-
dinal of St. Angelo 2 carried Laynez and Faber with him to

1 Versorius says, ' La regie qu'ils ont quant a 1'habit, c'est de s'habiller
comme s'habillent les gens d'eglise, plus honne-stement, repentant le ministere
et la dignite de leiirs charges? St. John of Kanty. St. Jerome, St. Bernard,
St. Teresa, were strict, like St. Ignatius, on the point of cleanliness.

2 Enrico Philonardi.

222

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Parma. Parma. There they evangelized the town ; Lucrezia de
Gonzagua, Countess of Mirandola, and Giulia Zerbini, be-
came under their direction missionaries amongst the rich
and poor of their own sex.

Balnereg- At Balnereggia, in Tuscany, a most pernicious discord had
arisen between the clergy and the people ; Claude le Jay was
sent there, with the consent — not entirely cordial — of both
parties, to find a way of restoring peace. Possessing the
spirit of his Institute, prudent as well as zealous, he pro-
ceeded cautiously, convened the leaders of both sides, and
explained his errand to them in such a manner as conciliated
all. Then he began to preach ; people crowded to his
sermons; his confessional was never empty, day or night,
while he could be found there. And, finally, the grievances
he came to redress wholly disappeared ; hostilities were
banished by common consent ; those whom he found enemies,
now became friends, embraced each other with all the Italian
effusiveness, and desired to receive the Holy Communion
together, in token that their peace was founded on Christian
charity, to be impaired no more. All this was a work of
time, and he was aided the next year by Paschase Brouet,
then returned from his mission to Ireland. From Balne-
reggia Le Jay went to Brescia, and afterwards to Faenza,
where Brouet joined him, sometime in 1541.

Naples. The kingdom of Naples was disturbed by the dissensions

of the Isle of Ischia. Ignatius was entreated to send Boba-
dilla, whose pacific embassy was so successful, that they
refused afterwards to part with him, even when summoned
by the Saint himself. The city and kingdom, were in an
incredible state of demoralization. So it had long been;
and yet the instincts of the people still clung to the Church,
and craved for new Religious Orders, as the old ones had
become contemptible from the evil ways into which they had
fallen.

The clergy openly kept women in their own residences ;
all ranks alike, from the bishops down to the ' minimi
cherici ; ' these ex-wives had the incredible audacity to clnini

BOBADILLA AT NAPLES. '2\l'-\

the ecclesiastical privilege of exemption from the secular tri-
bunals ; ' and wonderful to hear,' says Giannone, * ... some
such exemptions were granted, though fewer in number than
the priests asked.'

Bobadilla found that these scandals still existed un- Bobadilla
checked, for the Viceroy, Cardinal Pompeo Colonna, * come
in si fatte cose indulgente,' was unwilling to take desperate
measures. His successor, Pedro di Toledo, was a governor
of a different stamp, and introduced laws that enforced a
great advance in at least outward decorum. It was no
longer possible to evade or defy these laws ; for Toledo, a
wise and temperate man, but true to the blood of Alva, pro-
ceeded with excessive rigour, and succeeded at last in extir-
pating the ' schools of false swearing,' which long made a
mockery of the courts of law. He made it death to carry a
ladder at night, because decent women were often attacked
by men entering through the windows ; and he actually be-
headed one unhappy gentleman who was caught descending
in this way, though the Princesses of Salerno and Sulmona,
and almost all the nobility of Naples, interceded for his life.

But it was long before the energy of Toledo could reduce
this excitable and luxurious people to good order, and more-
over relapses were always frequent. Bobadilla found the
difficulty of reforming the public morals balanced by the
equal difficulty of keeping the more intelligent and culti-
vated minds free from the German heresies which had
penetrated everywhere. Against these nothing had been so
effectual as the preaching of Frate Bernardino, now better
known by the name of Ochino, whose pathetic and rapid
eloquence inspired faith and compunction into his overflow-
ing congregation for three or four years, and moved even the
Emperor himself, not much given to sensibility. Ochino,
however, was now absent, and reports had reached Naples
that he too was sliding into Luther's views. The Jews of
Naples, fulfilling their miraculous destiny, were become
enormously rich and numerous, spreading over whole dis-
tricts, occupying suburbs and large villages of their own ;
and many Moors and Spanish Jews, flying from the rigours
of the Inquisition in Spain, had sought shelter there. Then
attempts were made, long defeated and renewed, to introduce

224 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

that terrible tribunal into the kingdom of Naples. Charles
Feb. 4. V., when he was at Naples in 1536, published a hateful edict
which threatened death and confiscation of goods to any
person who held communication with a heretic, or even one
only suspected of heresy. Yet five or six years after this,
the works of Melanchthon and Erasmus were largely cir-
culated, till the Viceroy ordered that they should be collected
and burned ; which was done before the gate of the Arch-
bishop's palace. A publication of Valdez, or suggested at
least by him, called ' Tl Beneficio di Christo,' had immense
favour among the educated classes. It treated of the difficult
subject of Justification, and was condemned to such strict
extermination, that till very lately not a copy was known to
exist.

The Neapolitans hastened to follow the example of Sienna,
now taking the lead among the towns in all matters of * le
belle lettere,' and introduced dramatic representations ; a
novelty soon domiciled in that kingdom. Several academic
societies of literary persons, such as the Italian taste delights
in, had lately been formed ; ' Toledo suppressed all, lest
heresy should insinuate itself into their discussions. As far
as possible all erudition and literature were discouraged. It
followed almost as a matter of course that the higher and
more cultivated minds took to controverted points and for-
bidden books, as a part of that enjoyment of which an un-
reasonable and arbitrary tyranny sought to deprive them.

The Colonna family, eminent in wealth and influence,
were earnestly in favour of unrestricted inquiries, and
welcomed talent under all its forms. Vittoria Colonna,
whose widowhood was passed in devotion, study, and elegant
composition, and who was the friend of Sadolet, Contarini,
and Pole ; Giulia Gonzagua, and her husband, Duke of Pal-
liano ; Galeazzo Caracciolo, nephew of Paul IV., then only
commencing his remarkable adventures ; and many more of
the noblest in the kingdom, all encouraged Valdez and his
adherents, but still with the utmost profession of deference
for the Chair of St. Peter. They thought with Clavio, ' that
no corruption in the Church can justify us in receding from

1 As the Sireni, the Ardenti, the Incogniti.

BOBAUILLA AT NAPL1> '2'2~*

its communion. . . . Out only thought should be, how the
old institutions can be improved and purified from all defect.'

But some had not the wisdom to stop here, and broke
loose from the obligations of morality as well as the precepts
of religious faith,

Paul III. at last consented to establish a Tribunal of 1,546.
Inquisition in Naples, at the earnest petition of Toledo, who
thought to introduce it quietly in the Pope's name> without
arousing the national jealousy of Spanish jurisdiction. But
the Neapolitans resisted so vigorously;, that Toledo could net
carry his point even partially, till towards the latter part of
Ignatius' life, when a court was formed with something of
the power and the objects of the Spanish Inquisition, in-
tended to prepare the people for its complete establishment.
The Teatini, encouraged doubtless by the reigning Pope, then
himself a Theatine, denounced many persons to this court,
though sometimes only suspected, and on very slight grounds ;
so that, says Giannone, if the Jesuits, then newly established
in Naples, had not often interfered to oppose them, they
would have done horrible things. Many of the defeated and
scattered Waldenses and Albigenses had taken refuge in
Calabria; they endeavoured to remain concealed, but this
was not long allowed, and before the reign of Philip ended,
they were hunted out and exterminated.

The Company of Jesus did not possess a college in Naples The first
till 1551, when Salrneron was sent to follow up the work Pu0ll?ge ?5

*• TOG J6SU11S

begun by Bobadilla. No Order> except the Theatines, was in Naples,
so much beloved and respected, and they became highly ]
prosperous. They were first lodged in small premises by the
Duke of Honteleone, where as usual they began to teach
religion gratuitously to all classes, ' setting an example to
the secular priests.' Then the Neapolitans, e moved by their
charitable and pious labours,' bought for them the Casa
Maddaloni, and built a church called the Gesu, which soon
became too small for the crowds that flocked to it. Then
was begun their splendid College, on which the Prince della
Eocca alone spent 20,000 ducats ; and the other ' eccelsi e
stupendi loro edifici' all over the kingdom soon followed.1

1 These gave occasion to the sarcastic remark of Giannone, that while the

Q

226 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

It is remarked, as a singular departure from the cautious
delays usual with the Court of Rome, that the Pope autho-
rised the Order on the simple statement of its Constitutions.
The Bull in which he did this is dated 5th of the Calends of
October, 1540, the sixth year of his Pontificate.

Dominic Soto, the head of the Dominican friars, and one
of the most learned men of the day, heard with indignation
of the exemption from choir duties which was granted to
the Company of Ignatius. Any Community, he said, which
failed in the exact and frequent celebration of Divine service
in the sanctuary, in so far fell short of the spirit of its rule.
* I mean,' said he, ' to speak of the old establishments ; for
as for any new Order that pretended to be freed from this
obligation, it could not have any right to call itself a Re-
ligious Order at all.'

But this was a mistaken judgment. St. Dominic himself
allowed his Community to make its commencement without
a choir ; the Military Orders, and those devoted to works of
charity, had none ; in the strictest monasteries those are ex-
empted who are teachers, preachers, or missionaries. Pope
Gregory the Great forbade that the deacons who had to
preach should chant in the choir. Many Religious Houses
were established solely or chiefly for those who seek there a
refuge and a shelter, where they may save their own souls ;
the Society of Ignatius was to labour constantly in the world,
direct all their actions to the spiritual welfare of others, and
lose all personal interest, so to speak, in that one vast and
absorbing motive, ' For the greater glory of God.'

1540. The Pope's charter had not affixed any name to the new

Company ; Ignatius would use none but that which he had
declared to his associates at Vicenza, and the title of ' Society

professed houses, in which the rule of poverty was observed, were but
twenty-one, the number of colleges was two hundred and ninety-three.
But, since in the colleges a few Jesuits resided with some hundred scholars,
whom it was not intended to withdraw from the reasonable enjoyments of
life, even this difference, supposing it accurately stated, would not be exces-
sive. Individually, each Jesuit, wherever placed, was obliged to conform
to the rule which forbade his possessing any property, or even to dispose of
money given him for alms.

IGNATIUS CHOSEN SUPERIOR. 227

of Jesus ' had been inserted in the forms approved by Paul
III. He said in after years, to his secretary Polanco, that
he must have resisted the will of God, if he had hesitated to
give this name to his Institute. He seems to have understood
that this was part of the promise miraculously given at La
Storta ; and when Michel Torrez, in 1554, wrote to him from
Spain, that the title excited jealousies, Ignatius answered,
' that it had a deeper root than the world knew of, and could
not be altered.' This was at a time when the passionate
attacks and false statements of the Sorbonne made a con-
siderable impression on even unprejudiced minds. Two of
his Company conversing with the Cardinal de la Cueva at
Rome, were unable to persuade him that the name was rightly
chosen ; because, he said, it would appear presumptuous and
excite the envy of other Orders. They repeated this to
Ignatius. ' If they will not call us the Company of Jesus,'
said he, 'let them say the Congregation or the Order of
Jesus ; but I do not think the name of Jesus can ever be
taken from us.' l

The letters I. H. S. upon the seal used by its members are
merely the sacred monogram, indicated as written in the early
ages in the Greek character. The first seal used by Loyola
had his own initial also : —

I. H. S.
Y.

The second in place of the T had a crescent between two
stars : — 2

* *

It was now necessary to proceed to the choice of a Superior.
Hitherto they had none, for Ignatius abstained from all

1 Pope Sixtus V., when Aquaviva was General, revived this dispute, and
ordered Aquaviva to forbid his Provincials ever in future to use the obnoxi-
ous designation. Aquaviva complied, and brought the decree to the Pope,
who seems to have been appeased by this ready obedience, and let the affair
drop. His successor, Gregory XIV., finally decided the question ; in a Bull
published June 28, 1594, he gave his formal approbation of the Institute
and name of the ' Society of Jesus.'

2 The word Jesuit was first used, it is said, by Calvin, in the ' Institute of
the Christian Religion.' It is found in the Register of the Parliament of Paris,
in lo-j-2. It was never used at that time by the Companions themselves.

Q -2

228 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

supremacy or dictation ; on every point (except the name)
the opinion of all the members was asked ; when govern-
ment was necessary, they exercised it in turn. Now that
they were recognised as an Order, they required a head ; and

1541. in the Easter of 1541, Ignatius summoned all to Rome who
could come, the others were to send their vote in writing.
Only five could be collected; Brouet came from Sienna,
Laynez from Parma, Le Jay from Brescia, Bobadilla was at
Bisignano, in the kingdom of Naples ; there the inhabitants
petitioned the Pope that they might retain him, and the
Pope forbade him to return. He had not time to send his
written vote, but afterwards declared that he would have
chosen like the rest.

In prospect of this election, Xavier and Rodriguez had
left their votes sealed up at Rome. Faber sent his, copied
twice over, for fear of accident, from Worms, where he was
attending at the Diet. Those who could come, reached
Rome as soon as possible, because there was much to do.
They had desired their Father Ignatius to form a plan for
them — this was now considered, closely examined and adopted.
Then the election was deferred till April 7, that all might
pass three days in prayer, abstaining from consulting with

Ignatius one another. On the 7th the sealed papers were opened.

Superior. Ignatius was named by all. Laynez wrote : —

I, Diego Laynez, moved only by desire for the glory of the Lord
Jesus and the saving of souls, choose Master Ignatius of Loyola for
my Superior and that of the Company of Jesus, in testimony whereof
I have signed my name. — This 4th April, 1541 .

Salmeron wrote : —

I, Alphonso Salmeron, most unworthy of this Society, having
prayed to God, and according to my judgment maturely considered
the matter, choose and declare for my leader and Superior, and \\n\i
of the whole Congregation, Don Ignatius of Loyola, who, according
to the wisdom given him by God, as he begot us in Christ, and fed
us with milk as babes, so now, being stronger in Christ, he will
guide us onwards with the solid food of obedience, and lead us into
the fat pastures of Paradise and to the Fountain of Life. So that
when he shall restore this little flock to Jesus Christ, the Great
Shepherd, we maybe truly called a people of His pasture, and sheep
of His hands; that he himself may joyfully say; 'Lord, of tin-so

IGNATIUS CHOSEN* SUPERIOR. 229

whom Than hast given me I have not lost one,' which may He,
Jesus, the Good Shepherd, deign to grant us. Amen. This is our
decision. — Written at Rome, 4th day April, 1541.

Xavier had left a paper in -which, he declares that he
adheres beforehand to all the Constitutions that shall be
framed by the Society, even if there be but two or three
members to represent it. He charges Laynez to make the
three vows on his behalf. And he gives his vote thus : —

I, Francis, affirm and declare, in no way influenced by man, and
speaking from my conscience, that, in my opinion, we should elect
for Superior to our Company, that all may obey him, our first and
true Father, Don Ignatius. It is he who has collected us with great
pains and much labour, and he will be able to govern us, and ad-
vance us in what is good ; for he, better than anyone, knows each
of us. And after his death (I speak as I think in my soul, and as if
I were to die immediately), I think that Father Peter Faber ought
to be his successor. God is my witness, that I speak only according
to my own mind ; and as it is the truth, I subscribe it with my
hand. Given in Rome, March 15, 1540. — FRANCIS.

The vote of John Codure is written at the greatest length
of any. It is dated March 5, 1540, and speaks of that
mission to Ireland to which Ignatius alluded in the letter to
his nephew at Loyola. But as it was deferred at that time,
Codure remained at Rome.

He writes, in giving his vote, that as he is about to depart
for Ireland by order of the Pope, and the distance being
great, he thinks it best to name in writing him whom he
thinks ought to be Superior of the Company.

It is he whom I declare I have always known zealous for the
honour of God, and most ardent for the good of souls, who ought to
be placed above all, because he always made himself least of allr
and ministered to all, our honourable Father Don Ignatius of
Loyola ; after whom, I think, should be named the honourable
Father Don Peter Faber, distinguished for not less virtue. This is
charity before God the Father and our Lord Jesus Christ; nor
otherwise could I say, if I knew this to be the last hour of my life.
[The date is May 5, 1540.]

Ignatius himself in his vote would name no one. He
declared that he accepted beforehand for Superior whoever
should be chosen by the majority : —

230 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Excluding myself, I give my vote in oar Lord, that He may be
our Superior who may be named by the majority of votes. I give it
indefinitely, boni consulendo. If, however, the Company should think
differently, and consider it better and more advantageous for the glory
of God our Lord that I should name some one, I am ready to do it.

When Ignatius found himself unanimously named Superior,
he declared that he could not accept the office. He repre-
sented his faultiness and incapacity, that he had led for
nearly thirty years a worldly and sinful life, that his weak
health made it impossible for him to sustain so great a
burden. He told them they had erred in thinking him fit to
be their Superior, that their persistence in electing him would
overwhelm him with grief.

Undoubtedly he was sincere in saying this, but the reasons
he gave were not the sole motives that withheld him from
assuming such a responsibility. They may be seen in his
conduct during the last few years, when, after having
obtained his chosen adherents, and formed them by the
* Exercises ' according to the plan he had marked out for his
Society, he withdrew from all appearance of authority, in all
the proceedings that became necessary as the work developed,
and acted always in concert with the whole Community, and
as if their delegate ; assuming no weight or precedence,
avoiding to appear as the founder of the Order, or to let it
be called by his name. This was so marked, that before the
election the associates referred to their having been hitherto
without a leader.

It is easy to believe that when he had no longer any anxiety
for his beloved Institute, and saw it carried onwards by Christ
Himself, he would have gladly sought again the Divine com-
munications granted him at Manresa, and taken refuge from
the world in the tranquillity of simple obedience. He thought
that he would lose much in the interruption of his private
devotions, when his time must be given to others, and he
had nothing to gain that he oared for.

He made all the efforts in his power to procure another
election. He obtained by earnest entreaty of his associates
that they would resume their votes, and give them anew,
and with fresh light and direction ; he begged them to pray
constantly meanwhile for heavenly guidance. They agreed ;

IGNATIUS ACCEPTExU THE GENERALSHIP. 231

they met again after three days, and they unanimously voted
as before.

Ignatius still remonstrated and refused. He would have
entered on fresh arguments ; Laynez arose and said, ' Father,
yield to the will of God, for if you do not, the Company may
dissolve itself, as far as I am concerned, for I am resolved to
recognise no other than the head whom God has chosen.'

Ignatius then said he would submit himself to the decision
of a third party. He would lay his soul open before his
confessor, and then abide by his opinion, whether he should
agree to their choice or not. The confessor appealed to was
a Minorite, Father Theodoric, of the convent of San Pietro
in Montorio. Ignatius, to be more undisturbed, went thither,
and remained three days in confessing his sins and praying.
Then when he had told all his faults and reluctances, he
begged of Theodoric to write to the associates and tell them
freely the unfitness of the chief they had chosen. Ignatius re-
turned home on Easter Tuesday, April 9. Father Theodoric
brought his written opinion, which was opened and read in
presence of all. He declared that Ignatius was obliged to
submit to the desires of his companions, and to accept the
office imposed on him.

While Ignatius was in the monastery of San Pietro, a
young lay brother, named Matteo, was suddenly possessed by
a devil, who caused him horrible sufferings, and resisted the
prayers and exorcism of the Minorite Fathers. Ignatius led
the young man into his chamber, prayed over him, and
brought him out entirely cured ; and the story adds that the
devil in revenge tried to stifle Ignatius that night, com-
pressing his jaws so that they were tender for many days
after. But when, by a great effort, Ignatius uttered the
name of Jesus, the evil spirit fled.

And now, hearing the judgment of Father Theodoric an- Ignatius
nounced before all his Company, Ignatius accepted it as an j^gThe
indication of the Divine will, and entered on the office of General-
General on April 13, 1541.

Those to whom the Catholic spirit is a mystery, those who
do not know the sweetness of the gall and vinegar tasted for
Christ's sake, and how much the humiliation of the Cross is
more precious than all earthly power and glory to a soul

232 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

seeking' union with Jesus in the abasement of Calvary, have
found it difficult to believe that Ignatius was sincere in his
refusal of the Generalship. But others can suppose that, to
a mind like his, it would have been a far more inviting pros-
pect to see in thought his cherished Order governed by Faber
or Laynez, and carried onwards in the way he had established,
he himself retiring into obscurity to guide his beloved Com-
pany only by his prayers, persuaded as he was that now our
Blessed Lord Himself was its true Head.

Xavier, Codure, and Rodriguez gave their second votes
for Faber. It was believed that all would have named him
if they had made any second choice at all ; for Faber was
greatly beloved, and Laynez and Bobadilla said that in the
absence of Ignatius they thought him the most admirable
person they had ever se^n. But when Ignatius was present
he appeared as a child.

The rows

fuori-ie-

It remained for the members of the new Community to
e vows °^ their profession ; tho time was to be the
next day but one — Friday, April 15 ; the place St. Paul-
beyond-the-walls-, where they expected to be most undis-
turbed. They first made the Stations of the seven churches,
then they went to St. Paul's.

Ignatius said Mass at an altar of the Holy Virgin, which
was on the left of the high altar, near tJw miraculous Crucifix
which spolw to St. Bridget.1 Before communicating, he turned
towards his five companions kneeling round the altar, and,
holding in one hand the body of our Lord, in the other the
form of his vows, he read it aloud, and received the Sacred
Host. Then he received the vows of his brethren, which
were of the same form as his own, except that his wore made
to the Pope, and theirs to Ignatius, as their head. When
they had co-mmunieated and. returned thanks, they visited
all the Privileged Altars of the church, then, returning to
the high altar, they all embraced the Saint, kissing his hand
with great reverence and with tears of joy. Before leaving

1 It is of ebony, and still in the Church of San. Paolo-fuori-le-Mura, having
been saved wh<?n the church was burut in 184<>.

DEATH OF CODURE. 233

the church they signed a paper (written by Jerome Dome-
nech, who acted as secretary), doubtless intended to be pre-
sented to the Pope. It is superscribed — ' Done in the church
of St. Paul-bey ond-the- walls, in the year of our Lord 1541,
the 22nd April.' It relates that Ignatius of Loyola, and the
rest, whose names are given, assembled in chapter in the
church, representing the Society of Jesus, lately founded by
Pope Paul III., after having invoked the Holy Spirit and
offered the Sacrifice of the Mass, have proceeded to elect a
Superior, and have unanimously chosen the venerable Master
Ignatius of Loyola as their General, and made in his hands
the perpetual vows of their Institute.1

They then returned to their house in Koine, full of fervour
and consolation, their hearts overflowing with thankfulness
and the love of God. Codure, who had been the first after
Ignatius to pronounce his vows, walked on with Laynez
before the others, seeming as if carried along by the Holy
Spirit; he wept, he uttered exclamations like one beside
himself, his heart was already glowing with the joy upon
which he was soon to enter, for his death was at hand. Death of
Some time after, as the Irish mission was still delayed, he
was made Socius to Ignatius, to aid him in the temporal
affairs, of the Community ; in six months he was seized with
a dangerous illness. Ignatius went to offer up the Holy
Sacrifice for him at San Pietro in Montorio, and passing the
Ponte Sisto on his way thither, he suddenly stopped when
half way over the bridge, gazed up to heaven, then said to
his companion Viola, ' Let us return to Home, Codure is
dead.' It was just then that Codure had expired. Ignatius
never explained what he had seen, but his disciples believed
that he beheld the same vision as was granted to a pious
man, who described it in a letter to Faber soon after — Codure

1 The form subscribed by St. Ignatius, still existing,, is thus expressed : —
' I, the undersigned, promise to the all-powerful God, and to the Pope, His
vicar upon earth, in presence of the Blessed Virgin, His Mother, and of the
Company, perpetual poverty, celibacy, and obedience, according to the rule
of life contained in the Bull of the Society of GUI Lord Jesus, and the
Constitutions, already or hereafter to be published. I promise that I -will
cause young persons to. be instructed in the faith, according to the same
Bull, and to the Constitutions. Given at Rome, the Friday, 22nd April, in
the Church of St. Paul-beyond-the-citv. — IGNATIUS DE LOYOLA.'

234 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

surrounded by a blaze of light, accompanied by Angels,
ascending into Heaven. All his companions held Codure
to be a perfect character. It was thought that the spirit of
John the Baptist, whose name he bore, had been imparted
to him ; he was born on St. John's day (in Provence, where
the festival is particularly honoured) ; he died on the day of
the Baptist's martyrdom, and at the same age.

In the next year Stefano Barello was supposed to be
dying. Ignatius was offering the Holy Sacrifice for him at
San Pietro in Montorio ; returning, he said to his companion,
Ribadeneira, ( Stefano will not die now.' Stefano indeed re-
covered, lived to old age, and thought .to the last that the
prayers of Ignatius had prolonged his life.

Ignatius entered on his functions as General by performing
the works of humility enjoined on all members of the Com-
munity. He helped for several days in the kitchen, and
shared the humblest labours of the house. Then during
forty-six days successively he taught the catechism in the
little chapel l belonging to the Society, called Sta Maria della
Strada, where more grown persons came to learn than chil-
dren. His custom was first to explain a precept, or some
mystery, adapting himself to the slenderest apprehension,
and repeating the same thing several times ; then he made
the practical conclusions or applications that were useful for
Ignatius the conduct of life. His method of teaching was ' to use the
atCRome' G°8pel as a sword drawn from the scabbard, to show its
truths as they are in the original language,' unoriiainented,
and not mixed up with any ideas of his own. Ribadeneira,
frequently present, says his instructions were more pious
than learned, his language very simple, and frequently faulty,
from his slight knowledge of Italian. But his words were
weighty, and reached the minds of those who listened ; they
forced reflection, and inspired repentance. When he had
done speaking, you saw the people hasten to the confessionals,

1 The chapel is now effaced by the Qesii, which stands on that spot; but
the picture of the Madonna, before which Ignatius prayed so often, remains
in the church.

CHARACTER OF THE JESUITS. 235

showing all the signs of profound conviction. Laynez looked
on with wonder. * But when I remember,' says Kibadeneira,
• what I then saw, this does not surprise me. For I recall
perfectly the energy and earnestness with which Ignatius
spoke ; he appeared like one inflamed with the love of God,
so that even when silent his countenance moved his auditors,
and he could do with them what he liked.' Ribadeneira was
employed to repeat to the people next day what Ignatius had
taught the evening before, and, as he feared that defective
expression might mar the usefulness of those excellent lessons,
he ventured, for he was by no means bashful, to suggest that
Ignatius should strive to improve his Italian. Ignatius an-
swered, with his wonted humility, ' You are right ; observe
me when I speak, and remember my mistakes, that you may
tell me of them afterwards.' Bibadeneira did as he was
commissioned, but the faults were many, and the whole in-
struction seemed full of Spanish idioms. Ignatius only said
with a smile, 'My Pietro, what can we do against God?'
meaning doubtless that heaven had made him a Spaniard,
and it was impossible for him quite to renounce his native
tongue. And so he went on, edifying and charming his
hearers in his bad Italian as before.

All the accounts that remain to us of the Jesuits of that
early time represent them as admirable men, leading a life
supernaturally charitable and pious, realising the prophetic
picture of St. Vincent Ferrer, when he announced the future
Company of Jesus : ' men carrying humility and charity, the
pure heart and single spirit, to perfection ; men who were
to know nothing but in Jesus crucified ; to love, speak, and
think of Him only ; to have no care for themselves ; to de-
sire nothing but Heaven, and death, that they might come to
it sooner;' who were to cultivate for Christ's sake all their
natural gifts to the highest point, yet desire no other reward
than still further success in the salvation of souls; who,
attaining the most brilliant eminence of eloquence and learn-
ing, would lay all at the foot of the cross, and show in their
lives and manners such simplicity, sweetness, and innocence.

236 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

that they would win even hearts hardened by controversy
and the cruel fierceness of party zeal.

One instance of conversion by the mere seeing what kind
of men these were occurred soon after they were formed into
Lutheran.8 an O^er. A young Lutheran preacher, of much talent, came
to Borne, expressly to spread the doctrines of his sect. He
began by haranguing in the streets against the sins of the
Catholic clergy ; and when he thought he had won a hearing
by attacking the lives of the priesthood, he went on to refute
their doctrines. He was arrested and imprisoned. Several
clergymen visited him, and tried to convince him by argu-
ments ; but these remained without effect. His youth and
talents would not probably have saved him from some heavy
punishment, had not Ignatius offered to take him into his
- house, and to try what could be done there. In that for-
tunate dwelling the Lutheran saw men who realised the
pictures his mind had formed of the early Christians, and
who acted all that they taught ; he was no longer instigated
by opposition, for none disputed with him ; he respected the
faith which produced such effects, then loved, and then
adopted it. When he was asked afterwards why he had
remained unconvinced so long, he said he was not converted
by argument, but by the holy and charitable life he had seen
around him ; he could not believe that its foundation lay in
anything but truth.

Martin Soon after they arrived at Rome, a brother of Laynez,

Laynez. Martin, appeared there. He had heard unfavourable ru-
mours of Ignatius' orthodoxy, and, dreading lest his brother
should be drawn into heresy, he came to judge for himself
what Ignatius was. His inquiries ended in his going through
the ' Exercises,' and then entering the Society. He was
exemplary and zealous ; he devoted himself with such charity
to taking care of the sick, that he caught a fever from them,
and made an early and most happy death.

A more remarkable recruit presented himself about the

Araoz. same time — Antonio Araoz, a nephew of the Loyolas. He

liad probably known and loved his uncle at Azpeytia ; for he

AXTOXIO ARAOZ. 237

was ready at once to go through the 'Exercises;' and he
entered on his noviciate immediately after.
. It was necessary that he should return to Spain to arrange
the renunciation of his property ; thus he was the first mis-
sionary sent hy Ignatius to spread his Order among his
countrymen . He was the first, too, to make the vows of the
' professed ' after the original ten. He appears to have been
excellently well adapted for his missionary office : he was
enthusiastic and eloquent ; his personal gifts, and his relation
to the Loyola family, were certain to facilitate his reception
by the Spaniards, whose instincts were all in accordance
with the character of Ignatius himself.

The grief of Padre Antonio on leaving the Saint touched
his heart ; and he gave him the little picture of the Virgin
holding her dead Son, which he procured at Montserrat,
along with a Crucifix,1 when he first assumed the penitent's
garb. * Antonio,' he said, * never give this to anyone ; I
have always worn it since I changed my life and dress ; and
amidst many wants and dangers of soul and body, I have
ever experienced the protection of the Holy Mother.' Araoz
went to the castle of Loyola, where he had business to transact;
there he found the young niece of Ignatius, Doiia Marina,
heiress of the castle and lands, who piously cherished his
memory, and persuaded Araoz to leave the picture with her
till he returned. But Araoz never did return ; and, eight
years after, Dona Marina transmitted the precious relic to a
pious friend,2 who was to place it with the Fathers at Sara-
gossa. There it is now kept in the chapel of the college.
Araoz had a great devotion to the Holy Virgin ; and, when
he lay down to sleep, he had always a chaplet in his hand.

Wlien Araoz lauded at Barcelona, he found the remem-
brance of Ignatius still fresh and enthusiastic. The people
besieged the place where Araoz lodged, demanding to see
and hear him ; they listened to his sermons with admiration ;
they desired that some of the Company should be fixed
among them ; and a college was immediately begun. At
Burgos and Valladolid Araoz was equally successful. All
through the Basque provinces such crowds assembled to

1 This Crucifix came into the possession of Juan Pascoal.

2 Pasqnal Mandura.

238

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Francis
Borgia.

hear him, that he was sometimes forced to preach in the
open air.1

The Viceroy of Catalonia, Francis Borgia, heard of Araoz,
and desired to see him. Araoz explained to him the plans of
Ignatius and the aims of his Society ; he showed him the
Bull of Paul III. Borgia promised his protection. He was
in the prime of life, wealthy, learned, allied to the noblest
families in Spain ; he had a wife whom he loved ; he had
sons and daughters ; it seemed as if the world was prodigal
of its gifts to him. Four years later his wife was dead ; he
abandoned all the rest, and entered the Order which Ignatius
had founded.

Emiliano of Loyola, another nephew, joined Ignatius at
Rome soon after Araoz.

Rules
given by
Ignatius,

Until Ignatius had completed the Constitutions, which
proceeded slowly, he thought it necessary to give written
rules for the guidance of his children, and he caused his
secretary to send to each of the professed Fathers a copy of
the nine following : —

1st. The Fathers were constantly to occupy their hearts
with God ; whether in their cells or in the world, they were
never to leave His divine presence. The life of Jesus was to
be their example. His divine model must be impressed upon
their souls.

2nd. They were to see in their Superiors the image of God
Himself, assured that obedience is a guide which cannot de-
ceive ; to reveal all their thoughts as well as actions to those
appointed over them, knowing that we must ever mistrust
our own judgment.

3rd. When conversing with their sinful fellow-creatures,
they were to use such precautions as would be reasonable in
regard to a drowning man, so that two may not perish toge-

1 In spite of this popularity, it was reported to Ignatius that Araoz was
too much given to frequent the higher orders in Spain, which truly was not
astonishing, as his relationship to many noble families would make him be
naturally sought by them. Such a preference would have been so contrary
to the spirit of the Society, that it was probably a mistaken representation.
Araoz admonished, continued to work with the utmost humility and success.

RULES GIVEN BY IGXATIUS. 239

ther. But the sinner should be dear to every one of the
Society ; not only as the child of their common Father, but
each should love him as himself. In argument, the greatest
vigilance must be used to avert the desire of triumph. There
is but one rational end to be proposed in discussion, the
establishing of truth ; the spirit as well as the words must
be guided by this only.

4th. They are to keep silence when necessity does not
compel them to speak ; and then neither worldly, nor vain-
glorious, nor idle talk must any way mix in the conversation.

5th. If it please God to work great things through their
means, they must count themselves as nothing but a worth-
less instrument, such as was the jawbone of an ass in the
hand of Samson. To be satisfied with our own judgment,
or wisdom, or prudence, would be a folly. A Religious must
consider himself best rewarded for what he does for his
neighbour when he receives reproach and contumely, such
as the world gave to the labours of our Divine Lord.

6th. If any Father should fall into an obvious error, likely
to diminish the esteem in which they were held, they ought
not to be discouraged ; but should thank God for having
shown their weakness, so that they may walk humbly and
carefully in future, and that their brethren may take warn-
ing ; remembering that all are formed from the same clay,
and praying earnestly for the sinner.

7th. During time of recreation they must observe the
moderation which the Apostle requires at all times, neither
mirthful to excess nor too grave.

8th. They must never neglect an opportunity of doing
good for the sake of some greater future good ; for this is
an artifice of the devil to turn away our minds from the
common works which we might perform.

9th. Let each remain firm in his vocation, as if its roots
were laid deep in the foundations of the Lord's house. For
as the enemy often inspires the Solitary witli the desire of
living in a Community, so he frequently makes those who are
called to convert souls desire solitude, and would fain lead
them in a path contrary to that which it is their duty to
follow.

240 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

In framing the Constitutions which were to regulate his
Society through all time, Loyola proceeded with the utmost
'circumspection and humility, preparing himself before he
wrote by prayer and meditation ; then, imitating the holy
Pope Leo, he placed what he had written upon the altar,
and offered his plans to God in the Sacrifice of the Mass.
He deliberated on every point with extreme patience and
caution. A fragment of the journal kept by him, which
escaped the flames when he burned all his other papers, a
short time before he died, refers to the question he long
weighed — whether the churches and sacristies of the houses
of the professed should be able to acquire property. He
considered this point forty days 5 he wrote down eight reasons
on one side, and fifteen on the other, laying the whole as
usual before God. Orlandini translates a part of his journal
of two days from the Spanish into Latin ; he says it is diffi-
cult to preserve the spirit of the original. The following is
an extract ; he often speaks of himself in the third person : —

Sunday, the fifth Mass of the Trinity. At the usual prayer, though
there was not much at first, after the second half, his soul felt great
•devotion, and was exceedingly consoled ; it saw also a certain object,
and a form of very bright light. While they made the altar ready,
Jesus presented Himself to his mind, and invited him to follow ; for
I am quite convinced that He is the head and guide of the Society,
and that it is especially on this account that it ought to practise
poverty and renunciation in the highest degree, though there arc
also other motives, which I have considered in coming to a decision.
This idea disposed my mind to fervour and to tears, but also to
perseverance. So that, if I had had none at this Mass, and those of
the following days, the feelings of that time sufficed to support me
through all temptations and dryness. While I thought of all this,
making ready for the Mass, my emotions increased, and I saw a
confirmation of the resolve I had taken ; I had no other consolations.
The Holy Trinity itself seemed to confirm my decision, for the Son
communicated Himself to me ; for I recalled to mind the time when
the Father deigned to associate me with His Son. When I was
ready, the name of Jesus impressed itself upon me more and more ;
I felt fortified against all attacks. . . . When I had begun the Holy
Sacrifice, I received many graces, and pious emotions, and gentle
tears, which lasted long. As the Mass proceeded, many inspirations
confirmed what I had resolved ; and when I raised the Sacred Host,

IGXATITS FRAMING THE COXSTHTTIOXS. 241

I felt as it were an inward suggestion, and a powerful impulse never
to abandon our Lord, in spite of all obstacles ; and this was accom-
panied by a new delight and fresh impressions. This . . . lasted
the whole time of the Holy Sacrifice, and throughout the day.
Whenever I thought of Jesus this pious sensation and this certainty
returned to my mind.

On one point lie deliberated ten days, and after deciding Ignatius
passed four more in prayer. He consulted the other Fathers t£e"con-
on everything ; but usually not till he had well considered stitutions.
the matter himself, and come to some decision ; and it was a
common practice of his to write down the reasons for - and
against in parallel columns. He withdrew sometimes from
all other business to carry on this work. When he was in
his room, Benedetto Palmia, a novice, was placed at the door
that he might not be interrupted. He had read with great
attention the rules of other Religious Orders, and employed
Polanco to make extracts from them. But while he wrote
his own, no books were near him, except the Scripture and
the ' Imitation.' Perhaps Cardinal Lega knew this when he Cardinal
said that the art by which the Society of Jesus had been so
aptly and admirably formed was Divine, not human, and that
Ignatius had built it up rather by inspiration than by skill.
The enemies of the Jesuits compared the Constitutions to
music of perfect harmony, to which are set magical words,
by which they said the Jesuits transform those who listen to
them into monsters. Ignatius one day asked Polanco if he
thought that God assisted the founders of Religious Orders
in framing their rules? Polanco answered that he did
believe it. * I think so too,' said Ignatius ; and this was
taken for an evidence that he had really received aid from
Heaven. His mind was filled with the idea of uniting the

o

active with the contemplative life, combining in some sense
the aims of all the Orders then existing ; the sentence which
stands at the opening of the Constitutions defines his object :
— ' The end of this Society is not only, with the grace of God,
to devote ourselves to the salvation and perfection of our
own soul, but also, with the same Divine grace, to labour most
earnestly for the salvation and perfection of our neighbour.'
Therefore he enjoined mental prayer, self-examination, the
study of the Holy Scriptures and sacred literature, frequent

B

242 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

receiving of the Sacrament of the Altar, spiritual retreats,
living in the perpetual presence of God; and some part of
all the practices of holy men.

Institute But, since his aim was especially to make his disciples
useful in the world, an army always ready to fight against
the enemies of Christ and the Church, he also trained them
to preach and catechise, to become missionaries in all parts
of the world, whether among careless Christians, or heretics,
or heathen ; to hold disputations and controversies with the
learned, and edifying conversation with persons of the world ;
to visit prisons and hospitals, to receive confessions, enlighten
perplexed consciences, and instruct youth.

Education was particularly important in his opinion, as the
best means of reforming nations sunk in luxury and unbelief.

He knew that the heretics endeavoured to pervert children,
and that in Geneva the little ones were taught songs against
the Church of Kome. But, foreseeing that he would not
collect many pupils if his schools instructed in nothing but
religion ; and, moreover, that the Universities were daily be-
coming more and more inclined to admit the new doctrines,
he endeavoured to form public classes, where should be taught
all the sciences that were suitable to professors belonging to
a Religious Order. Since astrology and alchemy were then
counted among the sciences, this restriction was necessary.
This resolution was not made immediately: during four or
five years after his Institute was recognised by the Pope, the
pupils were taught only the catechism. The first Fathers,
dispersed over the world, had no time for more stationary
and patient work, and the members who were gradually
added to them had not yet gained experience enough to
teach. Loyola desired they should all accomplish themselves,
at leisure, in humane letters, philosophy, theology, and the
Scriptures ; but the earliest colleges of the Company were
only for those who desired to become members.

The vows were simple or solemn : the simple vows did
not bind irrevocably to the Order; those who took them
might be afterwards dismissed, but they could not of course
withdraw at their own pleasure.

1st. The Temporal Coadjutors or Lay-Brothers : as the
duties of these were limited to helping the Society in

INSTITUTE OF LOYOLA. 24 o

matters, they received no scholastic training ; when they were
thirty years of age and had been ten years in the Society,
they might take their final vows.

2nd. The Scholastics who were engaged in pursuing the
course of study prescribed by the Society. After their course
of Ehetoric and Philosophy many were employed in teaching
Gran] mar in the Schools of the Society. At Borne the
Scholastics lived in the Roman College.

3rd. The Spiritual Coadjutors ; as their name implies, they
assisted the professed in the duties of the Sacred Ministry.
They might be admitted to all posts of authority in the So-
ciety except a few of the highest, and sometimes were chosen
by preference in order to leave the professed more at liberty
to devote themselves exclusively to the arduous labours of
teaching. They were admitted to the final vows when they
had been ten years in the Society and were thirty years of
age.

4th. The Professed, who have attained the required stand-
ard in learning and virtue, and form in a special and re-
stricted sense the Society. From these are chosen the General
and his Assistants, and the Provincials. Their probation lasts
from fifteen to eighteen years, and they must be at least
thirty-three years old when they take the four solemn vows.

The Professed of the three vows form an exceptional and so
to speak honorary class among the professed. This grace
which is bestowed for signal services on those who otherwise
would belong to the class of Spiritual Coadjutors admits to
the rank but not to the special employments of the Professed
of the four vows.

And that Jesuits may never degenerate, Ignatius gives
precise directions how the novices should be chosen and
trained. Those who offered themselves were examined
closely in respect of their circumstances. If born in wed-
lock, of honest parents, and who had other sons — for an
only son Ignatius did not readily admit — if they had no bad
temper or disposition, no infirmity of mind or body, were not
affianced in marriage, nor bound by any obligations, not
having even belonged to any other Order, they were admitted
to their probation. And Loyola was well pleased when these
qualifications were found, as it so often happened, in young

R 2

244 LIFE OF IONATIUS LOYOLA.

men of noble birth. He said the endowments which fit a
man for eminence in the world are highly valuable in a
devout life; and he welcomed such persons as were best
fitted to transact the business of the Society, and help on
God's work, with sovereigns and men in power.

He allowed none to enter who were of illegitimate birth,
or had worn the dress of another Order even for a, day, or
who had openly professed heretical opinions ; all must be at
least fifteen years old, but not more than fifty. He inquired
what relations each one had ; if any were attracted to enter
the Society through a friendship with some of its members;
in which case, he desired they should have a longer time for
reflection before entering on their noviciate ; he demanded
perfect openness on the part of the young men, and enjoined
absolute secrecy on the Superiors. The novices were warned
that they must devote themselves henceforward exclusively
to the service of God. They were asked if they were willing
that not only those in authority, but also their companions,
should remark their defects or misdoings, and report them
to the Superiors ; and if they also, in a spirit of charity and
obedience, would do the same when required ; and they were
to promise to accept readily the place or grade which should
be assigned them.

The Novices, when admitted, pass a month in retirement,
occupied with the ' Spiritual Exercises,' and afterwards make
a General Confession of their whole life. They were allowed
then to assume the habit of the Company, unless Ignatius
expressly enjoined them to retain their ordinary dress. The
Novices were placed in three classes : those designed for the
priesthood ; those for temporal service ; and the Indifferents,
ready to become Priests or Temporal Coadjutors, as tho Su-
periors judged proper. The first noviciate lasted two years.
It was devoted wholly to spiritual things ; the Novices W<T<>
to learn something every day by heart, in order to keep the
memory in exercise, but they were to abstain from all secular
study. They also taught the elements of Christian doctrine
to children and the poor. For a month at least they served
the sick in some hospital ; for another month they made a
pilgrimage of devotion, having no money given them, but
subsisting on the charity they received by the way. The

INSTITUTE OF LOYOLA. 245

persons who administered at the hospital, or saw the pilgrims
on their journey, were desired to say what was known or
thought of them. Then, if they were destined to be Scho-
lastics, they were removed to another house ; there they en-
tered on the course of study marked out by Ignatius, but
modified in the case of each Novice by the judgment of his
Superior, according to his abilities or turn of mind. Besides
theology and the Scriptures, each was to study philosophy,
rhetoric, poetry and languages. But Ignatius desired that
he should first of all be well exercised in Latin and humane
letters ; scholastic theology was not to come till after logic,
metaphysics, and moral philosophy. There must be a
rigorous examination at each advance to a new study. In
each faculty the safest doctrine and most approved authors
were to be followed. In the sacred languages, it was not
merely exegetical skill they were to acquire, but also the
means of defending the version adopted by the Church.

In these suggestions Ignatius remembered how he had
wasted his own time at Alcala, for want of a regular system,
and the danger he thought he had incurred in reading a stray
work of Erasmus. He saw also that he had committed a
mistake in allowing the works of charity and piety that he
delighted in to divert his mind from hard and ungenial
studies ; he ordered that the Scholastics should not be sent
out of doors, nor pass more than a fixed time in prayer. His
kind nature provided also for their health and recreation :
they were never to study more than two hours at a time; they
were to be allowed sufficient sleep ; they had days of relaxa-
tion, and places where they might every week pass some
hours in the country. As it was not fit that they should
spend time in asking alms, nor the world be taxed for the sup-
port of persons not yet useful to it, nor again, that the youths
should bear the frequent destitution which was accepted by
the older members, each Religious retained during a certain
period his personal property, if he had any, but not the dis-
posal of it; nor was he to consider himself as absolutely
possessing anything whatever, not even his clothes nor his
breviary ; the expenses he caused to the Society were defrayed
out of his own money ; and what remained was restored to
him, if after all he did not persevere.

246 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

But the colleges, differing in this from the professed
houses, were allowed to receive endowments or funds for
their maintenance. These at first were given liberally ; after-
wards, as in the case of the German College, there were
sometimes considerable difficulties to overcome.

The Scholastics, thus indulged and cared for, were never-
theless exercised unremittingly, and with extreme strictness;
no fault was passed over, nor indolence tolerated. The rector
of the college was to withdraw from study those who did
not make reasonable progress. Some were then dismissed ;
others employed as temporal coadjutors. Besides their fixed
daily prayers, they were enjoined to communicate every
week ; to examine their conscience twice a day ; to make the
' Spiritual Exercises ' once a year ; but, above all, Ignatius
attached importance to the custom of renewing their vows
twice in every year, after three days' retreat, during which
they declared in all Christian simplicity the state of their
soul to their Superior, and repeated their General Confes-
sion.

The time .of study was usually extended to ten, or even
more years. Then came the third year of the noviciate ; the
year passed ' in schola affectus,' which has been called the
masterpiece of Loyola's policy ; when, having been accom-
plished in the schools, and ready now to enter on the holy
and noble work to which he is destined, the Eeligious is
enjoined first to steep his soul afresh in the living waters,
renounce all worldly study, and spend day and night in.
prayer, or in the humblest offices of the Christian missionary,
among peasants and children.

If, after all, the-young man thus trained was not found ca-
pable of the highest work, he might still be useful ; and Ig-
natius availed himself of all degrees of ability, where there
was singleness of heart and goodwill. Such members were
considered in all respects to be on the same footing as the
others, but they did not take the fourth vow, which related to
missions and especial obedience to the Pope. The simple
vows might after all be remitted by the Society, and the
non-professed return to common life.

This was the vow taken by the professed : — ' I profess and
promise to Almighty God, in presence of the Holy Virgin,

INSTITUTE OF LOYOLA. 247

His Mother, of all the Court of Heaven, and of all the persons
now present, and to you, Reverend Father General, whom I
regard as holding the place of God, and to your successors,
perpetual poverty, chastity, and obedience ; and, in virtue of
this obedience, particularly to instruct children, according
to the rule of life contained in the Apostolic Letter granted
to the Society of Jesus, and in the Constitutions.'

The fourth vow moreover binds the person taking it ' to
go wherever the Pope should please to send him, whether
among the faithful, or the heathen, without offering excuse,
or asking money for the journey, and without, either directly
or indirectly, seeking to persuade the Pope on the subject of
their mission.'

These vows cannot be annulled ; the General must even
obtain the assent of the Pope before he can dismiss a Pro-
fessed Father from the Society.

The houses of the Professed can possess no funds ; they
must depend on alms only. All Jesuits must cherish poverty
us a mother ; they even declare that they will never allow
auy alteration of the laws of Loyola in this respect, unless to
make the obligation more stringent. They receive no pay-
ment for masses, nor for any spiritual function ; they have no
box for contributions in their churches. Every one must be
willing at any moment to be sent out to beg, or to set forth
on a foreign mission without money for the journey. They
must accept no promotion or dignity out of the Society, nor
seek auy within it.

Cardinal Allen, after remarking how many priests of the
Catholic Church were become suspicious to Protestants
because their zeal appeared stimulated by their own interests,
and their care for revenues and dignities, continues : —
' Therefore, it pleased the Lord to raise up new men, without
money, place, bishopric, or abbey, humble in the eyes of the
world, tearing none but God, hoping nothing but from God,
looking on death as a deliverance ; men who may be slain,
but never subdued.' And by these new men, Cardinal
Allen meant the Jesuits.

The General was to be elected for life by the assembled
Society.

He alone has the power of naming the provincials, superiors

248 LIFE OF I&NATIUS LOYOLA.

of the professed houses, rectors of the colleges and noviciates.
His residence is always to be at Rome ; he must never
make a long absence. But that he may be well acquainted
with his people, the subordinates were enjoined to communi-
cate with him frequently, and detail every circumstance re-
lating to each member, and the minutest affairs of the
province. These letters he received weekly, or as often as
possible ; and at that time of slow travelling, and infrequent
couriers, it is surprising to see how close was the correspond-
ence thus kept up.

Each Provincial was every year to send a general report to
Rome. Every three years the catalogue of each province,
which contained the name of every member, his age, abilities,
gifts of any sort, qualities or defects, was carried to Rome by
a deputy elected in the Congregation of the province, com-
posed of the Provincials, Rectors, and Senior Professed
Fathers.

When it was proposed to admit a member to any charge,
or a new degree in the Society, more diligence was used 'to
procure information from which the General could form his
judgment on the fitness of the choice. Three persons were
then separately and secretly to obtain and transmit all the
information they could procure, and these testimonies, added
to what the General possessed already, decided his opinion.

The Congregation, when it elects the General, names also
four Assistants, each called from a principal province, who
transact the affairs of that province under the General's
direction, and are the agents through whom requests or
applications to him are usually transmitted. But all, if they
prefer it, may write to the General himself. Besides these,
the Congregation names a Companion or Secretary, who is
also an Admonitor, and is desired to represent respectfully
to the General any bad result that they think likely to follow
any of his proceedings. All these five are instructed to
watch as well as assist the General. If they see in his
conduct anything indiscreet or censurable — if he misapplies
the property of the colleges, or falls into any error of life or
doctrine, they must lay their observations before him ; and
in case of a great urgency or visible scandal, these Assistants
can summon without his assent a Congregation of the Order,

INSTITUTE OF LOYOLA. 240

or even depose him themselves, after obtaining by letter the
suffra ge of the provinces.

Each Provincial has also his four Assistants, and a Com-
panion or Admonitor ; it is a repetition on a small scale of
the system applied at Rome.

Ignatius enjoins that the link of obedience and mutual
charity should be carefully preserved throughout the whole
Society. Each one was to regard his immediate Superior
with the reverence he would show the General himself, and
every one of the Society as his brother. All might speak to
the General at all times, as sons would address a father, in
full certainty of a tender and paternal attention ; the same
rule of life was to be observed as nearly as possible amongst
all the members, in spite of differences of climate or national
customs. All in a house were to speak one language, that
of the country they lived in. They were to regard each
other as children of one parent, united by the closest ties,
preventing one another in good offices, ever courteous and
kind : they must show especial affection to strangers. Those
who break the rules, or have no other fault than that of
not possessing the spirit of the Society, or who are not likely
to do its work well, must be dismissed at once. Ignatius
never decided on this dismissal without good cause and
sufficient consideration; but when he had clearly seen the
necessity, he would even call up a member in the middle of
the night, and send him away. In such cases the vows of
the person dismissed were annulled, and he was free to
follow any other calling ; and if he had given money to the
Society, it was repaid ; the expulsion was made with as little
injury to his repute as possible. * For,' said Ignatius, ' the
Superior should use such caution and tenderness in this act,
as a surgeon would in cutting off a limb.'

The prohibition to accept dignities was so strict and com-
prehensive, that even the Pope's injunction was not sufficient,
unless he commanded on pain of mortal sin. For the
Jesuit must consume his strength and pass his life in serving
or teaching his fellow-creatures, with no reward but the
favour of Christ ; he works ' for the greater glory of God '
alone ; he absolutely refuses every earthly or personal re-
compense.

250 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

This outline describes the Institute as it stands now ; but
its laws were not strictly denned and fully written till a short
time before Ignatius died. He always went 011 amending
and completing, desiring the approbation of his companions
at every step.

As he concluded his work he divided it into ten parts. The
first describes the qualities which allow or forbid the admission
of novices ; the second, the causes and manner of rejection ;
the third and fourth relate to health, devotion and study ; the
fifth explains the profession of the four vows and the inferior
degrees; the sixth and seventh instruct the Professed and
Spiritual Coadjutors in their various offices ; the eighth and
ninth concern the General, his election, authority and duties ;
the tenth, and last, gives several directions for the conser-
vation and increase of the Society.

Ignatius wrote in Spanish ; Polanco, his secretary, trans-
lated all into Latin. These rules were not absolutely inflexi-
ble, for Ignatius added to them these words : — ' So far as the
differences of time, place, and circumstances will permit.'
And the Congregation, but not the General, can make some
modifications. The Bulls of Paul III. and Julius III. contain
all that is fundamental and invariable in the Order.
Character- ^n these Constitutions, six points are characteristic of the
istics . Society of Jesus, because either not practised by any other
Society. Order, or not so especially and prominently : —

The instruction of children, and of the poor, which was so
fallen into disuse, that the Council of Trent admonished the
parochial clergy thereupon. Twenty years after, a Congre-
gation was established with this particular object.

Foreign missions ; for though some Religious Orders had
occasionally sent messengers amongst the heathen, who had
laboured with success, there was not one distinctly obliged
to do this at the Pope's bidding.

The instruction of youth of all ranks, and to the highest
extent of culture, without payment in any sort.

The ' Spiritual Exercises,' which first applied a system ;m<l
method to the meditations and retreats always practised.
They have never been superseded, and time has only esta-
blished their efficacy.

The ministering to the sick in hospitals, and to prisoners ;

IRELAND. 251

first included as a separate duty of any Order in the Consti-
tutions of Ignatius. Since then, two Orders have arisen,
which devote themselves especially to this charity.

Lastly, the mission ary work in country districts, preaching,
instructing, hearing confessions, and commencing pious asso-
ciations: which had been done, indeed, in all ages after
the example of the Apostles, but Ignatius first made it a
part of his Institute, and revived a zeal for these labours
when their practice was neglected and almost forgotten.

The Spanish in which the Constitutions are written, like
that of St. Ignatius's letters, is sometimes obsolete, and a
passage here and there not very easy to understand. But as
the translation of Polanco was made under his eye, this is
unimportant. His thoughts seem to have reverted occasion-
ally to the laws of his own country ; the Fueros of Biscaya
were evidently in his mind. In some parts there is an ap-
pearance of abrupt transition, as if sentences had been cut
out ; the Latin shows that this is an appearance only, and
that the sense is actually carried on.

Cardinal Richelieu's opinion of Loyola's system was ex-
pressed in these words : — * Avec des principes si sure, des
vues si bien dirigees, on gouvernerait un empire egal au
monde.' He said he knew nothing more perfect than the
Institute of the Jesuits ; * et que tous les souverains pour-
raient en faire leur etude et leur instruction.'

The journey of Salmeron and Brouet to Ireland took place Ireland,
in the first year of Ignatius's Generalship. Robert, Arch-
bishop of Armagh,1 a Scotchman, blind from his childhood,
but singularly gifted, raised by his learning and piety to the
primacy of Ireland, now taking refuge in Rome from the
persecutions of Henry Vin., had asked Pope Paul IH. to
send an Apostolic Xuncio into that unhappy country, with
full powers to give the Sacraments, grant dispensations, and
fortify the afflicted people.2 Such a mission required great

1 Waucop ; some called him Venantius.

3 From a letter addressed by Paul to Con Baccough O'Xeill, Prince of
Ulster, it appears that an emissary named Raymond had been sent to Rome
with the same petition. The Pope says he has sent rwo Xuncios, John and
Alonzo: so that the delay in starting must have been occasioned by the

252 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

courage and judgment in the persons undertaking it ; the
state of Ireland was deplorable — almost all the nobility ac-
knowledged the supremacy of Henry VIII. , and the most cruel
persecution awaited the common people, who continued to
profess the old faith. All intercourse with Rome became a
matter of life and death ; the exercise of Catholic duty was
prohibited under barbarous penalties, and the country, wild
and uncivilised at all times, now exhibited the fearful spectacle
of a nation conquered and prostrate, under the despotism of
men insatiable of plunder and rule, and irritated by all the
fierceness of scorn and hate.

Codure had been named for this perilous mission ; a better •
destiny was granted him. Paschase Brouet and Salmeron
were sent in his place, bearing all the privileges attached
to the Apostolic Nunciate ; privileges which were to avail
the Irish people, not themselves. They expected to travel
alone, on foot, without provisions or money, like the Apostles
of our Lord's day ; but Francis Zapata, a young nobleman,
who had been a notary in one of the Pontifical Cancellarias,
and now aspired to enter the Society of Jesus, obtained leave
to accompany them, and to defray all the expenses of the
journey. This expedition, in all ways full of peril, was a
worthy entrance on his noviciate. The three left Rome on
the 16th September, 1541. Ignatius gave them instructions,
admirably suited to their necessities and their respective
characters ; Salmeron was somewhat impatient, Paschase
had the sweetness of an angel in all his words and ways : —

When you have to treat on matters of business with anyone
(says Ignatius), particularly with persons who are your equals or
inferiors, you should speak little, and not till the others have
spoken, showing respect to the rank and distinction of everyone ;
and listen much and readily, until he you converse with has made
an end. Answer then every point severally ; and take leave when
you have nothing more to say. If he continues to speak, answer
as briefly as possible. Let your leave-taking be concise, but gra-
cious.

When you have to do with a great personage, you should, in
order to gain his affection, for the greater glory of God our Master,

death of Cod are. Raymond is thought to have been Redmond O'Gnllagher,
Bishop of Killala, and martyred in Elizabeth's reign.

INSTRUCTIONS OF IGNATIUS. 253

study his disposition, and act accordingly. If, for example, he
be of a vivacious temper, if he speaks rapidly and much, then
assume with him something of a familiar tone, adopt his ways in
things good and holy, and be not too serious, nor reserved or
solemn. But with those of a more phlegmatic character, who
are slow of speech, grave and measured in discourse, adopt a
manner similar to theirs ; this is sure to propitiate them. I have
rnaJe myself all things to all men.

When two persons who are both of quick temper are engaged in
any affair, unless they have entirely the same opinions, there is a
great risk that they will not agree. When anyone knows that he
is choleric by nature, he should study minutely all that concerns
the intercourse he must have with others, and prepare himself, if
possible, by a close examination of himself, and resolving to endure
anything rather than yield at all to an impetuous instinct, particu-
larly if the person he has to do with should be easily moved. If
this person be apathetic or reserved, there is less risk of his being
irritated by inconsiderate words.

If we observe that anyone is tempted and melancholy, let us be
kind and good to him, converse pleasantly with him, and show him
both at home and abroad much cheerfulness and complaisance. In
order to edify and console such persons, it is desirable to assume a
disposition contrary to their own. But in all conversations, and those
especially which concern spiritual things, or when hostile persons
are to be reconciled, it is needful to remember that everything that
is said may be, or really will be, known to all the world.

In expediting business, be liberal as to time — that is to say, give
a promise that the thing shall be done immediately, the same day if
possible. If you have any superintendence to exercise, it is best
that Master Francis (Zapata) should be charged with it, so that
you may fulfil your obligations to everyone ; yet neither of you
should touch any money ; let it be rather deposited with some one.
Let whoever asks a dispensation himself remit the price to this de-
positary, and receive from him a regular receipt, after which the
dispensation or expeditions may be given ; or take other means, if
you find any more suitable ; only take care that each of you may be
able to say he has not received any, the smallest, sum for this
mission.

When you. have to speak to persons of high rank, let Paschase
Brouet do it. Consult together on all points on which you do not
agree ; let the advice of two out of the three be adopted. Write
often to Rome during your journey, as soon as you arrive in Scot-
land, and when you have reached Ireland ; then every month give an
account of your mission.

254 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Ignatius, in these instructions, avoids touching on the
duties in which they had been commissioned and prepared
by the Pope.

War had broken out afresh in France, when the two Nun-
cios with Zapata crossed it to reach Scotland ; they repaired
immediately to the court of King James V., to whom they
bore a letter from the Pope. James promised to resist all
the influence of his uncle, King Henry, and remain faithful
to the Church. They reached Ireland in the beginning of
Lent, 1542, without difficulty ; but once there, their steps
became beset with dangers, and they saw sights of greater
woe than they supposed possible. The people were filled
with terror ; the orders of Henry VIII., constantly disobeyed,
were cruelly enforced whenever some unhappy Irishman was
detected in the practices of his religion, or when any priest,
lingering incautiously among his flock, was dragged from
his hiding-place. Those who refused to swear allegiance to
Henry as the head of the Church, were denounced, im-
prisoned, and savagely punished. He ordered that all letters
coming from Home should be intercepted ; any priests or
persons assisting to uphold the Papal authority, and espe-
cially any delegates from Rome — for some rumour of the
departure of the two Jesuits had reached England — were to
be seized and surrendered to the King, or his viceroy in
Ireland ; and to harbour them was to incur pain of death.
Salmeron and Paschase landed in disguise. They found that
their approach filled the Catholics with consternation ; but
by degrees they pacified these fears, and inspired something
of their own courage into the oppressed people, who gave
them hospitality at the risk of their own lives. They were
forced to change their abode every night ; jbhey dared not
peril the friends who sheltered them by sleeping twice under
the same roof. In this way they passed through Ireland,
carrying everywhere strength and consolation ; using the
powers entrusted to them to confirm and excite the faith of
the poor Irish, living amidst such terrible trials. They
brought inestimable comfort to the clergy, whom they assisted
and encouraged in their life of dread and concealmeiit.
They induced the people to raise what sums they were
for the help of the churches and the poor, and this

SALMERON AXD BROUET IX IRELAND. 255

was entrusted to persons chosen by the Irish, usually their
bishops, whom they had at that time the right of choosing,
as well as their pastors of the second order.

In thirty-four days Salmeron and Brouet had traversed
the island, not unsuspected. The viceroy learned that some-
thing unusual was going on ; it was guessed that emissaries
had arrived from Italy ; a price was set upon their heads ;
death and confiscation of goods were proclaimed against any
person or family who harboured them. Paul III., apprised
of the state of things, sent them an order to return. They
obeyed ; but first they intended to execute a project which
could hardly have occurred to the mind of any but a disciple
of Loyola. It was indeed a desperate measure ; they meant
to go to London to ask an audience of the King. His cha-
racter had not yet fully shown itself; it was believed there
might be some conscience and some mercy in him still acces-
sible to their appeal. But when they returned to Scotland,
they found it in a worse state than before ; the emissaries of
Henry VIII. had set the country in a blaze. Many Scotch
nobles saw a large confiscation of Church property pending
in reward, if they aided the English interests. The Jesuits
soon found that their mission in Great Britain was closed.

King James gave them a passage from the west coast to
Dieppe ; thence they went to Paris, where they waited further
instructions from the Pope. He bade them return to Italy ;
and having left Zapata to complete his studies at the Uni-
versity, they pursued their way on foot as before. At Lyons
they stopped. France was at war with Spain, and Salmeron
was a Spaniard ; their travel-worn garments and humble ways,
quite at variance with their language, made them to be taken
for spies. They were imprisoned ; they appealed to two Car-
dinals then at Lyons — Toumon and Gaddi — who recognised
them, caused them to be treated with the honours due to
Legates of the Holy See, and sent them on their journey,
provided with money, horses, and guides.

They reached home in November. When the Archbishop
of Armagh heard of their successes and disappointments,
blind as he was, he resolved to return to his flock. ' Now/
said he, * I perceive, that unless the sheep hear the voice of
the shepherd, nothing can be done.' But the Pope would

256 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

not consent to this ; he sent him, confiding in his remark-
able endowments, to Germany, as his Legate ; and afterwards
Waucop assisted at the Council of Trent. He must have
been a- man of rare ability, since his blindness had not hin-
dered him from professing divinity at Paris. He ever loved
and venerated the Society of Jesus, and died at Lyons, in
their college.

Zapata. Francis Zapata completed his studies at Paris, returned to

Rome, and entered the noviciate of the Company there. But
it was not his fortune to remain. Perhaps something too
much of pride and independence had been discovered by
Ignatius in his character ; for one night he was called out of
his bed, and told that he must leave the house at daybreak.
Yet his offence did not seem very heavy : he was disgusted
by the excessive and public humility of Jerome JSTadal, who
had taken to preaching in the open air at Monte de' Banchi,
near the Ponte Sant' Angelo. This was a sort of market-
place, surrounded by stalls or banchi, which the common
people much frequented, and therefore jugglers, improvi-
sator!, storytellers, and the other accompaniments of an
Italian crowd, were often found there.1 Zapata laughed
at him, and called him ' Monte Banchino.' This was related
to the General by the Father Minister, when he came as
usual, at night, to report on the state of the house and
the occurrences of the day. Ignatius instantly sent for
Zapata, though it was long after the hour when the novices
went to bed, and in spite of his earnest entreaties, and many
tears, he was made to depart at daylight.

Zapata was, nevertheless, learned and good ; he afterwards
entered a convent of Franciscans, and ever spoke of the
Society of Jesus with respect.

Brouet at Paschase Brouet, on his return from Ireland, was sent to
ohgno. Foligno, at the request of Cardinal Blosio, its bishop. There
he revived discipline and fervour in the convents, knowledge
and letters in the clergy (he sometimes had to teach ecclesi-
astics the first rudiments of grammar), piety and morality
among all. He produced, says Orlandini, such a reform as

1 The name is retained in the ' Vicolo de' I'unclii,' a small street still re-
maining near the river. Our word ' mountebank ' is an obvious derivation.

ocmm

seems miraculous, and was no less successful at Monte Monte
Puleiano, -whither he went at the request of the Cardinal,
who loved it because it was his birthplace. Strada was Strada.
there, and his brilliant eloquence obtained extraordinary
influence over the people ; they followed him from door to
door, as he went through the streets asking alma for the
poor ; the money given him was received by these citizens
and spent in public charity. Then, invited by Cardinal
Carpi, Brouet went to Reggio, and undertook the reform of a Reggio.
nunnery, whose inmates had grievously lost the spirit of their
Order ; then, to Faenza ; there he found Le Jay combating Faenza.
with success the hostile influence of Bernard Ochino. The Ochiuo
Jesuits began with charity to the poor, persuasion to the
rich, a great zeal to inspire the love of Christ in all ; then
they came to controversy, and publicly discussed the argu-
ments of the new teachers. Brouet thought the people had Bn.uet.
something noble and generous in them, in spite of their
wanderings ; he proceeded amid such difficulties with charac-
teristic caution. He sought the higher minds first, then
descending to the ignorant, he taught them with the patience
of one instructing children, and procured from the rich the
means of accompanying his lessons with relief to all who
were in want. He found Ochino a formidable antagonist,

O

for he possessed great powers of oratory ; his long beard and
coarse habit, the fame of his austere life, disposed his hearers
to respect him ; his elocution, clear, rapid and impassioned,
gave an immense force to what he said. ' I opened my heart
to him,' says Bembo, * as I might have done to Christ Him-
self. I felt as I looked at him that I had never beheld a
holier man.' Charles V., when he heard him, said, ' Truly
this man would make the stones weep.' Ignatius earnestlv
desired to recover one so highly gifted; he wrote to Le Jav,
then at Dillinghen, enjoining him to take the greatest pains
to gain the friendship of Ochino, and bring him back to the
Church. If Ochino would only write a letter, or at least a
few words of repentance, Ignatius, in the name of Paul III.,
promised him paternal indulgence. Le Jay was to tell him
that Laynez and Salmeron (whose interest was great with
Paul III.) were then with Ignatius in Borne, and all would
protect him as? men who had but one soul with himself. But

s

258 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

it was long ago too late. Ochino was for a short time in
England, summoned thither in 1548, by Cranmer, to help
him, along with Peter Martyr, to reform the English
Church ; afterwards he went to Switzerland, became, it was
said, a Socinian, married, preached polygamy, and died in
old age without any return to the ancient faith.

The Jesuits were more successful with the opulent and

Faenza. educated townspeople of Faenza. They established a Sodality
among them, which was to carry food and medicines, as well
as spiritual aid, to the poor. These persons chose for them-
selves a physician to attend the sick, and a lawyer to plead
for the oppressed. The plan answered well : the Sodalists,

Brouet. guided by Paschase, spread a salutary influence through the
city, and prepared it for the instructions which he gave in
the churches, in schools, in public exhortations, in private
conferences and conversation. Among the young he was so
successful, that in a school of 400 not a single evil word was
ever heard. He brought peace into families long disunited
by the eternal quarrels of those Italian towns ; he appeased
enmities so well, that hundreds at a time were seen assembled
to offer friendship to one another, and to receive the Jesuit's
blessing. Paschase stayed at Faenza two years — the time
commonly appointed by Ignatius for these missions.

1543. Salmeron was sent, immediately after his arrival from

atM^dena Ireland, to encounter worse hardships at Modena, whither
Cardinal Morone had invited him because the free-thinking
spirit of the day was powerful there ; and it revenged itself
on the attacks of Salmeron by accusations of the bitterest
kind, both against his orthodoxy and his morals. The dis-
sentients of Modena even went so far as to carry these to the
Court of Rome. Ignatius, knowing well the innocence of his
friend, summoned him to vindicate himself personally at
the Papal Court. Salmeron did this so effectually, that the
Pope bade him return to Modena ; he remained there two
years.

Sienna. When Brouet and Rodriguez were sent to Sienna along

with Francis Strada, they found that one of its celebrities
was a priest who wrote plays, not always of a very scrupu-
lous character, and who moreover acted in them. For thea-
tricals were the passion of the Siennese, and they had com-

THE COLLEGE AT COIMBUA.

municated the taste to other parts pf Italy, where Ignatius and
his Order were not slow to adopt and guide it. The dramatic
priest heard the Jesuit preach ; he was moved with Strada's
brilliant and pathetic eloquence ; he visited the Fathers, and
yielding to their entreaties, consented to go through the
' Spiritual Exercises.' The first meditations filled him with
horror of his past life ; when he had come to the conclusion,
he was no longer the same man. One day he mounted the
pulpit in the fashion of a penitent, a rope round his neck,
and with tears and moving expressions of contrition for his
past life, he asked forgiveness of his congregation for the
-dal he had given them. He then withdrew wholly from
the world ; and as he thought the noviciate long among the
Jesuits, he became a Capuchin. This remarkable conversion
made a great impression on Paul III., and disposed him to
appreciate the Society more highly than ever.

King Joam, resolved to fix and spread the Society of Jesus Portugal,
in Portugal, asked the Pope to transfer some vacant bene-
fices to the use of a college in Lisbon, and in 1542 he gave
to Rodriguez the house of Sant' Antonio Abbate. Rodriguez
took possession of it along with his disciples Scalecati and
Medaire. That same year he commenced the college at
Coimbra ; he opened it with twenty-five pupils ; in August Jan. 1.544.
there were sixty; and in 1546, the notable year when the ™ *
Jesuits began to take possession of their function as educa-
tors of Europe, or we may say of the world,1 Coimbra was
the first which admitted youths not intended for the priest-
hood ; it became the most important of all the establishments
the Society had in the peninsula. Ignatius, in accordance
with his system, filled it with foreigners ; he abolished all
ties of country as well as of relationship : his disciples were
to be citizens of the world, sons of our Lord and His dear
Mother only, and he thought they gained a useful knowledge
of human nature by their being sent to distant places ; every-
where they spoke the language of the country, even among
themselves. The Portuguese, at first, did not like this;
they were not well pleased with priests who came from cities

1 Lancillotti taught Latin in Goa the year before,
s 2

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

where heresy prevailed; but Rodriguez and his associates
soon vanquished all distrust and prejudice, and the Company
were nowhere more popular and successful than in Portugal
and Spain.

Bodriguez When Ignatius bade Simon accept the charge of tutor
to the King's son, he continued to practise the utmost
humility of life and habits. Once when travelling with
the Prince he sent back the horse provided for him, and
took an ordinary baggage-mule. A prelate who met him
reproved him, and offered him a better mount : ' You ought,
said the prelate, ' to consider the majesty of the King.' ' I
strive to honour Him Who is my true Master,' said Simon,
' by that humility which belongs to my profession.' He said
the Court was a prison and a purgatory to him ; that the two
events in his life which had most displeased him were — when
he was hindered from going to the Indies, and when he was
forced to take up his abode in a palace. Once, in a time of
great distress, he asked assistance of the King ; he received
immediately 50,000 crowns, but would not keep more than
17,000. Just then the Turks landed on the coast of Portu-
gal. Simon Rodriguez considered that the King would need
all that his treasury contained to equip his defences, and
sent back nearly the whole gift ; and King Joam accepted
and used the money, but soon after settled a large and per-
manent endowment upon the college.

Rodriguez made it a strict rule, that no one in the house
was to be a day without doing something to improve or edify
some fellow-creature ; if anyone had omitted this, he was to
accuse himself before supper to the Superior, without whose
permission he might not presume to eat with the rest.

Sometimes Simon sent out the Fathers at night, to cry
out in the streets, * Hell is made ready for those who live in
sin ! ' Others went in the evening to the places where two
or more streets met, and declaimed rhymes which meant —
' Death approaches, and yet the sinner does not leave off his
sin ; alas, what folly ! '

When the Fathers were going to preach in the open air, he
would send out some previously to collect an audience ; they
went about saying, * God invites you even from the Piazzas ;

TIVOLI AND CASTEL MADAMA. 261

let whoever would save his soul, come, and listen ! ' And it
was said they always caught some souls.

The incident which has been so often quoted in speaking
of the ' Exercises,' occurred in Coimbra. One who had gone
through them was questioned by persons who believed the
Jesuits to be sorcerers. * Did they not show you monsters
and demons ? ' said they. 'Worse than that ! ' said the man;
' they made me see myself ! '

Ignatius now entered on the course of life which was never

o

afterwards interrupted, except on two occasions when he was
absent from Rome on errands of charity; once to restore
peace between the inhabitants of Tivoli and their neighbours £lvoll and

* . B Castel

of Castel Madama ; Ignatius interfered at the Pope's desire. Madama.
The people of Sant' Angelo and of Tivoli had long quarrelled,
and now broke into open war. Ignatius treated with Mar-
garet of Austria, wife of Ottavio, Duke of Parma, who was
Lord of Sant' Angelo ; and with the magistrates of Tivoli and
of Castel Madama ; he persuaded the parties to refer their
differences to the Cardinal of Cueva, and meanwhile to lay
down their arms. At this time Ignatius lodged with Luigi
Mendozze, at Tivoli, who offered him a house with gardens
attached, and a chapel dedicated to the Virgin, near the
ruins of the house of Maecenas. Ignatius accepted the gift,
and this new establishment of the Company was opened on the
birthday of Our Lady. The house and gardens remain ; the
gardens belong to the Jesuits to the present day. The place
where Ignatius resided with Mendozze is now the property of
Signer Trinchies, whose family show with pride a room look-
ing over the Campagna, towards Eome, which the Saint is
said to have occupied ; they show also a large press, consi-
dered the only relic of the furniture of his time, now filled up
with an altar. It is the end house on the north side of the
street, as you enter Tivoli from Eome.

In Castel Madama the Farnesi had a mansion — still
standing — where Ignatius lodged when he visited this ro-
mantic town. The people still remember him as a bene-
factor, and a bust of him remains in their church.

The Bishop of Tivoli appears to have been a troublesome

262 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

personage ; he forbade the rector, Navarro, to use the pri-
vileges granted to the Society by the Pope. Ignatius ap-
pealed, and an order was issued to the Bishop and Vicar to
desist from their opposition. Yet Navarro had displeased
Ignatius, and received a reprimand for having maintained
his rights with too little humility! On his second absence,
Ignatius travelled in winter to Alirto, in the kingdom of
Naples, to reconcile Ascanio Colonna and Joanna of Arragon,
his wife. Commonly even sickness made small difference in
his habits : he said Mass every morning, until Paul III., at
the request of some of the Fathers, inhibited him for a time,
lest the tears he shed should injure his sight. Before he
went to the altar, he always read over with care the service
appointed in the missal. He could seldom get through the
Mass in less than an hour, because of the emotion it caused
him. But he said, for priests generally, half an hour was
enough. After the celebration, he always passed two hours
alone. He had in the wall of his chamber a little window
looking into the chapel, whence he could see the taber-
nacle, and there he delighted to kneel and meditate. Louis
Gousalez, minister of the house, says he was sometimes
forced to interrupt him to ask directions ; and saw on his
countenance the radiance of one who, like Moses, had been
communing with God. Then, if any matters called him
abroad, he went out with one companion, according to the
rule of the Society ; this at first was frequently young
Ribadeneira. If at home, he received persons who called
on him ; he was accessible to all, acting on the principle en-
forced by him on all his Community, that there must be no
time, place, or circumstances when the servant of God is not
ready to assist the smallest of His children.

They dined at noon, in a room almost completely dark,
because their next-door neighbour built out their windows ;
and Ignatius would not take any steps to remove this
grievance, as he might have done, but bore it for eight
years, when the man was induced, by an exorbitant price
offered for his house, to sell it to them.

After dining they went to another room, where they con-
versed for an hour. Ignatius usually talked of the under-
takings in which they were engaged ; it was the duty of all

THE DISCIPLINE OF THE HOUSE. 2fi3

to be communicative and free of speech at this time ; it
was called the hour of recreation, and charity enjoined that
each should help to make it pass as a relief and restoration
with useful interchange of ideas. But no friendships, in the
common sense of the word, were tolerated ; fraternal love
forbade an obvious preference of one man's conversation to
another ; all were brothers, and loved each other for Christ's
sake. One of the early Fathers writes : — ' If anyone were to
say. This man is my friend, or Such a one loves me, such
worldly language would be regarded as strange, and heard with
astonishment, for where all love each other as themselves, all
are friends.' After this hour of conversation, Ignatius re-
turned to business, read and answered letters, and dictated
to his secretary. But Ignatius himself wrote much, and with
so great care, that he would copy a letter three or four times
rather than let it leave the house incorrectly written.

After supper, all who had any charge in the house came to
him, ouve him mi mite information as to all that concerned

7 CD

their respective departments, and received his directions.
He questioned the infirmarian with extraordinary solicitude
about the sick, whom he took under his especial charge.
Once, the Minister having owned that he had not procured
for a sick man some soft skins that had been ordered to
wrap round him, Ignatius sent him out, though it was
night, with two companions to find and bring the skins.
Another time, both infirmarian and steward had omitted
to send in good time for the physician ; when midnight
came, but no physician, Ignatius sent them out to fetch
him, telling them they should not enter the house again
without him; and as he was not then to be found, they
took refuge in a hospital till morning. Ignatius never
relinquished his care of the sick, even when his own health
obliged him to leave other charges to his officials ; he went
to see them frequently, visited and watched them during
the night, if their illness was serious, and comforted them
with kind words. When Bibadeneira was bled, Ignatius
went to him many times to see that the bandages had not
moved. He sometimes said, he thought God had sent him
so much ill-health that he might feel for it in others. He
wrote comforting letters to the Fathers who were ill durino-

264 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

an absence. One of these is now placed on the wall of the
room he occupied at Rome, written in Italian with his own
hand. Ignatius would often wait upon the sick, make their
beds, and shunned 110 menial work in the house for them.
He respected such afflictions ; he was greatly displeased with
a Father who had thoughtlessly repeated as a jest the
sayings of a poor brother who was delirious.

Sometimes it happened that when food or remedies were
needed for the sick, the funds of the house were very low ;
once, when some delicate food was ordered for one of the
assistant brothers, there was no more than three pauls in
the hands of the steward. ' Spend them for the sick man,'
said Ignatius, 'we will dine on bread.' Another time he
sold the pewter plates and dishes, and the coverings from the
beds, to obtain things asked for by the infirmarian. There
was a patient whose sufferings were increased by a melan-
choly that even Ignatius could not console ; he sent some
novices, who sang well, to cheer him with music. It was a
remedy that formerly had often appeased his maladies
and soothed his pains ; but he thought this an indulgence,
and would seldom allow the experiment to be tried on him-
self. But God often comforted him with Angels' songs — he
said he heard music in his heart without voice or tones.
Those who were convalescent he retained under his par-
ticular direction, that they might not be overburdened with
duties, till they were quite strong.

Once, at a time when the house was very crowded and
very poor, two lay brothers were admitted — Guillaume, a
Frenchman, and Alphonso, a Spaniard ; they fell ill imme-
diately. Some of the brethren were of opinion that they
should go to the hospital. They had no friends to recom-
mend them, but Guillaume, before they entered, had nursed
Alphonso very tenderly, when he had been ill ; they both
desired to lead a religious life. Ignatius said, 'Can we not
find room in God's house for men who have quitted the
world for His sake ? ' And he kept both.

When, at night, Ignatius had dismissed his ministers, he
talked for some time with his secretary alone ; he did not
then go to rest, but usually walked up and down his room
leaning on a stick, often praying aloud. He allowed him-

THE HABITS OF IGNATIUS. 265

self only four hours for sleep, and these were often disturbed.
Giovan Paolo, when he was in the room next to him, some-
times heard groans and sounds as of blows, and at first went
into the room ; but was forbidden to return. Those about
him believed that he was attacked in the darkness by evil
spirits ; they did not dare to ask, and Ignatius said nothing.
When he went with his companion into the city, he
wrapt himself in a ferrajuolo, the cloak commonly worn by
churchmen in those days, probably resembling that we see
in Italy now, an inheritance from the Romans of old times ;
on his head he carried the sombrero, a large flapping hat :
when in the house he had the curiously folded cap which
has become the biretta of the clergy now. His eyes were
habitually cast down ; it was said he never looked at any
woman, though many frequently came to speak to him.
When he raised those marvellous eyes, they uttered his
whole soul, and could command, persuade, or comfort as he
willed; strangers who saw him at Eome in his old age, for
the first time, said that when he spoke to them his coun-
tenance seemed divine. But usually his look was simple
and grave ; nothing, when out of doors, was visible of him
but his face, unless he raised his hand to his head in salu-
tation. He limped slightly in his walk, but he appeared to
conceal this, and it was not often perceptible. The limb
wounded at Pamplona continued always weak and painfully
sensitive to the touch, yet he went about much with his
stick, and on those two latter journeys travelled a long way
on foot. He had long laid aside the sackcloth and rags of
Manresa, and enjoined on his Society a particular neatness,
and an abhorrence of all personal neglect. They were to take
care that their dress was decent, conformable to the customs
of the place where they lived, but not unsuited to their
profession of poverty. To this last condition he seems to
have attached great importance, since he suffered Laynez
and Salmeron to appear at the Council of Trent in garments
which, though clean, scandalized the clergy present, and
especially the Spaniards their countrymen, by being worn
and patched. He thought neatness and care in the dress of
old men a proof of a composed and well-governed mind ; in
young ones he desired indifference in externals, yet would

266 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

not suffer the absence of cleanliness and order. For, like
St. John of Kanty, he considered that the livery of Christ's
service should be worn joyfully, and should repulse none
who looked on it.

When time and the Pope's favour brought him into much
notice, and his assistance was frequently asked, he kept
himself aloof from all merely worldly transactions, and would
never advise or aid even his own kinsfolk in such matters ;
and he was the more obliged to make this rule, because his
Mendoza's worldly sagacity was known to be so great. Diego Mendoza,
of Igna- when he was ambassador from Spain, said the affairs of his
tius- master always prospered when he followed the advice of

Ignatius — never in the opposite case. But he was kind,
gentle, and accessible to all whom he could in any way
influence for good. His manners were most noble and cour-
teous. Among strangers he made his way to each one's
confidence by speaking at first of the subjects in which they
were interested, saying a few words of commerce to the
merchant, of war to the soldier, and so on ; but if they had
no serious purpose, he broke off at once from all lighter
subjects, and spoke of Heaven, and the saving of souls.
It was almost an unknown thing that any should leave
him not impressed by his fervent words and by that ineffable
charity which made the mere sight of his countenance a
consolation to sad hearts.

All the temporal wants of his children he attended to, and
was wont to make a memorandum of each particular. But
he was displeased at any solicitude for creature comforts ;
Bcbadilla. and when Bobadilla, much beloved by him, asked leave to
occupy a larger room, Ignatius not only refused, but bade
him prepare to lodge two more with him, to which Bobadilla
assented with perfect readiness. For he had learned well
the rule of poverty, ' cherishing it as a mother.' He used to
mend the rents and patches of his garments himself, and he
would kiss them, saying, ( These belong to my master's livery.'
Ignatius also reproved, with much sternness, and during many
months, the self-indulgent and repining spirit of Silvestro
Landini. Landini, a priest of Margrado, in Lunigiaho, who sought
admission to the Company. During a long illness, he bore
his sufferings with little patience, and showed a wil fulness

LAXDIXI. 2GT

unheard of in the rule of the Society. No notice was taken,
and he was waited on as usual, with the utmost tenderness,
till lie was able to travel ; Ignatius then sent for him, and
bade him return to Margrado ; he spoke with a gravity
which prohibited all answer, and Landini did not dare to
ask if this exile was meant as a dismissal from the Order.
He had so great a love for Ignatius and his Company, that
this idea filled him with terror ; he now set himself to toils
and austerities. In all the country round Margrado he went
about combating all evil customs, and the heresies which
were now spreading over Italy ; he wrote repeatedly to
entreat forgiveness ; nine letters to Ignatius, full of contri-
tion, were not answered. But meanwhile some of the other
Fathers, by desire of Ignatius, consoled and encouraged him,
and at last advised him to ask the intercession of Codace,
the patron and friend of the house, and now Minister, to
whom they said Ignatius could refuse nothing. Ignatius,
willing to be entreated, upon this wrote to Landini, and told
him he was still a member of the Society. When he received
the letter, Landini threw himself on his knees to read it,
kissing the signature repeatedly, and the vows made by him
in thanksgiving on the spot he amply fulfilled ; labouring
diligently in several Italian cities and in Corsica, where,
during the last seven years of his life, he effected a wonderful
reform, and was believed by the people to have had super-
natural powers of healing and prophecy.

As Ignatius became better known, and gifts poured in
upon the Society, his vigilance increased in watching over
its precious possession of poverty ; the colleges, or charitable Poverty,
houses, received whatever was offered, but the Professed
Fathers and those who lived with him at the Gesu, were
never to be supported out of these donations ; they were to
receive their daily bread as an alms ; they could accept no
recompense for masses, sermons, or any other ministry, even
if offered as charity. Not only could they inherit nothing,
but the Society could not inherit in their name.

They were not to dispose of anything, nor use anything
without permission, nor even to move an image or picture in
their room. He adhered so strictly to the rule which for-
bade the colleges to assist the Professed, even with their su-

268 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

perfluities, that he would not keep some wax which was sent
by the college of Palermo, but transferred it to the Roman
College. And he would very seldom, in later years, allow
one of his own people to share any meal at the Roman or
German Colleges.

Those who took an apple from the garden, or dispensary, or
even picked it up from the ground when it had fallen, highly
displeased him. He even bade the offenders accuse them-
selves of this before any other sin in the confessional ; it was
equally prohibited to pluck a flower ; it was appropriation,
and this was against the spirit of the Order.

It was his custom to be slow in coming to any decision ;
he wished, as well after as before he had become General, to
make the other Fathers participate in the wisdom of the
measure ; he sought all means of information, then sum-
moned those who could best advise him, and sometimes would
fix an hour by the glass for consultation, during which time
no other subject was to be introduced. When they had
discussed the matter at great length, he would not even then
decide immediately ; he used to add, ' Now it remains for us
to retire to rest, and in the morning carry this matter to
God in prayer.' Those who gave an opinion off-hand, and
decided without deliberation, greatly displeased him ; he cal-
led them * decretalisti.'

Those who were about him said his words were like laws,
they were so weighty and well considered, never more nor less
than the occasion demanded. Gonsalez said, ' To see and
hear Ignatius was like reading a chapter in the " Imitation
of Christ." He praised little ; he very seldom blamed ; he
never spoke of faults if he could help it ; he disapproved
others doing so. If possible, when such things were men-
tioned, he excused at least the intention. He would some-
times go as far as saying, ' Truly, I would not have done it.'
He thpught that to reveal faults was a great sin. Once,
having spoken to three persons of a slight fault in a brother,
when two would have sufficed, he immediately went to con-
fess this with great contrition, though it was not a matter
which could touch the good name of the offender. He was
accustomed in conversation to speak less than he listened ;
he never interrupted the speaker, nor went from one subject

CHARACTER OF IGNATIUS. 269

to another without cause ; he thought it a fault if any
of his brethren did this, and was silent. No word of con-
tempt or passion ever fell from his lips. His manner of
expressing himself was very plain, and he never used super-
latives. When he told a story, or wished to convince or
persuade, he put what he wanted to say in simple and
natural words, making no comment; that he left to his
hearers. He was so accurately true, that whenever he
related to Gonsalez a story he had told many years before, he
repeated not only the exact facts, but all particulars, in nearly
the same words. Usually his discretion was perfect ; once
he incautiously made a promise of assistance in some secular
affair, in which he afterwards thought it better that he
should not interfere. He was greatly distressed ; he said to
Gonsalez, ' I do not think such a thing has happened to me
these eleven or twelve years past,' He was so accustomed to
find charitable extenuations of all that appeared wrong in
others, that in the house ' the interpretations of Ignatius '
was a proverb.

The building which Codace gave to the Society had a
garden, in which Ignatius delighted to walk. He loved
plants and flowers, and everything on earth or in heaven
was full to him of God. "When he went to this garden, and
sat or walked, wrapt in contemplation, the Fathers drew
edification from his attitude and countenance, while watching
him from the windows. There was a terrace at the top of
the house where he loved, on the summer nights, to sit and
gaze on the stars ; Laynez once heard him say, ' Oh, how vile
does earth appear to me when I look up to Heaven ! ' l

The eventide was to him an especially solemn and sacred
time. He would then always be alone with God for an hour.
If any came to see him, the assistant brother was ordered
not to knock, but push open the upper part of the door,
which was in two panels, and say what was wanted at the
outside. In going about in the country, he was much used
to look fixedly up to heaven ; so that some one described him
as ' that Father who is always looking upwards, and talking
with God.'

When Laynez asked him his method of prayer, he answered,
1 The terrace is still shown.

270 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

* that in the things of the Lord,' he proceeded rather e as
those who receive than as those who work.'

One day, on the Feast of St. John Lateran, as he was say-
ing Mass, he was filled with such joy that it exhaled in tears
and moans. A man whispered to Francis Strada, who had
served the Mass, { That priest of yours must have been very
wicked, for his conscience smote him so at Mass, that he
wept all the time.'

He would not be called in the house by any title but simply
Ignatius. Laynez ventured to ask him one day, if it were
true that he had an Archangel for his guardian. He answered
nothing, but blushed like a young girl, and turned away
his face.

He was very grateful to benefactors, prayed daily for them,
visited them in their houses, received them at all hours, and
talked freely with them on the concerns of the Society,
especially of the news from India, about which all were
curious.

He practised self-examination as strictly as he enjoined it.
He once asked a Father, how often he had examined himself
that day. The Father answered, ' Seven times.' * Only seven
times ! ' said Ignatius, and yet it was not much past noon.
At mid-day and at night he made what he called e particular
examination,' which referred to some besetting fault. He
kept a string, on which he tied a knot as often as he fell into
this fault"; it is said that he did this up to a few hours before
his death.

A Father asked him how to obtain perfect humility. 'This
is the way,' said Ignatius ; ' do exactly the opposite of what
is done by men of the world — hate what they seek, and seek
what they avoid.' He gave copious instructions on this
subject to novices ; impressing on them that ' humility is
truth.' He had absorbed this, as it were, so thoroughly into
his mind, that he said he feared vainglory less than any
other sin.

But charity — that is, the love of God, and of man for God's
sake — was his passion ; it engrossed his whole soul and
stamped his character. All his instructions ended with these
words, many times repeated — ' Love God with all your heart,
and all your soul, and all your will.' He said that if he could

CHARACTER OF IGNATIUS. 27 1

go to hell without a sin of his own, he should suffer more
from the evil tongues of the damned, who blaspheme God,
than from the torments of hell fire.

He thought that to endure affliction for Christ's sake was
the greatest safety and the highest privilege that a Christian
could desire. He said, ' If God sends you great sufferings, it
is a sign He will make you a great saint ; and if you wish
Him to make you a great saint, pray that He may send you
great sufferings.' Again : ' All the honey which can be ex-
tracted from worldly pleasures is not so sweet as the gall and
vinegar of Christ.' One day he told Ribadeneira, with joy,
that our Saviour had granted him a favour long asked,
that the heritage of the Passion should never fail the
Society.1

His habitual self-control seldom allowed any outward ex-
pression of joy or sorrow to be seen in his countenance, but
sometimes the news of a calamity made him look glad and
thankful. And when the favour both of Court and people
everywhere surrounded the Jesuits in Portugal, and nothing
reached his ear but successes, he one day told Gonsalez that
he feared lest the zeal of the Fathers had diminished, and
that this was why Satan was less hostile.

He particularly detested laziness ; he asked a lay-brother
who seemed loitering, ' Dear brother, for whom are you work-
ing ? ' * For God and His love,' answered the brother. ' Then
I assure you,' was the reply, ' if you do no better hereafter, I
shall give you a heavy penance ; if you were working for men,
it might be no great fault to do it with so little pains ; but
working for God so carelessly, is without excuse.'

One day the Fathers discussed the question, whether they
would prefer being made safe at once in Heaven, or remaining
on earth to serve God for a longer time ? Laynez confessed
that he would gladly accept such a security. ' And I,' said
Ignatius, * would choose rather to remain, and work on for
the glory of God ; for I am sure that He is a generous Master,
and would not allow a soul to suffer damage that had post-
poned its own enjoyment of Heaven in order to increase His
glory here.'

1 A prophecy fulfilled up to this time, for they are still, as for 300 years
past, indefatigable in the saving of souls; perversely misrepresented and
stupidly misunderstoi d.

272

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Supersti-
tion and
credulity
discou-
raged.

Cornelius

Brugi'l-

nian.

He strove to live so as to keep his resolution, ever to spend
the present hour better than the last.

He thought that a confidence in God's assistance, beyond
what the world deemed prudent, was agreeable to Htm ; he
said, ( Whoever would do a great work for the glory of God
must not be over- wise, nor act only in accordance with his
means.' And during the latter years, when misfortune often
seemed impending, his trust was greatly exercised and never
deceived him. But probably he would not always have coun-
selled the same conduct to other persons. For his prudence
equalled his zeal ; and in the exercise of his extraordinary gift
of guiding and governing, he never, made his own experience
an exact rule for any other person.

About the time of Ignatius' arrival in Rome, much was
said about the extraordinary visions and raptures of a nun,
named Maddalena della Croce, who was believed by many to
be a great saint. A Spanish priest, who entered the novi-
ciate in 1541, Father Santa Cruz, spoke of her to Ignatius
with unbounded admiration ; he thought her inspired. But
the Saint reproved him : no member of the Order of Jesus,
he said, ought to speak thus, or draw any such conclusions.
And it turned out that she was an impostor, and she was
afterwards silenced by the Inquisition.

Another Father had spoken to some novices about visions
and such like miraculous favours. Ignatius found much
fault with him, and forbade such talk.

The care with which Ignatius enjoined extreme humility,
temperance, and moderation, on all whom he had to guide in
the spiritual life, is very remarkable in one who, from the
beginning to the close of his career, believed himself sur-
rounded by supernatural communication.

Excess in anything, or the presumption that often accom-
panies great zeal or uncommon efforts, were an evil that he
seemed particularly to dread. He repressed unreasonable
scruples, and when Brugelman, a Flemish priest, tormentol
by an extreme anxiety in saying his Office, spent almost all
day in it, he bade him not exceed an hour by the glass if
he had not finished then, he was to leave Hie rest unsaid.

TRUTHFULNESS. 273

•

This cured him. An assistant brother, a Spaniard, obtained
leave to fast on bread and water during Lent, but on Good
Friday Ignatius bade him eat as the rest did at the common
table.

When he heard that Araoz was bidden by the physician
to return to his native air, because he had reduced himself
to great weakness by over-exertions and privations, he wrote
to him : —

I recommend you moderation in work and in treatment of your
person, which does not so much belong to you as to Christ our Lord
and the Society ; and since this is the case, you must take care to
preserve it and not waste it as if it were your own property. And
though it be charity which impels you to undertake things beyond
your strength, yet even charity, joined to obedience, obliges you
to moderate these (works), so that you may preserve your henlth
longer in God's service.

He comforted kindly the despondency of a lay brother,
Giovanni Milano, who had great mistrust of himself, and
who thought that he should be forced to leave the Gesu.
* Be sure, brother Giovanni,' said Ignatius, ' if I continue in
the Society you will do the same.'

It is remarkable that he frequently checked the zeal of his
brethren in laudable things, almost always leaning to the side
of indulgence. He was urged to enjoin a fast every Friday,
but he would allow nothing more than the customary absti-
nence. At Venice the rector of its college, Andrea Galvanelli,
gave exhortations during an hour daily, and on festivals these
lasted two hours. But Ignatius bade him return to the rule
of one hour weekly, as before.

He always detested language of double meaning, anything Truthftil-
ambiguous or designed to mislead or conceal ; regarding ness-
this as almost falsehood,1 and therefore injurious to society,
unworthy of generous and civilised men. He was himself
eminently true, and showed in his own example how wide is
the distance between prudence and cunning. He would have

1 Suspensa, vel ambigua, vel obscura verba, perplexum de industria incer-
tumque sermonem, uti barbaras artes, et subdola mendacii tegumenta,
fideique ac societati, humanae perniciera, semper est detestatus ; ac suo
monstravit exetnplo, veritatis cultor eximius. quantum inter prudentiam et
calliditatem intermit.

274 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

•

approved doubtless that opinion of his disciple, and almost
contemporary, Suarez — that God Himself cannot excuse a
lie ; and of St. Augustine, who said that ' a lie must not be
told even to save a Father's life', and would not have any
one seem to agree with the Priscillianists, in order to ascer-
tain their tenets and hidden practices, because this would be
attaining a good object by dishonest means.

Something like this seems to have been done by Olivier
Manares. Doubtless, if we possessed the details, we should
find Ignatius as scrupulous in this case as in every other ;
but Olivier does not tell the story quite to his own credit.
He says he was invited to share the private and unauthorised
devotions of several of the Community, led by Fra Antonio
Soldeviglia. ' And I pretended ' says he, ' to applaud their
zeal extremely.' If he admired their zeal, he was quite aware
that this was a forbidden use of it. They assembled in a
room after the hour for going to bed, and remained in ex-
traordinary practices of devotion half through the night;
Pietro Silvio, a very promising student, was driven nearly
mad, and others manifestly injured by these extravagances.

Ignatius was exceedingly angry, and sent Soldeviglia away
to Naples.

Ignatius showed the tenderness of a true father in his
solicitude for the young, or for those who were new in the
religious life ; these he kept near him ; they were lodged in
the house under his own eye ; he became intimately acquainted
with each, adapted himself to the character of every indi-
vidual, ' so that he seemed,' it was said, ' to be the Superior
of each separately, more than of the Order.' He understood
and sympathised with his children so entirely, that all of
them, the young novices and the inatureFathers, were willing
to open to him their whole hearts. He had no partialities ;
it was believed that Faber, the earliest of his companions,
was also the dearest to him, but he never betrayed this.
When he was obliged to reprove, he did it in such fashion
that it was said he so healed the wounds he inflicted, as not
to leave a scar. And Ribadeneira says all had such love for
Ignatius, that none resented a reproof from him. Bartoli

UNION. 275

relates that, except one man, whose name he never heard,
there was no heart in the Society not devoted to him.

Among these men, Ignatius would have no distinction of
country and language, except, he said, ' that we should show
particular friendliness to foreigners ; as the mountain streams,
when they leave their source, seem to seek and unite to them-
selves waters from other springs, till they reach the ocean
together.' All were ordered to speak the language of the
country they were placed in ; he renewed this injunction
shortly before his death. Mirone remarks, that in the Roman
College no tongue but the Italian was ever heard, though
they had natives of sixteen countries. He forbade any talk
of the public events of distant places, as of wars, battles, and
such-like, lest this should excite feelings unfavourable to a
perfect union.1

If he perceived a novice inclined to a particular fault, he
bade him preach and exhort others to the opposite virtue.
He strove to keep their duties quite within the bounds of
their powers and attainments. When Bernard, a Japanese
Christian, sent him by Xavier, asked for difficult things to
do, Ignatius for a long while would not comply, and then
made Bernard promise that he would inform him whenever
he experienced any distaste or weariness.

Lorenzo Mazzi, a young nobleman of Brescia, revealed to
Ignatius that he was tempted to quit the Society. * If our
way of life be too strict for you,' said Ignatius, ' I will not
oppose it.' But, first, he entreated this of him — * When you
wake this night, stretch yourself out as if you were dead, and
think to yourself how you will wish to have lived when that
time really draws near.' The young man remained and be-
came a good priest.

1 ' This seemed wonderful on our being first established, and is in fact a
kind of continued miracle in our Society, in which there is so great harmony
and close union between men of many nations, differing in birth, education,
minds, and tempers; so that, whatever diversity nature had made between
them, grace gives them a perfect conformity of inclinations and will. In
this the mercy of God appears so great, that we not only enjoy this blessing,
but it spreads its sweet odour abroad also, to the extreme edification of our
neighbour, and the greater glory of God. Whence many, when asked why
they wish to enter the Society, say, that it is the union they see between
the brethren which moves them most.' — ALPHOXSUS RODBIGUKZ.

T 2

276 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Indul- Another, a German novice, had the same impatience of

Ignatius, restraint. Ignatius desired only that he would remain four

days longer, but at perfect liberty, and not obliged to observe

the rules of the house. The novice agreed to this, and he

continued in the Society.

Once, at midnight, Ignatius sent for a young novice who
was so displeased at a duty imposed on him that he could
not rest, and was thinking of returning to the world. Igna-
tius asked him what advice he would give to anyone afflicted
by such and such temptations, and so ingeniously depicted
the young man's mind to himself suggesting fit remedies,
that the youth, touched and convinced, remained willingly
in the house.

The son of a Jew, whom Ignatius had converted and be-
friended greatly, was wearied of the noviciate, and announced
that he would leave it. Ignatius sent for him, and said only,
* Isaac, stay with us.' The charm of his countenance and
voice had the effect which it often had, and the novice
stayed.

But in one instance, a young man, after being withheld for
a time from deserting the Society, at last quitted it. He was
sent out to beg alms in the streets; a kinsman met him,
remonstrated on what he thought a disgrace to their family,
and promised to procure him a benefice if he would take
orders as a secular priest. When Ignatius saw him disturbed
and unhappy, he never suffered him to be left alone, gave
him a companion in his cell, and made him promise that he
would rouse his friend and speak to him as often as he lay
awake himself. And the Saint begged the discontented no-
vice to postpone his departure for a fortnight, during which
time he was released from all rule. Then as he still wished
to go, the Fathers who were in the house were summoned to
speak to him, and hear his reasons for leaving them ; for
Ignatius thought that perhaps God might put words into the
lips of some present that would alter his purpose. And this
actually happened. But some time after the young man
relapsed, and went away.

Ignatius did not always attempt to retain unwilling novicos;
on the contrary, he was sometimes more inflexible than his
brethren quite approved in the matter of expulsions. He

PIOUS ARTIFICES TO RETAIN BRETHREN. 277

once dismissed nine at a time, and soon afterwards ten more, Expul-
seemingly because lie thought that they wanted the spirit of
the Order, and that they might be better trained and made
serviceable elsewhere, rather than for any grave offence.
One of these had done no more than give a blow to a com-
panion in sport. Ignatius was observed to appear relieved
and cheerful when he had been thus severe ; doubtless he had
long seen the riddance must one day come. And in a letter
written late in life to Rodriguez, he enjoins an unsparing
conduct in this respect, insisting that no insubordination
should be passed over, or any wilful offender suffered to
remain.

Many times when Ignatius saw that a young mind was
struggling against temptations, he renewed the humble arti-
fice which had been successful in Paris, and related how he
himself had been tried, and often defeated, before the final
victory over Satan and his own nature was won. Baldovino
ab Angelo, a young novice, who had left behind the little son
of a dead brother, grieved over the desolate orphan, and was
on the point of returning to the world for his sake. Ignatius
spoke to him of his old reluctances to quit his own family,
whom he loved ; and told him that at one time a picture
of the Holy Virgin, in a book he made use of, always re- Bartoli.
called to him so vividly the face of his brother Martin's
wife, that he was disturbed by it, and pasted paper over the
page.1 He told Boldovino, God would make up to the child
fourfold for the kinsman who left him in His holy keeping ;
and this so satisfied the young man, that he had no longer
any solicitude. He became a learned and pious Father, and
the commencement of the college at Naples was entrusted
to him.

Ignatius strove always to impress on the mind of each this
precept of the Scripture — ' Do all to the glory of God,' so
that every one might understand labour to be an act of
worship, and most acceptable to our Lord. An answer to
this effect, which Ignatius gave a student who questioned
him, is preserved at Rome in his handwriting.

He bids those who are occupied in study ' to exercise

1 Sentiva risvegliarmi nel cuore mille pensieri del mondo, e una sciocca
tenerezza verso i iniei parent! e la mia casa.

278 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

themselves in seeking after God's presence in everything, as
in conversation, in walking, looking at things, taking food,
hearing, reading, and the like, for it is most true that the
Divine Majesty is present in all things, . . . and this manner
of meditation, which discovers God in everything is more
easy than that other which elevates the mind to Divine
objects, . . . and this will prepare you to receive great favours
from God. Besides this, students may make frequent offer-
ings to the Lord ... of their labours, and studies, accept-
ing all out of love to Him, proposing to themselves to do
Him pleasure, and serving Him by assisting those for whose
life He was pleased to suffer death. Examine yourselves on
these two points.'

And with that sagacious and cool judgment, which comes
out very remarkably in a character so full of fire and enthu-
siasm, he bade his sons rather to dread, than to desire or
welcome, visions and raptures, which often lift up the soul
with pride, and disturb weak minds. He thought there was
even a danger in prayer, lest those who gave much time to
it should fancy themselves spiritual, and become obstinate
and over-fixed in their opinions. The remedy he enjoined
was not to pray less, but to strive more for humility, charity,
and mortification. He would have them constantly re-
member, that a humble and true Christian submits his judg-
ment and inclination to those who have received authority
from God and mistrust the suggestions of self-love. * Con-
quer self was his perpetual injunction, the subject of his
discourses in public, of his exhortations in conversation.

When he heard Gonsalez say that some one was ' a great
man of prayer,' he added, as if correcting him, ' He must be
a very mortified man.' Nadal entreated him to allot more
time to prayer in the rules of his Society. Ignatius said,
' It needs much prayer to vanquish the passions, but when
this has been obtained, a quarter of an hour will suffice to
unite the soul closely with God ; the spirit, unmortified,
would hardly attain this in two hours ; ' and when Nadal
insisted, Ignatius was displeased, and even removed him
from the place in the Society which he had lately given him.

He had the utmost patience with fiery and daring cha-
racters, because he thought that they had more merit than

THE IMPERFECT. 279

others in subduing themselves to a Christian moderation,
and would do more and go farther in God's service.

They had two assistant brothers at Rome, of opposite dis-
positions. Ignatius always encouraged and praised the one
who was hasty and choleric ; he often said to him, ' Take
courage, brother ; conquer yourself, and you will have greater

merit than , who has no difficulty in being tranquil and

mild.'

One young man, who could not easily restrain his temper
when others irritated him, avoided his companions during
the hour of recreation, and went into the garden. • Ignatius
found him there alone. * You are wrong,' said he ; ' these
temptations should be combated, not shunned ; solitude can
only hide your impatience, not cure it ; you will please God
more by subduing this irritation, than you would by burying
yourself in a cavern for a year.'

Even in those who had been long in the Society, he was
patient of much imperfection in this point, if he saw a
sincere desire to amend. Two Fathers had displeased him ;
when he reproved them, one burst into angry words, the
other kept a sullen and resentful silence. Ignatius dis-
missed the latter from the Society, and retained the culprit
whose fault was more open and honest.

Emond Auger, afterwards so illustrious in his work, so
remarkable by his escape from death when he had actually
mounted the scaffold, was one of the daring and decided
tempers which Ignatius liked to cultivate; he told the
Fathers that Emond had advanced more in piety during the
noviciate than two who were admitted at the same time, who
had a natura soave, and gave no trouble ; but Ignatius was
strict with him, and once kept him standing all day before
the door of the infirmary because he had carelessly left it open,
which was a great offence against order and recollectedness.1

Ignatius was solicitous that the constant work or studies

1 Auger, preaching at Valence, and making the utmost efforts against the
Huguenots, who were the powerful party there, was seized and imprisoned
and condemned to death. When he mounted the scaffold, he asked leave to
address the people, and then exhorted them to prepare for their own death
with such fervour and humility, that the crowd around, moved with com-
passion and reverence, demanded his liberation, and he was set free.

280 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

of tlie young men, and their frequent hardships, should be
interrupted by times of recreation. This was always done,
and shortly before he died he bought the villa of Sta. Bal-
bina for the purpose of giving country air to the students and
novices, at least once a week, sometimes oftener.1

His young kinsman, Antonio Araoz, who followed him to
Rome, and there entered the Society, he ordered to retain
the garments of velvet and gold worn then by the nobles of
Spain and Italy ; probably long before the two years were
.ended, this was a greater mortification than the humblest
garb could have been. Andrea Frusis was another who
wore his former dress till he had passed through the novi-
ciate ; Don Juan Mendosa, Captain of St. Elmo, a third.
In the same spirit, Ignatius was accustomed at first to use
all the ceremonies of common life with men distinguished
by any rank, and called them by their titles, till they them-
selves begged him to desist.

Like St. Philip Neri, he would tolerate no lack of
cleanliness in personal habits, nor in the furniture and
keeping of the house. A novice was once reported to him
as uncommonly addicted to washing his hands, which ap-
peared, perhaps, an effeminacy to the Novice-master ;
Ignatius bade him observe if the novice showed any vanity
in other ways, but not else to find fault.

He took pleasure in seeing the signs of health and
youthful vigour among them ; he once called to him Bene-
Palmia. detto Palmia, who was eating his dinner with high satis-
faction, and said, ' Now continue to nourish yourself well,
and grow strong to serve God and our Society.'

Koster. Francis Koster (a Fleming) was much given to laughter,

'as it often happens,' says Mariani, 'with those who have
newly entered into Religion.' Ignatius met him in the
street, and said, ' Francis, I see that you are always laugh-
ing ' (the novice bent his eyes on the ground, and awaited a
reproof) ; ' I am glad of it, and while you are docile and
faithful to your rule, I do not think you can be too gay.
But remember, you must not be depressed by things that
do not please you; I think I see in you talents above the

1 The rooms Ignatius inhabited when there are still to be seen. The ruins
of the Baths of Caracalla enclose the vineyard on one side.

INDULGENCE. 281

common standard; if they are not available because you
want humility, you will be sorrowful. I perceive the air of
Rome disagrees with you ; I shall send you into Sicily,
though, perhaps, you would like Flanders better. Now, if
you have preferences, and they are opposed by obedience,
this will make you sad. Therefore keep yourself humble,
that you may always rejoice.'

Koster had come from Louvain, where the Order had ob-
tained great successes under Adrian Adriani ; he followed
the * Spiritual Exercises,' and then, at the same time with
Theodore Canisius, brother of that priest who was already so
distinguished, he asked to enter the Society.

A frequent interchange of duties was part of the system of
the house. Once Ignatius asked a young novice who was
working in the kitchen if he could write him a copy of
verses ? ' I can tiy, father,' said the young man ; and he
brought Ignatius some lines addressed to himself, and highly
complimentary. Perhaps Ignatius meant a reproof when he
said, * But these lines describe a saint. Do you really believe
I have all these virtues ? ' * I do not know that,' answered
the novice, adroitly, 'but I know that you ought to have
them.' l

Ignatius tried always to obtain the confidence of these young
men, encouraged them to communicate to him all that passed
in their minds, and never repressed their openness by re-
proof; that he left for others, or for another opportunity.
He frequently desired one of the two Superiors in each
college to treat the students with great tenderness, while the
other in command appeared strict and severe; this was
intended to prevent their being discouraged or unhappv,
while at the same time their virtues or abilities were exer-
cised to the utmost. At Eome he commonly reserved the
indulgent character to himself, and left severity to the master
of the novices. "While Luigi Gonsalez filled this office,
Gaspar Loarte, a clever Spaniard, whom the holy Juan l-oarte.
d'Avila had induced to enter the Society, was admitted to
the noviciate. Ignatius bade Gonsalez try his patience to
the utmost; himself meanwhile showing him the most

1 Related by Mrs. Parsons, in her Life of St. Ignatius.

282 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

paternal affection. 'I explained to him,' said Gonsalez,
* that our piety is like a beam of wood ; we cannot tell
whether it be safe to trust to it until we have laid great
burdens on it, to test its strength.' ' Alas ! ' said poor
Loarte, ' I see that I must prepare for more austerities.'
Gonsalez asked him one day, what he thought of Father
Ignatius ? ' He is all kindness,' said Loarte ; ' he is like a
fountain of oil.' 'And what do you think of me?' said
Gonsalez. ' You,' answered the novice, ' are like a fountain
of vinegar.' Doubtless, the answer was meant and taken as
a not discourteous jest, for Ignatius, when he heard of the
conversation, was well pleased with it, though he bade
Gonsalez be more indulgent for the future.

Sometimes Ignatius invited the novices to come into his
own room, where he would give them fruit, peeling it for
them himself. He disapproved the custom men have in the
south of kissing each other, and forbade any such salutations,
except an embrace when they went or returned from a long
journey. He reproved an old Father who patted the young
Jacopo Croci on the head ; this youth was but eleven years
old, and seems to have been a favourite in the house. The
schoolmaster brought him on holidays to Ignatius to kiss his
hand; one day the boy came gaily dressed, with a purple
band round his collar. Ignatius pretended not to recognise
him, and asked the master where Jacopino was ? The boy
understood the reproof, and came back again, dressed in his
ordinary way ; Ignatius, with a grave smile, gave him his
hand.

Once during Ignatius' life, a disciple of the Calvinists
had nearly obtained admission into the Order. He was a
young Calabrese, named Michele, who offered himself for the
noviciate, and was, in due course of time, allowed to enter on
its duties ; he was intelligent, assumed an appearance of
great devotion, and he received the Sacraments frequently.
The care of the refectory was his share of the household
work, divided by custom among the novices, and his com-
panion was Olivier Manares, to whom he soon began cau-
tiously to impart doubts whether the images on the walls
could be venerated without idolatry ; he had heard a German
doctor quote a text from St. John, ' Beware of images.'

FALSE BRETE1REX. 283

Another time, lie asked Manares to explain the words,
' Salute the brethren who are in Babylon.' Manares answered,
* St. Peter spoke of Rome, which he called Babylon, from its
wickedness.' ' The preachers in Germany,' said the novice,
' also supposed that Rome was meant, but with a prophetic
allusion to the corruptions of the Papacy.' This put Manares
on his guard, and suspecting an accomplished traitor, he
drew him out to express his opinions in writing on three
points, which he then showed to Ignatius. It was im-
possible for Ignatius to do other than expel him, and inform
Caraffa, the chief inquisitor ; the young man was taken and
tried. Considering the horror entertained of German hete-
rodoxy at that time, and the aggravation of this attempt to
introduce it into a Religious Order, with what would be
called malignant conspiracy — for Melanchthon and another The
were believed to be its authors — it seems a proof of what has *
been alleged respecting the aversion of the Roman Inqui- tion.
sition to capital punishment, that Michele was only con-
demned to the galleys for life.

Another attempt was made soon after, in the same direc-
tion. A box of books, containing those of the German contro-
versialists, hidden under a layer of unexceptionable Fathers
of the Church and manuals of devotion, was sent as a present ;
Manares was again the discoverer ; the box was left open,
but the books had not been touched, when he chanced to
examine them, and found, beneath the orthodox layer, those
that were really the object of the insidious gift. He brought
them to Ignatius, who threw them all into the fire.

A young man of large fortune entered the noviciate ; he
had a valuable Crucifix with the Madonna carved standing
at the foot of the Cross. The youth was much attached to
this work of art. Ignatius left it in his possession, though
one of the most stringent rules of the Society forbade
property in anything. The novice advanced rapidly in self-
renunciation. Ignatius observed this, and said, ' Since our
brother has learnt to renounce himself, and has the image
of Christ Crucified in his heart, we may take it out of his
hands.' And the novice gave it up without reluctance.

One night he visited a brother who was strongly tempted
to return to the world. His remonstrances touched the

284 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

young man's conscience, and he threw himself at Ignatius'
feet, offering to perform any act of penance that might be
imposed. Ignatius embraced him and said, * Half of your
penance shall be, that you must never again regret having
promised to serve God ; the other half I will take upon
myself — my pains when I am ill shall go for that.'

Ignatius made another, whose room was disorderly, put
all his things into a sack and go through the house with
it on his shoulder, telling everyone whom he met of his
offence ; for the Saint was displeased if, when he visited the
rooms, he did not find the bed neatly made, the nightcap,
the shoes, the candlestick, in their proper places, the broorn
put out of sight, and all the small remainder of each one's
scanty furniture well arranged.

Sometimes Ignatius caused a circle to be drawn on the
floor round an offender, who was not to leave it without
permission, but he might sit down if there was room. He
would send a culprit to pray before the Blessed Sacrament
for a certain time, or till he was sent for ; in which case he
used to add, * Pray that I may not forget you.'

Some of the penances of the Gesu have an odd facetious-
ness that reminds one of those grotesque figures which the
monks used to carve on the columns of their churches.
Ignatius made a novice, whose offence was presumption,
stand in the refectory with wings fastened to his shoulders
(probably such as had served in the procession of Corpus
Christi), while another admonished him thus— 'Do not
attempt to fly till your wings are grown.' Another time
the offender was placed at the lower table in the refectory,
while some one, who was doubtless the wit and jester of the
house, was charged to ridicule him, and reproach him with
having made no greater progress.

A Jew, whom Ignatius had converted, sent his young son to
be brought up in the house ; the boy on one occasion, being
very angry, uttered some malicious wishes against the person
who had offended him. Ignatius sent out to buy a live craw-
fish, tied the child's hands behind him, and fastened the craw-
fish round his neck, where it nipped him terribly — telling him,
* it was fitting that he should feel pain, since he had wished
it for another.' The boy lived to become a priest ; but he

JUAN D* A VILA. 285

joined the Dominicans, and was afterwards Bishop of Forli.
He told this story himself.

Brother Borelli had served with great virtue for many Borelli.
years, but once he owned spontaneously that he had taken
out a blessed chaplet from a casket and put another in its
place. Ignatius only reproved him, but told him for the
next offence he should be expelled.

Father Juan d'Avila had led many besides Loarte to enter juan
the Society, of which he had the highest admiration. He dAylla
said this was the object he had desired to attain during
many years; he thought Ignatius was sent and instructed
by Heaven to accomplish an immense work ; and he com-
pared himself to a child striving to roll a heavy weight from
the bottom to the top of a mountain, when a giant comes,
who lifting the burden easily, carries it to the top. Juan
d'Avila was an admirable man, and probably it was rather his
misfortune than his fault that he was confessor to Philip II.,
over whom he seems to have had but little influence.

When Nadal communicated to Ignatius the regrets .of
Father Juan that his age and infirmities prevented him from
entering the Society, Ignatius replied, * If he would only
come among us we would carry him on our shoulders as
though he were the Ark of the Covenant.'

BOOK III.

THE

WORK OF THE SOCIETY BEFORE THE ATTACKS
OF THE SORBONNE

1539. — Permission given by the Protestant authorities to the Landgrave
of Hesse to marry two wives — The Viaticum of St. Ignatius — Laynez
— Frusis — Elia — Achille — Faber — Worms — Ratisbon — Nuremberg —
Le Jay — Bobadilla — Ingoldstadt— Salzburg — St. Martha at Rome —
Piazza Altieri — Faber in Spain — Mayence — Cologne — Canisius — Arch-
bishop Hermann — Faber at Louvain — Adriani — Chartreux of Cologne —
Mediation of Ignatius with Joam III. of Portugal and the Pope — Phy-
sicians in Rome — Grande Chartreuse — Ribadeneira and others sent
to Paris — Viterbo — Arrival at the Lombards— Domenech — Banished
from Paris — Brouet — Postel — Persecutions — Domenech and Ribadeneira
leave Louvain — Mayence — Venice — Rome — Francis of Villanova —
Faber, Araoz, and others, well received in Spain — Philip and Maria
— Madrid — Michel Torrez — Salamanca — Melchior Cano — Laynez at
Brescia — Peace between Francis and Charles — Inquisition in Portugal
— Abyssinia — Ribadeneira's illness — Polanco — Death of Luther — of
Faber — Bologna — New Persecutions — Letters — Judgment — Dignities
refused — Ignatius renounces all direction .of women — Letters —
Attacks of Isabel Roser — Letter — Council of Trent — Jesuits there —
Death of Francis I. — Council at Bologna — Retirement of Ignatius
proposed — Battle of Miihlberg — Bobadilla — Interim — Otelli — Murder
of Piero Farnese — Death of Paul III. — Constitutions— Francis Borgia —
Letters — Displeasure of Ignatius — Duke of Bavaria — College of Mes-
sina— Letter on Ingoldstadt — Vienna — King Ferdinand — Letter to Al-
bert of Bavaria — Pope Julius III. — Sicily — Nadal — Laynez — Ribaden-
eira— Miona and Polanco — Africa — Laynez — Trent — Olave — Salme-
ron — Maurice at Inspruck — Council suspended — Ignatius again
wishes to resign — Alcala — Opposition — Simon Rodriguez — Letters —
Archbishop of Valencia — Coimbra — Godin — Paris — Ferrara — Borgia
at Rome — Cardinal's hat — Onate — Saragossa — Letter to Duke of
Bavaria — Canicius — Antonio of Cordova.

289

BOOK III.

THE WOEK OF THE SOCIETY BEFOKE THE ATTACKS OF THE

SOKBOXNE.

IN the winter of 1539 a document of remarkable significance
was signed at Wittemberg ; it was not then, indeed, made
public, but soon became notorious and undisputed. It was a
formal permission to Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, to have
two wives, granted ' for the saving of his conscience,' by
Melanchthon, Luther, and Bucer, leaders of that sect which
denies the authority of the Church, and declaims against the
domination of the Roman Catholic priesthood. Yet no
priest, and no Pope, has ever dared to assume such an
authority as this ; nor has any Pope attempted such
arbitrary and audacious control of conscience as the Emperor
Charles V., when he professed to annul by his simple act,
and for his own convenience, the oath of alliance between
the Landgrave of Hesse and the Elector of Brandenburg.
Laynez, when he sat in the Council of Trent as General of
the Order of Jesuits, said on the subject of marriage — ' It
will never be granted to the Church to diverge from the law of
God, or to restrict where God allows.' It was at this time
that Ignatius sent his companions to spread the Gospel
wherever there seemed the best chance of success.

Mariani gives from the MS. of Father Canisius, kept in
the archives of the Gesu, ' The viaticum of the blessed
Father Ignatius, containing five things to be kept in mind
by those who go to foreign countries : — 1. Eemember, my
brother, that you are sent by Christ on a pilgrimage ; that
you are His steward, and a labourer in His vineyard. 2. Take
care of yourself, and be always on your guard, because you
are surrounded by dangers and enemies. 3. Especially watch
over your senses — above all over your eyes. 4. Be the same

u

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

at all times, and keep an even mind amid prosperous circum-
stances or adverse ; be not disturbed by joy or by sorrow.
5. Never let your soul starve for want of holy thoughts, but
lift it up to God when you are journeying, and when you are
transacting business ; at your meals particularly, and in con-
versation, try to keep a quiet mind and a collected spirit, so
that you may never lose a right intention nor a wise fore-
sight in your labours.'

The companions were invited to many places. Ignatius
was well pleased that their scanty number should be mul-
tiplied by frequent removals ; such journeys were fruitful.
Everywhere they taught by their mere presence, travelling
on foot, living on alms by the way, and, when they had more
than a bare subsistence, giving to other poor, not more
humble than they. Laynez, at the request of Pietro Lando,
the Doge, was ordered by the Pope to proceed to Venice.
The Lutheran doctrines had gained much ground there, more
than in other parts of Italy, because greater freedom was
allowed in the republic, and the concourse of strangers
brought an invasion of differing opinions. The eloquence of
Laynez had a force, imagery, and fervour which pleased the
glowing fancy of the South ; and the Venetians flocked with
such eagerness to hear him, that sometimes the crowd
waited all night outside the church for the opening of the
doors. In the evening he delivered, in the church of San
Salvador, a series of discourses on the Gospel of St. John,
which so pleased the citizens that they petitioned him to
continue them three times a week. Even amid the pleasures
of the Carnival, the oratory of Laynez was not unheeded, and
his hearers were persuaded to moderate something of their
dissipation. He had refused the entreaties of the Doge, who
offered his palace for a lodging, and he chose to give an ex-
ample of humility by remaining at the Hospital of Saints
John and Paul. But Andrea Lippomani l overcame this
resolve ; Laynez went to reside under his roof ; and Andrea,
grateful and admiring, gave his Priory of the Maddalena at
Padua to found a college for the Jesuits in that city.
They were not allowed an undisputed possession; another

1 He was brother of the Bishop of Verona, and a Knight of the Teutonic
Order.

LAYXEZ.— LE JAY.— FRUSIS. 2D1

brother and the nephews of Lippomani appealed to the
Council of Ten to forbid the alienation of this Priory from
their family. Laynez and Le Jay presented themselves be-
fore the Council, who were entirely hostile, and altogether
disposed to protect the claim of the Venetian nobles against
strangers. Lippomani's brother was present. The poor
attire and great humility of the two priests did not at first
aid their cause ; but when Laynez began to speak, the ac-
complished auditory perceived immediately that they were
listening to an extraordinary man. His reasoning persuaded
them, and his eloquence pleased them so much, that when
he had ceased speaking and took leave, they all rose up to
applaud. Laynez had gained his cause.

Lippomani received the brethren into his own house at Giovanni

T> 1

Padua, till the transfer of his Priory was authorised. ,

* Andrea

Polanco and Frusis, or Fruste, were the first who accepted Fruste.
this hospitality ; and soon came Otelli, lately a student at ^u^lamo
Paris. Mendoza next year brought four or five more, and christo-
thus opened the first Jesuit College in Italy. ^ro

After the cession of the Maddalena was allowed by the
Council of Venice and by the Pope, Ignatius proposed to
settle an annuity of 200 crowns on each of the two younger
Lippomani ; but Andrea would not allow this, and Ignatius
then made him perpetual administrator of the college.

Andrea Frusis, already a matured scholar, was admitted
into the Society in 1541. He was said to excel in the three
dead languages, in mathematics, in medicine, law, music,
poetry, and oratory ; Ignatius sent him to study theology at
Padua, and he remained there two years. Ignatius made
him his secretary ; then, after many removals, for these
seemed part of the original scheme in Ignatius' mind,
Frusis helped to establish the College of Messina. Then
Lippomani, the friend who had already shown so much
generosity to the Society, obtained a college at Venice, and
Frusis was made Superior. There, a young Jew named Elia,
learned and zealous in his own religion, presented himself
to reclaim a brother of his, whom the Jesuits had lately
baptized and sheltered. Frusis received Elia courteously,
offered him the hospitalities of his house, that he might be
under the same roof with his brother ; and when Elia,

r 2

292 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

accepting this, arrived in the evening, the Fathers proceeded
to wash his feet, after their custom. This act of humble
kindness towards one who came to complain and oppose,
touched his heart. He was converted, and then set himself
to convert others ; and his knowledge of eastern languages
made him a very useful missionary, chiefly at Cairo and
Jerusalem.

1542. When Laynez, bearing Lippomani's gift, went to Padua,

he found Frusis and Polanco already established there ; both,
while they finished their studies, converted their fellow-
students. They were yet mere scholastics, but they worked
with great success. Otelli was one of their most valuable
recruits : he became a priest of wonderful activity and useful-
ness, so zealous that, in after years, Ignatius was forced to
abridge his labours., and to forbid his preaching for some
time. Laynez established and regulated the college, which
was much needed at Padua, for the new opinions had spread
there, and were obtaining ready access to the minds of young
and inexperienced men. The logic, eloquence, and character
of Laynez established his influence over them, as it had over
others at Venice. Then he went to Bassano, and was no less
successful there in turning back the torrent of public opinion,
which had been greatly affected by the neighbourhood of
German free-thinkers. At the church of San Lorenzo, in
Damaso, he and his companions gave instructions twice a
day for a long time. The noble and learned thronged to hear
him preach ; wreaths and flowers were often thrown upon
him when he descended from the pulpit.

1539. Ignatius had received into his Society, in 1539, a gifted

and highly useful member, Paolo Achille, whom he sent to
study at Paris. This Father afterwards founded with Lanoy
the college of Palermo, and guided it with admirable success.
Acting on the Christian principle, that all authority is given
for the sake of the subordinates, and that it is a hateful
usurpation when not beneficial and charitable, he made
Fathers as well as novices love his rule ; and never, it was
said, imposed a penance unless he saw the subject willing to
receive it.

In 1540 the Emperor Charles despatched Ortiz to Worms,

FABER. 293

where another Diet was convened. He asked the Pope and
Ignatius to send with him a priest, competent to meet the
exigencies of the times, who should be at once an irreproach-
able character, an eloquent speaker, and a consummate
theologian. They both chose Faber. On October 24 he
arrived with the ambassador at Worms — the first Jesuit
who entered Germany. In his journey thither, he passed
near the town of Yillaret, which lay on his way, but he made
a circuit to avoid it ; like Xavier, he wished to forget that
he had relations. It was soon seen that the Lutherans had
no real intention of yielding to argument. But Faber dis-
covered greater danger to the Christian faith than could
come from its open enemies. His letters to Ignatius of this
time convey a fearful picture of the dissolute lives of all
classes, beginning with the clergy. On December 27 he
writes : —

I wonder there are not twice or three times more heretics than
there are, because nothing leads to errors in belief so rapidly as a
disordered life. It is not the false interpretation of Scripture, nor
the sophistry which the Lutherans introduce into their sermons and
disputes, that have caused so many nations to apostatise, and so
many towns and provinces to revolt against religion. All the mis-
chief is done by the scandalous lives of the clergy.

The next month he continues : —

Would there were in this city of Worms only two or three Jan. 10.
churchmen who were not living openly with women, or guilty of '"J*
some other notorious crime, and who had a little zeal for the salva-
tion of souls ! They might do anything they pleased with this
people, who are simple and good ; I mean, in the towns where they
have not abolished all the laws and practices of religion, nor
entirely thrown off the Church of Rome ; but that part of the flock
which is bound to lead the faithless into the fold is precisely that
which drives the Catholics to become Lutherans, by the spectacle of
their dissolute lives.

What Faber describes at Worms was the case nearly
everywhere. He wanted the help of a few priests who were
unimpeachable, but found only one, the dean, who exercised
the functions of vicar-general and inquisitor. He had been
alone, quite unsupported, till Faber came ; and was on the
point of renouncing the hopeless attempt to restrain the

294 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

people from rushing, as he said, ' down the wolfs throat.'
Faber persuaded him to remain, and Worms was almost
regenerated.

April 5, Charles V. still hoped to succeed by negotiation. Another

Diet was held at Eatisbon, which seemed to open under the
happiest auspices ; the Emperor at that time believed that he
was strongly interested in obtaining a peace, which would
leave him free to carry out his ambitious projects elsewhere.
There was among all classes a great appearance of religious
earnestness ; Faber was in the town, preaching and giving
the ' Spiritual Exercises.' The utmost pains had been taken
to collect persons least offensive to the Lutheran party ;
Cardinal Granvelle, and Frederick, Count Palatine, known
to favour the Protestants, were to preside. Philip of Hesse,
who was there, appeared friendly to Austria; Joachim of
Brandenburg declared he was willing ' under conditions ' to
acknowledge the Pope's supremacy ; the Protestant speakers,
Pistorius, Bucer, and Melanchthon, were the most gentle and
amiable of their party, and were known to condemn the
ebullitions of Luther. They were again to be encountered
by Eck, Pfug, and Gropper, chosen by Charles for their wise
moderation ; and Paul sent, as his legate, Gaspar Contariui,
the prelate of all Italy best fitted to understand and re-
concile the tempers and interests of both sides. He was
well known to be as earnest to reform within the Church,
as for the return of those who had left it. The authority of
his talents, the dignity of his character, gave him a weight
eminently serviceable to the Papal cause ; and on one great
point he would have found no insuperable difficulty — the
separation of the spiritual from the secular power in the
bishops of Germany, who were far more princes than priests;
many Catholics desired to see this.

Contarini had received only a limited authority from the
Pope ; but his first step was against the instructions Paul
had explicitly given : he placed the Papal Supremacy last
instead of first on the list of questions to be discussed. He
consulted on every point with Morone, Bishop of Modena, who
was afterwards obnoxious to Paul IV. for his supposed Lu-
theranism, and with Tomaso di Modena, Master of the Sacred
Palace. The assembly at last got safely over the terrible

RATISBOX. 295

stumbling-blocks of Original Sin, Redemption, and Justifi-
cation in spite of Eck, whose love of dispute "and word-
splitting was almost unappeasable. Bucer went the length
of saying, ' that, in the points agreed on, all was included that
was necessary to a pious, upright, and holy life before God
and man.'

When the Emperor saw these symptons of reconciliation, 17th
he declared that he would not leave Ratisbon till all was ad-
justed ; Reginald Pole wrote to Contarini, ' that these con-
senting opinions had delighted him as with a celestial
harmony, because he foresaw the coming of peace and
union;5 he wished his friend joy, and he thanked God.

But, before long, all these pleasant prospects disappeared.
Neither Luther, wh" o had more than Papal authority with
his own party, nor Paul himself, were satisfied ; Charles, im-
patient now to hasten to Algiers, and wanting peace at any
price, resolved secretly to promise the Lutherans a general
council in their own country, or if that were not attainable,
at least a national council. Contarini guessed this intention,
and imparted it to Paul ILL, who immediately announced
that he would convoke a General Council without delay.
Charles caused a report of their proceedings to be presented
to the Diet ; but Contarini gave his opinion that it should
be referred unconditionally to the Pope. The Catholic
princes sided with the Legate, the towns with the Emperor ;
the Protestants were exceedingly discontented, and declared
that they would not attend any council presided over by the
Pope or his legates. There was now, more than ever, an
opposition at work which baffled argument or intercession ;
the Archbishop of Lunden and others had all along repre-
sented that it was for the Emperor's advantage to keep Ger-
many divided, so that it might be always under his control,
and these were now clamorous in warnings which had much
effect on his mind.

Francis I. took exactly the contrary view, and feared that
Charles would become too strong if the insurgents were satis-
fied and the country at peace. He affected great indignation
at the concessions granted by the legate, and ' became every
day,' said the Pope's ambassador at Paris, ' more earnest
about Church matters,' while at the same time Granvelle swore

296 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

to Contarini that Francis had sent letters to the Protestant
chiefs, exhorting them to persevere, and desiring to be
further informed concerning their doctrines, which he was
not unwilling to examine. He even invited Melanchthon to
Paris, but Cardinal Tournon persuaded him to forbid his
coming.

Charles at last closed the Diet by deciding that every-
thing should remain as before, until the promised council
was summoned, except that the reforms agreed on among
the clergy were to be carried out immediately. None were
meanwhile to be disquieted on account of their religion.

The request urged upon the Pope for a General Council
was not accompanied by a distinct admission that he alone
had a right to convene it, the Emperor even tacitly appeared
to think he might do this himself. This silence, with the
example of Henry VIII. of England before him, was enough
to alarm the jealousy of Paul and his stern adviser Caraffa.
The Duke of Bavaria and the Elector of Mayence declared
against any reconciliation not preceded by submission on
the Lutheran side ; and at last, f the devil,' according to
Beccatelli, Contarini's secretary, * contrived to sow tares
among the divines themselves.' Contarini had to return to
Italy, defeated, disappointed, and, what was worst of all,
misrepresented and disapproved at the Papal Court.

Faber, when he saw that the Diet was powerless, set him-
self to work independently. On April 5 he wrote : —

It is an insupportable cross to me to see so large a part of
Europe, formerly the glory of our religion, now falling away, and
that neither all the Emperor's power, nor the skill and talents
of his ministers, nor all the great men assembled at this Diet, can
devise or do anything to hinder the ruin of the faith.

Faber, nevertheless, did something ; he preached, he gave
the ' Spiritual Exercises ' to bishops, electors, vicars-general,
ambassadors, theologians, and doctors. The son of Charles,
the Duke of Savoy, whose compatriot and subject Faber was,
placed himself under his direction. So great were the
numbers that came to him, that he had hardly time to sleep.
The Duke de Najera, kinsman and early friend of Ignatius,
was among them ; Don Sancho of Castille ; Juan, son of the

FABER— LE JAY. 297

last King of Grenada ; Pescaire, Ferdinand de la Cerda,
listened to him day after day. From Eatisbon Faber re-
moved to Nuremberg ; there he received orders from Ignatius
to proceed at once into Spain. Ortiz was despatched thither
by Charles V., and Faber was to accompany him. He did
not leave Nuremberg without making a considerable im-
pression in the town ; the people, as usual, listened willingly,
and it was said that none who had once been impressed by
Faber's counsels were ever known to relapse into a vicions
life, or into any errors concerning faith.

But though much had been done in individual cases, the
Senate of Eatisbon was still tolerant of the new doctrines,
and two Protestant Churches were open there. When Faber
was sent to Spain, the Pope ordered Le Jay, then at
Bologna, and Bobadilla, to replace him. These found, as
Faber had done, that the bishop could not control his
people ; and it was even said that the dean and clergy shared
the aberrations of their fellow-citizens — at least they looked
supinely on. As Eatisbon was a free city, subject to the
Emperor alone, — who, with seeming inconsistency, was as
tolerant in Germany as he was rigorous in Spain, and even
sought to propitiate his Protestant subjects, by holding out
hopes that he might at last come round to their opinions, —
no assistance was to be looked for from the civil power.

Charles succeeded no better against the Turks than with
the heretics of Germany. He had hardly landed in Africa
before a violent storm came on, which almost destroyed his
fleet, dispersed his army, and drove him, disappointed and
helpless, to hide himself in Spain. Barbarossa remained
master of the Mediterranean, and continued to ravage the
Italian coasts.

At Eatisbon the sermons of Le Jay attracted crowds ; 1542.
Lutherans even came to hear him expound the epistle of
St. Paul to the Galatians ; they would not let him suspend
these instructions during harvest time, as was the custom.
But Le Jay thought it right to address himself principally to
the reform of the clergy, and they did not choose to be re-
formed ; they were angry that a Frenchman should intrude
his advice upon them ; a sort of unholy sympathy with the
Protestants also united them in hatred against him. When

298 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

the people threatened to throw him into the Danube, * What
does it matter to me/ said he, * whether I enter Heaven by
land or water.'

Bobadilla came later. He had been occupied in the diocese
of Yiterbo, with Cardinal Pole ; and went thence to Inspruck,
where Ferdinand, King of the Romans, then resided. Fer-
dinand took him to Vienna ; there more discussions and con-
ferences were to be held ; Bobadilla preached in Italian and in
Latin, and disputed upon heresy before Ferdinand. Thence
he followed the Nuncio, Bishop of Caserta, to Nuremberg, at
that time the seat of another of those Diets so often held in
Luther's lifetime in the vain hope of reconciling the irre-
concilable, and inducing a licentious people to lay down the
unholy liberty they had just began to enjoy. Bobadilla tra-
versed the city, visited the churches, and almost converted
the only Lutheran minister there, a worthy man, willing to
listen, and one for whom, he had much regard.

Faber too was there, but only for a short time, and the
1543. session was not long. After it was ended, the German
bishops all wished to obtain the aid of Bobadilla's eloquence.
He himself thought it right to comply with the desire of
Ferdinand, and to return to Vienna, where he strove, not
unsuccessfully, to arouse and convert a torpid and demoral-
ised priesthood and an unbelieving people. Ferdinand de-
sired him to visit and reform the monasteries in his dominions ;
but Bobadilla, ever observant of the holy obedience which
was the life of his Order, answered that he could not do this
without the consent of the bishops. And it does not appear
that this mission was ever carried out.

The King named Bobadilla his theologian for the Diet
which was to assemble at Ratisbon in 1543. There this
Father found Le Jay. Much was to be done for which both
would not suffice. Bobadilla explained in Latin his work,
' De Christiana Conscientia,' and strangers of all nations
crowded along with the Germans to hear him.

But, as usual, along with success came persecution.
When the indulgences for the Jubilee of 1550, accorded by
the Pope, were announced by the bishop, the hostile party
renewed their attacks 011 him. Le Jay, recurring to the de-
fences customary with the Jesuits, redoubled his diligence

LE JAY. 299

and his charity, and applied himself to the study of German,
' lingua aspera,' he calls it, that he might better reach these
wilful people. One of the most prominent Lutherans in
Ratisbon at that time was a physician, who had strongly
urged the Senate to allow Communion under both kinds ;
another, was a Franciscan friar, who had married a comely
wife, and now taught that marriage ought to be allowed to
priests. On these two Le Jay made no impression. Both
met with a violent death, which many looked on as a Divine
judgment.

After two years passed at Ratisbon, Le Jay, upon the
removal of the Nuncio to Nuremberg, was requested to
accompany him ; but he was almost immediately ordered by
Ignatius to go to Ingoldstadt.

Here the sovereign, Wilhelm, Duke of Bavaria, was a
fervent Catholic. He had forbidden his subjects to go to
Ratisbon, where they might hear free discussions of the new
doctrines ; and when told that this was impolitic, he answered,
* I would rather lose my dukedom than give up one of my
people to Luther.' At Ingoldstadt, therefore, Le Jay met with
aid and encouragement ; Eschius had preceded him. Otto
Truchsez, Bishop of Augsburg, afterwards Cardinal, invited
Le Jay to Dillingen, where they worked together, and great
good was done.

A provincial assembly was at this time held at Salzburg,
in which it was intended to attempt a compromise that
should satisfy both parties. Le Jay, whose character seems
to have been one not disposed at any time to compromise,
was unwilling to go thither, but the Duke's brother, who was
Archbishop of Salzburg, earnestly desired his assistance;
gratitude, perhaps, induced Le Jay to give it. The bishops
consulted him before each session, and he, at their desire,
drew up a summary of the two points proposed by the
Emperor for their discussion. He proved, first, that the
prelates could not allow a lay assembly to decide on any
religious question ; and secondly, that even if the Protestants
admitted every Catholic dogma, they would still be tainted
with heresy, as long as they refused to recognise the authority
of the Pope in matters of faith. The bishops, in accordance
with this opinion, rejected the proposal of the Lutherans to

300 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

call a national council, and desired Le Jay to write to Rome,
and urge the Pontiff to hasten the convocation of a General
Council, to which all the prelates and theologians of the time
should be invited. This Ignatius himself earnestly wished,
and all his Company entreated the Pope to summon the
solemn assembly with the least possible delay.

Francesco Vanucci, chief almoner to Paul III., Lorenzo di
Castello, and Giacomo da Crescenzi, a Roman of high birth,
are remembered among the friends who were most ready to
advise and aid Ignatius in the works he projected ; they dis-
cussed with him the steps he should take, the alms he might
hope for, the Cardinals whose protection he should ask, the
persons who should be associated with him, according to
circumstances. Ignatius wanted a refuge for women who
wished to leave a bad course of life ; he created the House of
St. Martha, where, without taking TOWS, all who sought a
maintenance and protection were received; in four years,
300 had been admitted. Many virtuous women then wished
to join them, and they formed a community, where the rule
was strictly preserved. Much opposition was encountered at
first, for all the worst men and women in Rome were against
the asylum ; for several months they assembled during the
evenings in front of it, breaking the windows, and using
horrible language and outcries. Ignatius tried every means
to induce these wretched women to repent, sought them
in their places of resort, and led them openly to his refuge
through the streets of Rome. When some one represented
to him that the contrition of such women was not to be de-
pended on, he said, e If I can prevent even one sin against God,
I think it is worth all the trouble I can take.' In this work
he was assisted by some noble matrons, who occasionally
received the poor penitents into their houses ; one of these
was Donna Eleanora Osorio, the wife of Juan de Vega, am-
bassador at Rome for Charles V.

When at first funds were deficient, Ignatius took all the
expenses on himself. Just then, some relics of ancient Rome
were discovered on the ground belonging to the Jesuits'
house, in front of the church, where new constructions were

HOUSE OF ST. MARTHA.— THE JEWS' HOUSE. 301

required— sculptured reliefs and statues — which Codace sold
for 100 ducats ; with this sum he bought a piece of ground,
others offered contributions, and in February 1542, the asylum
was ready for the poor inmates, and the keys were delivered
to the charge of three noble patrons. It was to be adminis-
tered by a confraternity calling itself ' Di Sta. Maria della
Grazia.' By the rules of the house no married woman could
go out except to return to her husband ; nor any unmarried
woman, unless to become a nun, or to enter some other
permanent state. Cardinal Carpi was their protector, and
Father Diego d'Eguia their Confessor. He resided on the
spot.1

The Jews' house began through the compassion Ignatius
felt for some converts who had been expelled from their
families, and whom he took to live with him, till the number
became inconvenient. He also procured that the synagogues
should support those who desired Christian instruction ; for
many, converted to the truth by the public teaching of the
new Company, were withheld by the dread of poverty from
declaring themselves Christians. Ignatius received into his
house all Jews who desired a refuge there ; and at last pro-
cured a foundation for them at San Giovanni di Mercato,
with the privilege from the Pope of retaining all their law-
fully gained property : that part which they had acquired by
usury was to be restored if possible, and if not it was to be
employed in some authorised manner for their own benefit.

Ignatius now began to find the favour that attends the
benefactors of the people. When he passed through the
streets they pressed to see him ; when he mounted the step
of the Piazza Altieri, in front of the Gesu, or the Old Ex-
change, they thronged to hear. He allowed all to speak to
him. Filippo Aupolino believed that hardly one person had
ever left him without the desire to lead a Christian life.
He procured from the liberality of the Eomans an orphan-
age for young boys, another for girls, and an asylum for
young girls who needed protection. These still exist under
the care of the Fratelli Somaschi.

1 A departure from Ignatius' rule of not allowing members of the Society
to become confessors to nuns or confraternities of women, of which, I think,
there is no other instance.

302 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Father Eleutero Pontano, who knew Ignatius long and
intimately during the latter years of his life, gives this re-
markable description of him : ' His aspect seemed to make
all better who looked on him ; it inspired in all such a feel-
ing of humility, and so awed all meanness and guilt, that no
one with an evil conscience would have ventured into his
presence or have looked him in the face.' For in his coun-
tenance was a sort of sanctity that, even when he was an
aged man, infirm and wasted by mortification and sickness,
appeared supernatural, and as if bearing a message from
Heaven to repenting sinners. His charity was so tender
that, however depraved any might be, Ignatius would always
find something to love in them ; if there was nothing else,
he loved the blood of Christ shed for them, and the image of
God in which they were created.

His open-air sermons were so successful, that even his
enemies did not find fault with them. Palmia and Ribade-
neira, not yet in priests' orders, preached in the same places
every week.

Faber, by order of the Pope, attended Ortiz into Spain.
Orlandini relates that, on this journey, both Fathers, with
the escort, were taken prisoners by the French (he does not
name the place) and were thrown into the cells of a fortress,
in which Faber immediately sought ways of doing good, and
found them. For he began to address the commanding
officer, and then the gaolers, with pious lessons and ex-
hortations, as if he had come to that place by a friendly invi-
tation, not as a captive ; and the commander, touched by a
proceeding that must have astonished him greatly, spoke
much with Faber, desired to make his peace with God, and
confessed the sins of a life he intended henceforward to
reform. He dismissed the whole party after seven days,
and took leave of Ortiz and Faber as if they were valued and
much-honoured guests, to whom he had shown a ready hos-
pitality, rather than prisoners. Faber visited Madrid, Sa.ra-
gossa, Medina, Siguenca, and Alcala ; and everywhere found
some of the Company and traces of Father Antonio's work.
Faber gave them new energy, and went on teaching, con-
soling, and catechising the rich and poor. But he was not

FABER AXD ORTIZ. 303

long allowed to remain in the Peninsula. Paul III. wanted
his services again in Germany. At Ocana he was presented
to the daughters of the Emperor, Mary and Joanna — the
latter was soon after affianced to Don John of Portugal.
Both became greatly attached to him. Two of their chap-
lains, Arragon and Alphonsus, listened with delight to him ; Juan
and when he asked of God that some companions might be ^^°"
given him for his journey homewards, these two offered to Alphonsus.
travel with him, and afterwards became members of the
Society.

Faber had a particular devotion to the Angels ; and when
he entered a town or province, he asked the especial aid of its
Guardian Angels and Patron Saints. He taught or preached
every evening in the churches, or the street, or the high-
way— in private, if not in public. For he frequently said,
that ' the children of Ignatius should leave the impress of
sanctity wherever they passed, as their sign and token, in
visits, in familiar talk, in grave discussions, in travelling,
and even in the inns where they chanced to rest. For this,
neither learning nor great gifts are necessary ; only within,
the love of God, and without, humility and discretion.'

Faber 's journey back to Germany from Spain occupied
three months, during which he and his friends, the Spanish
chaplains, narrowly escaped being robbed on the borders of
Spain, imprisoned in France, and captured by the soldiers of
Suabia and the Lutherans, as soon as they reached Germany.
But they arrived safe at Spire in October 1542.

Faber first began his work among the clergy, whose laxity
had been severely admonished with more harm than good,
by their bishop. The Jesuit won their confidence by the
humility and charity which flowed from his heart into all his
words and acts ; his talents and his excellent judgment did
the rest. The clergy were persuaded or convinced, and
nearly all returned to the duties of their clerical life.

Then he was ordered to proceed to Mayence, where the
Archbishop Albert, Cardinal of Brandenburg, greatly wanted
him. Mayence, like most of the German towns at that time,
was agitated with all the distractions of religious quarrels,
an irregular clergy, and a wavering and divided people. The
archbishop, a worthy man, was powerless, till Faber came ;

304 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

then enforcing by his authority the advice which the Jesuit's
eloquence made acceptable to almost all, he restored peace
and faith.

Cardinal Morone had agreed on behalf of the Pope to the
demand for a General Council. Six places of meeting were
discussed, and the choice fell upon Trent. As usual, the
Protestants were dissatisfied ; but it did not matter, for when
Nov. 22. the legates presented themselves in November 1542, war had
already broken out between Charles and Francis, and discus-
Einconand sions were now useless. The murder of two ambassadors
Tregox. of Fra,BCjs? near Casale, by Del Guasto, one of the worst ac-
tions attributed to Charles V., had exasperated the French
King to fury. And the Pope, when he went to Bologna,
heard that the ships of Barbarossa, in the west, were again
ravaging the Italian shores ; he had taken Nice, and laid up
his fleet that winter in the harbour of Toulon.

At Mayence, in January 1543, Faber publicly expounded
the Holy Scriptures. This attracted persons from all the
Rhenish provinces, among whom was Peter Canisius, a
Bom native of Nimeguen, not yet twenty four-years old, but
already distinguished at the University of Cologne, where he
studied under the famous Eschius. He had heard in early
youth his holy kinswoman's prophecy of the greatness of the
Company of Jesus ; and the reputation of Faber brought him
now to Mayence, where he was as much impressed by Faber's
character as by his genius. ' Never,' said he, 'have I
known or listened to a more learned man, or one of more
eminent virtue — if, indeed, he be a man, and not rather an
Angel from Heaven.

Canisius was born at Nimeguen in the year of the siege of
Pamplona. His father had great possessions.1 While Cani-
siuswas with Faber at Cologne, a message from home suddenly
summoned him to Nimeguen. The old man recognised his
son and died. Peter was overwhelmed with distress, for his
father had led a worldly, though an honourable life. But

1 He was governor to the sons of Ren6 and Philippine of Gueldres, ami
was sometimes employed by the Duke in embassies.

CAXISIUS.— FABER.— HERMAN X. 305

that night a Divine message answered his prayers. It was
revealed to him that his father and mother were saved. In
the fervour of his thankfulness, he distributed his large in-
heritance among the poor, and then set out for Cologne. On
his journey he met three young men going, like himself, to
that city ; in those days travellers were glad of protection,
and they went on together. He spoke to them so well on
the subject of salvation through Christ, that two of them
gave up all to worship Him in the cloisters of the Chartreux,
and the other entered the noviciate under Faber. A few
years later, Canisius had the happiness of seeing his
younger brother Theodoric follow in his steps, and join the
Society of Jesus.

Perhaps it was soon after this acquisition that Faber
wrote to Laynez : — ' I cannot tell, brother Diego, the favours
which God has bestowed on me since we parted at Piacenza.
He has healed all my iniquities, and effaced my sins. I
entreat you also to bless and praise Him for me your
brother, and for all the Society.' He expressed to Ignatius
his astonishment, and almost alarm, at his success.

At Mayence, Faber learned that the proceedings of the
Archbishop of Cologne had shocked the faithful there ; he was
suspected of heresy. Hermann,1 who was greatly respected
and beloved by the laity of his electorate, desired earnestly to
follow the injunctions of Charles V., and reform all classes of
men, beginning with the clergy of the diocese ; and he pro-
mulgated admirable decrees, by which the lives of all might
be regulated. These decrees were drawn up at his- desire by
Gropper, who was archdeacon of his cathedral, eminent for
his learning and abilities, exemplary in his life, and so scru-
pulous in keeping womankind at a distance, that when, one
morning, on his return from matins, he found a kaminerfrau
in his room, who had been making his bed, he tore off the
bedclothes and mattress, and threw all out of the window,
thinking them profaned by the feminine touch. He was
willing to aid the conscientious efforts of Hermann, but was
not entirely successful; and Hermann summoned Bucer,
whose reputation for earnest piety stood high in that part of

1 ' Prince de bonnes mceurs, d'esprit doux et paisible, tres-chari table envers
les pauvres, et fort zele pour la foy catholique,' says Maimbourg.

X

306 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Germany. He said himself that he wished to use Bucer's
moral influence only, not to bring his doctrines into favour —
an absurd idea, yet possibly sincerely intended by the arch-
bishop, who was simple-minded and easily led by an appear-
ance of zeal for religion and a virtuous life. But the arrival
of Bucer was to some most alarming. Tyndal had been re-
cently printing his new translation of the Bible in the town,
and novelties of any sort inspired terror there.

The Catholics of the electorate entreated Faber to come to
their assistance. He obtained the Cardinal's permission ;
for Albert had a high opinion of the efficacy of Faber and
the Jesuits, thinking the Society, as by Divine guidance, re-
served for those times, which were so troubled and hard to
deal with.1 He wished Faber to accept a valuable silver cup
from him, which was refused. When he went to take leave,
the Cardinal threw into the breviary-case which he wore at
his girdle, a hundred golden florins ; this Faber could not re-
spectfully return, but he would keep none for himself ; so he
divided it among the poor of Mayence and the scholars of
Louvain, who were in great need.

When Faber arrived at Cologne, he found that the evil
had attained a great height. Hermann, however, listened to
him willingly, and promised to remain true to Eome. Not
confident in his own power of doing good, the Jesuit con-
Giovanni suited Poggio, the Nuncio residing at Bonn; and Poggio
Pogg>°- bade him remain at Cologne. But the Emperor had now
affianced his son Philip to Maria, daughter of King Joam, of
Portugal, and wished that Faber and another of the Company
should go with the young prince into Castille. Ignatius
ordered him to set out. On his way he met, at Louvain,
Domenech and his seven companions, the Spanish students,
whom the war between France and Spain had forced to leave
Paris. They were lodged at Louvain by Cornelius Vishaven;
he, decided by the example of Canisius, resolved to join the
Society.

Faber's journey brought on a fever, which confined him to
his bed, yet he had energy enough to assist Strada in his
attempt to convert the Louvainese. He caused the men

1 Ut societatera sibi videri diceret, prope divinitus, usque ad ea tempora
tain difticili.i, tamque aspera, reservatam.

LOUYAIX.— FABER. 307

whose hearts Strada had touched to be brought to his bed-
side, and there encouraged and instructed them in the ways
of perfection. Twenty-one youths of the best families joined
the Institute, among whom were Capella and Olivier Manares,
whose name we afterwards meet often, not always pleasantly.
Faber recovered, but for the time the Spanish journey was
deferred. In January 1544 he departed from Lou vain, Jan. 21.
passed through Liege and Maestricht, preaching everywhere,
and arrived at Cologne, where his short absence had left the
field open to the Lutherans, who had regained the ear of the
archbishop. Bucer, Pistorius, and Melanehthon, remembered
to this day at Cologne, were allowed to preach there. Faber
daily held public conferences with them, and his arguments
had such weight with the citizens, that some thousands of
them petitioned the Emperor to banish Bucer and the rest.
This was granted ; but first Faber held with them a solemn
public disputation, which ended as such things commonly do,
by making their differences wider than before. A letter from
Cologne, written by Faber to Laynez on the way of proceed-
ing with Lutherans, is highly characteristic.

' All who desire to do them good,' he says, * should show
them the greatest charity, love them truly, and disperse
all prejudices that might lower us in their esteem. We
should seek their good-will and confidence by a friendly
intercourse, conversing of the matters on which, we are
agreed, and shunning altercation. We should teach them
first what they ought to practise, then what they ought to
believe ; not, as was the custom of the early Church in those
times, when men's minds were first of all to receive the faith
which comes from hearing, and then be led by degrees to
the practice of good works. Therefore we should endeavour
to win them from evil ways, before we attack their evil doc-
trine. If Luther himself could be brought to a virtuous life,
it would be easy to draw him back into the true Church.'

The mildness of Faber touched his opponents, though,
they were so many, ' that, but for him,' says Orlandini,
' Cologne would have been wholly lost.' Ultimately the
archbishop was deposed and all Protestant teachers banished.

The learning of Hermann was small. It was reported that
CharlesV. had said of him, * he was so ignorant he could not

x 2

308 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

even say Mass ' — a deficiency very improbable in one who
was a correspondent of Sadolet.1 But lie could not resist
the arguments of the new teachers, when his friends the
Jesuits were no longer at hand ; and besides this, and above
all, he saw the moral delinquencies around him among the
clergy, and the shortcomings of his own Chapter at Cologne,
which he tried in vain to reform. It was this, probably, that
caused his deposition ; the Canons represented him to the
Pope as a heretic, because he was scandalised by their
worldly life. He submitted to his sentence without remon-
strance, and retired into his county of Weiden. But the
1552. excommunication of Paul III. which followed seems to have
struck him to the heart, and he did not long survive.

Although the Jesuits had been so successful in Flanders,
their house at Louvain had received no formal establishment,
perhaps partly in consequence of that success. Faber, upon
his return thither from Cologne, and in accordance with in-
structions from Ignatius, detained the students who had not
yet sailed for Portugal, in order that the townspeople should
not be agitated ; nevertheless, they were violent against
Vishaven, who had replaced Faber, and many parents and
professors forbade the young men to receive his instructions.
Adriani, Vink, and others of distinguished talent persisted,
and became part of the new Community. Faber collected
the young men, before scattered over the town, under one
roof, and when he sailed from Antwerp, left them to Cor-
nelius Yishaven, who, when called to Rome, was replaced by
Gillon, and then by Adriani, a man whose sanctity of life
and charming manners won all hearts. The position of the
Company at Louvain was disadvantageous, and often highly
perplexing ; the secular clergy were jealous, and a large
number of secret Lutherans hostile ; their work in preaching
and private exhortations was frequently impeded, although
Adriani had a high reputation and much influence. Ruard
Tapper, Chancellor of the University, and the Bishop of
Liessies * advised him to petition Mary, sister of Charles,

1 Charles told the Landgrave of Hesse that he had heard him say Mass
twice, and that he could not even read the Introit.

2 Louis de Blois.

DIFFICULTIES. 309

Queen of Hungary, and Regent of the Low Countries, to
authorise the establishment of the Company in her do-
mains ; but a contrary influence interposed, and she would
not accede to the request. Tapper, by desire of Ignatius,
received in 1551 the solemn vows of Adriani, and on this
occasion he pronounced an eloquent eulogy on the new Order,
which had a great effect on the people of Lou vain. It was
as usual regarded with suspicion or envy by many of the
clergy, and some even made their parishioners take an oath
that they would never enter the confessional of a Jesuit. All
sorts of abuses were attributed to them, and the Faculty of
Theology caused an examination to be made. The offences
were proved, but the offenders were not the Jesuits, but their
opponents themselves.

While Faber stayed at Cologne, he received the utmost
kindness from the Carthusian monks there. They were grate-
ful to the new Order for what it was doing and attempting
for the Catholic Church. Their Prior, Gerard Hamontan,
along with several others, went through the ' Spiritual
Exercises ' with Faber, and, after his departure, continued
their intercourse by letter. The friendship of Prior Gerard
lasted as long as Ignatius lived, and often showed itself in
substantial benefits.

Faber left Cologne in July; Canisius and Gropper re- July 12,
mained to confirm and spread what he had begun. A college 1
was afterwards established — Leonard Kessel was placed at
its head.

The Diet, presided over by the Emperor, still sat at Worms.
Like the assemblies of Spire, Ratisbon, and Nuremburg, it
produced nothing, and promised nothing for the future.
Both parties, far from approximating, had only learned to
measure the distance which separated them, and the impos-
sibility of any concessions on the part of Rome, that would
satisfy the secret exigencies and the avowed scruples of the
Lutherans. As for Luther himself, the slightest hope of
reconciliation with him had long since passed away.

Le Jay, who was all for peremptory suppression, seems to
have inclined to the opinion of Gregory of Nazianzum, ' that
heresies are never subdued by forbearance/ He argued with

310 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Charles V., but the Emperor was not at all disposed to run the
risk of losing that large part of his dominions which the Pro-
testant princes might lead into a successful revolt, if their
religious dissensions were too absolutely suppressed. He
estimated clearly the different natures of his Spanish and
German subjects : he saw that in the Peninsula the fervent
piety of the people was always ready to assist the magis-
trates, who had only to contend with a small intermediate
class — dreamers and speculators, learned men, and a con-
siderable portion of the monastic clergy, who in their leisure
and retirement were well pleased to find a new field of
thought and examination opened to them and new questions
to study. In Germany, on the contrary, the opinions of the
Protestant teachers had sunk deep and widely into the
national mind ; they had by no means driven out the old faith
from the larger portion of the land, but they had stirred
up most men to examine and consider. And if Charles had
been sincere we might, perhaps, have respected his opinion,
that it was wise to allow men time and peace, so that this
investigation might be made with that cool and clear judg-
ment which would, he thought, keep them faithful to Koine.

Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, the bishops, and Le Jay con-
stantly urged active measures ; the disturbances of Cologne,
and the secession of the Elector- Archbishop, disposed the
Emperor to follow their advice, but he acted tardily and with
much precaution.

The Jesuits left in Cologne by Faber were obnoxious to
a large part of the people, who demanded their expulsion ;
and the magistrates closed their house, on the pretence that
new establishments were prohibited by law. The Jesuits
dispersed themselves, but still remained in the town, the
Carthusians hospitably sheltering some of them, the rest
living on alms : after a while, other influences prevailing,
they were allowed to return to their house, and Archdeacon
Gropper assembled the clergy and University, and it was re-
solved that Canisius should go, in the name of the Elector of
1543-4. Cologne, to the Emperor and Bishop of Liege and petition
both to assist in repressing the active intolerance of the
Protestant party. Canisius went first to Liege ; its bishop
was George, uncle of Charles V. : he promised his personal

KING JOAM III. AND POPE PIUS III. 311

aid and his mediation with the Emperor. Strengthened by
this adhesion, Canisius proceeded to the Imperial camp at
Worms, where Charles heard him favourably, admired the
adroitness of an emissary not yet twenty-five years old,
and promised to protect the Catholics. Some months later
Charles joined with the Pope in formally deposing Hermann;
and his dignity of Elector- Archbishop was given to Adolph
de Schaumbourg.

The year 1542 opened fortunately for Ignatius ; it pro- 1642.
cured him an opportunity of mediating between King
Joam HI. of Portugal and the Pope, to the advantage of Genelli.
both.

Michel da Silva, who had been ambassador from Portugal
to the three last Popes, was treated by the Court, according
to all appearance, with the utmost confidence ; J and his
father, Diego da Silva, had been governor to King Em-
manuel; yet, for some unknown reason, Paul III. did not
consult the King when he made Michel bishop of Viseux — a
discourtesy which Joam greatly resented. The Bishop left
Lisbon secretly, and went to Rome. Joam, indignant at
this, sequestered his revenues, while the Pope made him a
Cardinal. Upon this the two Sovereigns exchanged angry
representations, and both were so much incensed that it was
impossible to foresee how the affair would end.

Loyola was under obligations to both parties, either of
whom might do great injury to his rising Company ; he had
also much affection for King Joam. The Pope complained
to Ignatius, who proposed to his Holiness to give, for peace
sake, the bishopric of Viseux to Cardinal Farnese, if the
Cardinal would bind himself to make over its revenues to
Michel, the actual possessor, for his life. This appeared a
concession to the King's dignity that would cost nothing
to the other party. Paul therefore agreed, and charged
Ignatius to make the proposition ; whereupon he wrote to
the Provincial at Lisbon, Simon Rodriguez, a letter which it
was intended the King should see, and in which a note was
enclosed charging Rodriguez to make the compromise ac-

1 He was of the house of Portalegre.

312 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

ceptable to his Majesty. The intervention of Ignatius was
successful. Joam not only agreed that Michel should con-
tinue to receive the revenues of the bishopric, but made him
protonotary of the kingdom, and the Pope granted consider-
able privileges to the Church in Portugal. After the death
of the illustrious Gaspar Contarini, who was Papal legate
in Spain, Michel was sent to the Court of Charles, in his
place.

1543. It was remarked at Rome by the Fathers in their visits

of charity, that many sick persons would not send for a
priest, or in any way think about the good of their souls,
until their bodies were greatly afflicted. Innocent III., in
1215, had forbidden all physicians to attend when the illness
was dangerous, until the patient had been visited by a priest
and made Confession ; but this law had gradually fallen into
disuse. Ignatius resolved to revive it. He began first by
personal and private exhortations, and then appealed to
legal interference : this brought on the Society much ill-will
from the physicians, who found their own visits less in de-
mand when the priest had to go first. Paul III. was not at
this time at Rome. He had left it for Buseto, where he was
to meet the Emperor Charles V. They parted in discontent,
Paul going to Bologna and Charles to the Netherlands.

Ignatius appealed in the Pope's absence to his legate,
Cardinal Carpi, and sent him a petition along with a theo-
logical opinion, refuting the objections of the physicians. In
this he said : —

Many die without the lielp of religion, either not confessing at all
or imperfectly. They ought to be warned to do it as soon as the
malady begins to seem dangerous, so that they may not wait till
they have not the strength necessary for a sufficient confession, or
for any at all; and then the urging it may hasten their death.
These evils would be avoided if they confessed at the beginning, for
this not only saves the soul, but gives relief to the body, and much
contributes to its recovery. And this has been your Eminence's
motive in restoring, as you have done, the observance of the decree
of Lateran, with this relaxation, that the physicians may visit onoe
or twice, but not oftener, persons who have not confessed. In spite
of this concession, many physicians have done all they could to

PHYSICIANS.— CARTHUSIANS OF COLOGNE. 313

oppose this holy intention, while some upheld it. They who oppose
pretend that it is contrary to charity to let a man die because he
refuses obstinately to confess ; for, they say, if he lives, he may
repent. But all reasonable persons answer, that laws are made for
the general benefit, and must not be set aside, even if they cause
damage to particular persons. ... If this objection had any value,
we might say of Ananias and Sapphira that if they had lived they
might have repented.

The Legate referred to the Pope, and it does not appear
that much result followed. Many years after, the decree of
Innocent III. was enforced by Pius V. with some modifica-
tions, allowed to this day.

The Carthusians of Cologne continued their intercourse
with Ignatius by letter. In the General Assembly held at
the Grande Chartreuse in 1544, Hamontan, the Superior, pro-
posed that they should admit the Company of Jesus to a
participation in all their prayers and works, and thus form
a fraternal alliance between the two Societies. Hamontan,
in the name of the Chapter, communicated this decision to
Ignatius, with whom he continued to exchange the most
friendly letters.

The Prior promoted actively the establishment of a college
at Cologne, and aided by abundant generosities all the mem-
bers of the Society who came to that city. As Ignatius
could not in his poverty return these benefits, he sent to the
Prior, at his request, from time to time, some beads to which
the Pope had attached indulgences, recommending him to
exhort the persons to whom he gave them to observe all the
duties of religion. He also granted readily a full partici-
pation in the good works of the Society to their brethren of
the Chartreuse.

Ignatius ever loved Paris as the nursery of his Order; 1540-5.
among its people the memory of the first Fathers remained
fresh and deep, and rich persons maintained in the University
a number of young Scholastics, whom Loyola desired to per-
fect in the studies required at that day. For the Jesuits
were perpetually reminded that they were to combat with all

314 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

intellectual weapons, and prepare for all sorts of hostilities,
and would have frequently to oppose genius and learning
ranged on the side of heresy or sin. Over these scholars he
placed Diego d'Eguia, in the spring of 1540, and the next
year Doinenech succeeded him.

April, In 1542 Ignatius sent Ribadeneira and Diaz to study in

Paris ; and five others, among whom was Antonio Crimiiiali,
the first of the Company who attained the honour of martyr-
dom, accompanied them as far as Avignon, and then went
on to Coimbra. Ribadeneira not being strong, and still a
mere boy, the others proposed that when they left Rome he
should be allowed to ride while they walked. Ignatius an-
swered, 'Pedro may do as he pleases, but if he be a son of
mine, he will travel on foot like the others.' So they set out
after their fashion, two and two, Rlbadeneira, as the weakest
of the party, walking first, and all accommodating their pace
and the arrangements of the journey to him. They had a
small sum of money, which would suffice to allow each of
them about three halfpence a day ; but this was only in case
of great emergencies; they were, under all but uncommon
circumstances, to beg their daily bread, and to rest wherever
charity offered them an asylum.

This was soon needed, for when Ribadeneira reached
Viterbo he was footsore, and forced to remain there all
night. Refore the evening closed, his old restlessness and
curiosity seized him ; he ran all over the hospital where
they were lodged, into the church, and then into the pulpit.
Here the sacristan saw him, and began to ring the bell.
Several persons came in, and Pedro perceiving that a con-
gregation was collecting descended, but was told that he
was the preacher whom the people came to hear. Whether
this was done by the sacristan in simplicity, or as a joke,
the story leaves us in doubt ; either way, Pedro accepted the
necessity of compliance and remounted the steps. He was
not over-diffident at any time, and remembered that he hud
very recently, in compliance with a rule of the noviciate,
preached a sermon in the refectory of their house at Rome
on the subject of the Blessed Sacrament. This he repeated
without difficulty; and afterwards, when he had retired to
his cell, an old man came to him, and said that he h;id

DIAZ.— RIBADEXEIRA.— DOMEXECH. 315

avoided the confessional and the altar, because he was medi-
tating revenge for an injury received many years before, but
now, persuaded by the sermon he had just heard, he desired
to renounce his evil projects and receive absolution. Pedro,
not yet a priest, sent him to his companion, Father Santa
Cruz. He was thankful, he said, for this instance of success,
but resolved to be more careful in future of meddling with
holy things.

When Diaz and Ribadeneira — having parted at Avignon
with their five companions — had reached Caderousse, they
found all the world in commotion with rumours of war, and
indignant against Charles and his Spaniards. Diaz, easily
repulsed, wished now to rejoin the others and proceed with
them to Coimbra ; Eibadeneira resisted, and they continued
their journey to Paris, where, after two months' travelling
and many escapes and difficulties, they reached the college of
the Lombards.

Jerome Domenech, now rector of the scholars at Paris, June 20,
had known Ignatius and his companions while they were
studying there, but did not then join them.1 A desire of
learning brought him to Paris, and afterwards to Bologna,
where he found his old acquaintance Xavier ; then, intending
to return to France, he came to Parma, where he met Faber
and Laynez, who prevailed on him to wait a few days and
go through the ' Spiritual Exercises.' He left them resolved to
enter the Company of Jesus, whose members were still few
and scattered. Ignatius had so much respect for Domenech,
that he immediately placed the Students of Paris under his
care. Among them were some whose names were afterwards
illustrious — Francis Strada, Paul Achille, Yiola, and others
less known, but not less fervent ; they lived after the ex-
ample left them by Loyola and his associates ; they com-
municated constantly at the church of the Chartreux, and
gave the ' Spiritual Exercises.' After these Jacques Miron,
who, ten years later, was Provincial of Spain, asked to be
admitted as a novice. Francis Picard and Maitre a Cornibus,
both distinguished men, declared themselves friends and
patrons of the Society, and Eguia and Domenech united

1 He -was of a noble family iu Valencia, and held a canoury in the
cathedral.

316 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

their scholars in the College des Boursiers ; late in 1542
they moved to the Lombards. Ignatius soon called away
Miron, Ponce Cogordan,1 and Francis de Boy as, whom he
sent to Lisbon by desire of the King. Only sixteen were
then left. Francis and Charles renewed soon after their
ever-smouldering quarrel, and the subjects of Charles were
ordered to cross the frontier within a week. Domenech and
seven others, being Spaniards, prepared to leave Paris, and
July 24. Brouet took Domenech's place. The University remon-
strated with Francis against this ungenerous banishment,
but in vain, and the students were forced to start after only
a month's residence. Diaz was no longer with them ; he
chose to become a soldier, and was ultimately killed in a
duel. Emilian of Loyola, Francis Strada, Oviedo, Laurent
Delz, already a priest, and three more, besides Pedro, ac-
companied Domenech. They were harassed on each day's
journey by the disturbances of the coming war, and more
than once arrested as prisoners, Domenech having much
difficulty in persuading the governor of Amiens that the time
fixed by the King for leaving France had not elapsed. At
Arras they were safe, for the garrison were Imperialists ; but
being in a state of commotion, and the hospitals not able to
receive them, they were forced to go on, although Eibadeneira
had been entirely prostrated by fatigue. They reached
Brussels at the close of the fourth day. There the Fran-
ciscans received and kept them, for they could not yet reach
Louvain. Yan Roussem ravaged all Brabant, and it was not
till a fortunate sortie had driven him away from the gates of
Louvain that Domenech and his party could proceed thither.
When they entered they found the whole townspeople, even
the clergy and students, still under arms ; and many days
passed before the usual studies were resumed.

During the war the unpopularity of the Spanish name
acted in Paris unfavourably on the Institute, and was one,
though the least perhaps, among the causes of hostility
against which it long had to struggle in France.

1 Guise, Cardinal of Lorraine, said of Ponce Cogordan, ' that he was the
most adroit negotiator he had ever known, and he had known many.' Hi*
skill and his patience were abundantly tried during the long negotiations
that he conducted on behalf of the Society with the Sorbonne and the
French Court.

ATTACKS OF THE SORBOXNE. 317

Everywhere the Universities were at first jealous of the
gratuitous and successful teaching of the Society. In Paris
the Sorbonne thought its pre-eminence offended; and it
needed all the patience, all the good done and the triumphs
achieved by Ignatius, to appease and convert enemies, who
were seeking an excuse for rancour generated in rivalries
of race, learning, and popular favour. Besides, a powerful
opposition was excited by the Archbishop of Paris, who was
angry that the Society, without his consent, had admitted
his nephew amongst their number, and was moreover in-
dignant that they had received from Paul HI. a formal
exemption from episcopal jurisdiction.

These enmities found a definite form in a decree of the
Theological Faculties of Paris, dated December 1, 1544 ; but Dec. i,
it was not communicated to the rector, Paschase Brouet, till
early in the next year. Few had as yet joined in the attacks
of the Sorboune ; personally, the Jesuits were beloved by all
whom prejudice did not keep aloof from them ; and Ignatius,
according to his custom, bade them take all patiently and
persevere, in spite of the prohibition of the Sorbonne, with
as little offence as possible. Before the next year was closed,
a powerful patron had declared himself on the side of the
Company. Guillaume, Bishop of Clermont, son of the Chan-
cellor Du Prat, founded a college for it in his town of Billom,
and gave the Fathers in Paris a residence in his own Hotel
de Clermont, which he bequeathed to the Society, along with
other property. This was afterwards called the College of
Louis le Grand. Postei, that brilliant and highly erratic
genius, who had mastered all languages and every science,
and boasted that he could travel from Paris to Pekin and
speak everywhere the language of the country, to whom the
French Court paid homage, and whom it called the * wonder
of the world,' asked to be admitted among the novices. Igna-
tius rejoiced, and received him into the house at Rome ; but
he had no patience or humility for such a position, and his
mind wandered into visions and ecstasies till he seemed to
have become deranged : he expected another advent of the
Messiah, talked astrology and Rabbinism ; and when Sal-
meron and Laynez argued with him, they found that he had
mounted into a region whither it was useless or impossible

318 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

to follow. Cardinal Savelli then made a similar attempt
with no better success ; and Ignatius was at last obliged to
dismiss the gifted Frenchman.1 This incident, misrepre-
sented by prejudice and ill-will, increased the difficulties the
Order had to encounter in Paris. Yet all these causes do
not fully explain the amount of abuse and calumnies which
were invented and spread, not only in France, but over
almost half the world as soon as the Society was formed —
calumnies perpetually refuted, subdued, and reviving; then
turned to account by the Janseiiists, and finally aiding
largely in the suppression, in 1760, of the Society, and not
perhaps quite to be extinguished to the end of the world.
But Ignatius and his companions went on their quiet way,
taking no heed of uncharity when they could avoid seeming
to notice it, returning good for evil, or setting the evil gently
aside.

He had never showed his remarkable discernment more
than when he bade his brethren not defend themselves, but
only live down the accusations made against them ; there
was no other way of answering enemies who were determined
not to be convinced or appeased. Doubtless the chief and
often sole cause of these attacks was in the innate hostility
of human nature to exalted goodness anywhere; the jea-
lousies of profession or country might explain the rest.
During the years that preceded and followed the death of
Ignatius all sorts of calumnies — many of them wholly absurd
Bartoli. and contradictory — were constantly in operation somewhere
or other against the Jesuits. They were accused of heresy ;
they were concealed Lutherans ; they used incantations to
bewilder the intellects of Lutherans ; they were inflated with
vanity, they were hypocritically humble ; they practised
witchcraft, nay were actually demons ; they were cloven-
footed, having under human appearances the faces and wings
of bats ; the effects of the ' Spiritual Exercises ' were to be
attributed to sorcery. It was a crime, as the Calvinists repre-
sented, for the Jesuits to obtain such wonderful power over
men's minds : ' the cowardly they make bold, the soft be-
come self-denying, the turbulent submissive ; they stinni-

1 Postel was reconciled to the Church, and died in extreme old age.

ACCUSATIONS 319

late the indolent, they strengthen the feeble ;' and Lermio
sums up all in this sentence, which sounds like praise: —
' The Society of Jesus alone has equally adopted and utilised
severity and gentleness, rule and laxity, poverty and wealth,
use and renunciation.' It was presumption in them to have
been ten in number ; for ' ten ' was called ' Atlas ' by the
Pythagoreans, and the Jesuits chose it to signify that they
support the Papacy as Atlas supports the world. False Litho
brethren obtained admission into the Order, and then made
a rich harvest on the calumnies they carried to the heretics.
Hasenmuller showed a pretended copy of the Constitutions,
and proved, he said, s that the Jesuits are obliged to commit
theft, murder, or perjury, if their Superior bids them, and Bartoli.
are governed like brutes.' Considering the names of some
among these ' brutes,' it did not seem as if the accusation
needed much answer.

Two impostors, Cambilone1 and Schloss, obtaining admis-
sion among the Jesuits on false pretences, then flying for
refuge, as they said, to the Protestants, gave to the world
that shameless slander of the * Monita Secreta,* * pieno di
ribalde invenzioni,' which has served its purpose so inge-
niously, that it is not yet worn out ; a story of secret instruc-
tions, confided to the Superiors only of the Society who,
contrary to all their outward show of disinterestedness, are
directed to enrich and aggrandise the Order, by all or any
means, so that appearances are kept up. This falsehood was
invented by malice and repeated by dishonesty ; the Cardinals
of the Holy Congregation declared the book to be 'false,'
' utpote, Societati Jesu adscriptum, calumniosum et diffa-
mationibus plenum.'

The lives of the Jesuits, their labours, humility, and
poverty, have answered for them so fully, that honour-
able minds can hardly ask for further evidence ; or, if not
satisfied, they may weigh these words of St. Ignatius in the
Constitutions : — ' Let all our study be to have an upright
intention, not only in our state of life in general, but also in
our particular actions, proposing nothing else to ourselves
than to serve and please God, and this rather through love

1 I am afraid Cambilone was a Scotsman by descent, named Campbell.

320 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

and gratitude to Him, than through fear of punishnu-
hope of reward ; ' and then he adds, with a merciful indulge
to poor human nature, ' though the last-named motives are
also good, and may sometimes be profitably made use of.'

1543. Louvain possessed an admirable establishment in the

College of the Three Tongues, where Busleiden had inaugu-
rated a system of study which formed excellent scholars in
Hebrew, Greek, and Latin. Thither went Domenech and
his companions, and edified all who saw their regulated and
pious life. Many of the students followed their example in
the Sunday communion, and Domenech desired them for
greater privacy and decency to receive it in future at the
church of the Chartreux, which was less frequented. The
young men gave addresses and exhortations, beginning al-
ready the work of the priesthood. Eibadeneira was remark-
ably successful, but appeared at one time not far from the
danger expressed by St. Paul who dreaded lest, having
preached to others, he might lose his own soul. A great
melancholy seized him, and he often hid himself to weep.
Domenech, recalled to Rome by Ignatius, resolved to take
Eibadeneira with him, for the poor boy's courage was sinking
under the prospect of a life devoted to privations and study.
It was not wonderful that the memory of past enjoyments
should trouble him amid the labours and poverty of the
noviciate; but his cheerfulness returned when Domenech
promised him he should soon see Ignatius again. They
started for the Tyrol in the beginning of Lent, accompanied
by Laurent Delz, and forced by the war to travel by a long
circuit, they met with extreme difficulties and hardships.
Pedro was almost exhausted ; they found an unexpected
relief at Mayence, where they met Faber, who had plenty of
friends, and was able to procure for them all they wanted.
He wept for compassion and tenderness when he saw Pedro,
whom he had known at Rome a riotous, active boy, now way-
worn and languid; he washed his wounded feet himself, und
gave him all the care he needed. He kept them four days,
and would have willingly detained Pedro when the others went
on, but the youth would not stay behind, and so they pursued
their perilous journey together through the mountains to

FRANCIS OF VILLAXOVA. 3*21

Venice. There again they were comforted, for now Laynez
took them in. At Ravenna, Domenech was too ill to go
further, and Delz stayed with him. Pedro having sold in
the market-place a short cloak, which Faber had given him,
for two livres, proceeded on towards Rome. Rear Ancona he
met Father Christopher Mendoza and three young Italian
professors, on their way to open the College of Padua, who
gave him two reals. When he reached the church of Loreto
he fainted, but was able after a Mass to go on to Tolentino,
where he found Salmeron, and soon after Brouet, preaching
in the towns thereabout, so that he was now comforted and
restored, and able to reach the Gesu with fifteen sous in his April 20.
possession. When he arrived, those who saw him did not
know him again, so altered was he from the comely youth
who had left them a year before. Ignatius was putting on
the vestment for mass, when Pedro threw himself at his feet
to ask his benediction. Father Ugoletti was deputed imme-
diately to relieve Domenech, but Salmeron and Brouet had
already gone to look for him, and found him at Ancona, much
recovered, and on his way with Delz to Rome.

Francis of Yillanova was a remarkable instance of the
power, eminent in Ignatius, and which seems to descend as
an inheritance to his Society, of moulding and adapting all
sorts of gifts and characters ; he was the son of a peasant,
quite uneducated, but intelligent and honest ; so that the
curate of his parish l sent him to Rome to transact some
business for him. There he heard great things of the new
Order, went through the ' Exercises ' under Salmeron, and
asked to be received into the Gesu. Ignatius admitted him,
placed him in the kitchen, then added the charges of Spen
ditore, Dispensiero, Svegliatore, and imposed penances when
he could not perform impossibilities. The other Fathers re-
monstrated. ' Leave him alone,' said Ignatius ; ' he has
courage enough for anything.' And he would sometimes
declare that he should be satisfied if they had only twenty
such as Villanova out of their sixty novices. But it was
partly a kind consideration for his health that caused Ignatius

1 Near Placencia, in Spain.
T

322 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

to send him to Alcala to found a college there. He led more
than 4000 persons, many of them distinguished men, to join
the Society ; yet he and his companions lived on alms, chiefly
given by two ladies, who procured a lodging for them.
Yillanova was now thirty-four years old, jet still learning
grammar, out of books which he could not buy, so he bor-
rowed and copied them. His low birth, humble manners,
and acknowledged ignorance did not hinder him from guid-
ing in spiritual matters some of the highest in the city ; yet
in the coUege of which he was rector he would never cease
helping in the kitchen ; it was the only work, he said, for
which he was fit. When the Bishop of Placencia visited
him, he remarked that water was wanted for the house, and
asked if some one might go with the ass to get it. ' Luckily
my own brother is just arrived, and he is precisely the person
to send,' said Villanova ; and the new postulant was sent
through the town for this purpose.

1544. Villanova persuaded his friend Pedro Arragona, one of an

Hieronymite Convent at Teadilla, a few miles distant, to go
through the ' Exercises.' He conducted these with such
admirable efficiency, that Pedro came out a new man. His
greatest desire now was to persuade his comrades at the
Convent to make the same spiritual retreat ; but the monks
rejected the idea with scorn. ' They were old in their
Christian profession/ they said, ' and had no need to learn of
a young priest and a new Order.' At last Pedro obtained
the consent of one man, and all the Convent laughed at his
success, for this one was a lay brother of noble birth and
large fortune, but of such a strange and ungovernable temper,
that they only tolerated him in the house because of his
donations to it. The brother himself was more moved by
curiosity than devotion, and said to those he met on his way
to Alcala, ' I am going to try some sorceries which the Ini-
gistes practise.' But when he asked for the Rector, and saw
Yillanova, who had no external dignity of appearance, but
wore over his slender figure an old and patched garment, his
irritable temper was roused, and he gave signs of intending
an immediate departure. Villanova, who knew the old soldier
by description, entreated him to stay, at least till the next

VILLAXOVA.— ORTIZ. 323

morning. The polished courtesy of his manners, his humility
and charity soothed the guest so efficaciously, that next day
he consented to follow the Eector's guidance, and entered
that evening on the ' Spiritual Exercises.' The meditations
of the first part alone were continued through twenty-one
days, and when the noble lay brother returned to his monas-
tery he was a humble and gentle Christian. The change ap-
peared so miraculous, that the monks were all willing to try
the same means, and the * Exercises ' produced a general and
thorough reform.

Ortiz offered to give the College at Alcala some property
which belonged to him, on condition that one of the Fathers
should undertake the duties of parish priest. But this
Ignatius refused. The protection of Ortiz was powerful, and
was much missed when he died two or three years after.
The outcry against the Society, which had already been
attacked by Melchior Cano, was repeated from a distance,
and at Alcala many voices were raised against the Order.
Yillanova invited the Rector of the University to visit his
house, showed him the Students, all the arrangements and
rules ; and in 1548 a tribunal was commissioned by the
Rector to inquire and report on the proceedings of the ' Ini-
gistes.' The tribunal was composed of three persons, who
though unfriendly before they entered on the investigation,
became, when they had concluded it, defenders and patrons
of the Order, and gave their judgments accordingly. One of
the Doctors of Divinity of Alcala, named Casa, still maintained
his animosity, and even attacked the Bull of Paul III. An
order came from Rome that he should be cited before the
Inquisition ; and Yillanova, informed of this, gave Casa warn-
ing, upon which he retracted what he had said, and ever
after kept the peace.

When Faber, invited by King Joam from Germany, arrived
at Lisbon in 1544, the King was at Evora; thither he fol- 1544.
lowed him, was cordially received, and at once obtained the
King's confidence. Araoz was to have met him ; but on his
way from Spain, early that year, accompanied by Strada,
Oviedo, and Juan of Arragon, he had been delayed by bad
weather, and forced to land at La Carogna, in Galicia. An-

Y 2

324 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

other and very unexpected success here attended the Jesuits.
The fishermen of La Carogna made an extraordinary haul of
sardines during their stay, which they attributed to the
presence of these holy men, and ever since the pesca delle
sardelle is thought to be under the special protection of the
Society of Jesus.

Here Strada prea,ched ; and Juan Beyra, canon of the
cathedral, having heard him, joined the Company. They
reach Valentia during Lent, where Araoz so charmed the
people, that they crowded the church, and even climbed up
to the windows and roofs to hear him. They wished that
some of the Order should always remain with them, and it
was resolved to found a college. Araoz and his friends
reached Lisbon in May, and found the college of Coimbra
highly flourishing, Simon Rodriguez having prepared it for
great things. Melchior Nunez, De Grana, Carnero, Silveira,
had recently been admitted ; and others, whose names were
afterwards remarkable, now asked to be placed among the
novices.

Faber was under orders for Castille, and early in March
next year he set off with Araoz. When they preached at Sala-
manca, the populace asked that a house of their Order should
1645. be established there, which was promised. From thence,
still travelling on foot, they went on to Yalladolid, lodging
according to their custom in the hospital. Philip of Spain
and his bride Maria of Portugal were residing at the palace.
It was but a few months that they passed together, for
Maria died soon after the birth of Carlos, destined to those
great misfortunes which have been so often told and sung ;
and Philip left Valladolid, perhaps a worse man than he
might have been, if this poor young girl, whom he is said to
have loved, had remained to soften the austerity of his temper
and lighten its gloom. Philip saw that the new preachers
would assist and strengthen the secular power. He and
Maria received the Jesuits kindly, and gave them a ready
patronage ; Tavera, Cardinal of Toledo, Pimental, and many
bishops, declared themselves protectors of the Order.

The daughters of Charles Y. invited Faber to Madrid. As
he went thither through Toledo, the Cardinal proposed to IH'TII
to establish a house there ; but Faber refused, in accordance

FABER IX SPAIX.— MICHEL TORKEZ. 325

vritli the directions of Ignatius, who thought it best to let the
Court take the initiative ; the house was begun soon after.

At Madrid he heard of the grief that had fallen on Philip,
and of his departure from Valladolid. Here, too, he found
it necessary to provide for the Scholars ; and Eleanora de
Mascarenhas, governess of the royal child, furnished the
funds required to begin with. Afterwards the college and
the professed house were completed by donations from rich
and poor. Everything succeeded so well with Faber that he
was alarmed at his own prosperity, and his letters to Igna-
tius express the diffident gratitude that was congenial to his
humble nature. His work was now nearly done ; he was but
forty years old, but constant and unsparing toil had told
upon him ; he was exhausted, yet not satisfied that he had
done enough. The King of Portugal wished to send him
out to Ethiopia ; Paul III. bade him accompany Laynez and
Salineron to Trent, where at last the (Ecumenic Council, so
long promised and delayed, was to assemble in the winter of
1545. It pleased God to summon His faithful servant before
the Council opened; Le Jay filled his place.

Michel Torrez, whom the Italians called Turriano, Prefect
of the University of Alcala, was sent by its professors to
Rome, to defend them against a quarrelsome character, the
Archbishop of Toledo. Torrez had, like Olave, a dislike to
the Society, adopted some of the misrepresentations spread
concerning them in Spain, and would not have any inter-
course with them. De Vega, the Spanish ambassador, with
difficulty prevailed on him to speak with Salmeron, secretly,
and by night. When Salmeron entreated him to see Igna-
tius, he answered, ' Do you suppose I would speak to such a
man?' Yet at last Salmeron prevailed on him to meet
Ignatius in their garden, beyond the walls of Rome ; Torrez
wearing the habit of one going on a journey, lest any should
meet him and suspect his errand. He and Ignatius talked
long together ; and, before they parted, Torrez threw him-
self into Loyola's arms, saying, ' Do with me what you
please ! ' He went through the * Spiritual Exercises,* and
soon after said he wished to enter the Societv. This was de-

326 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

ferred till lie had finished his business in Rome and returned
to Spain. On his admission, he renounced not only the
presidency of the University, but two fat benefices in the
Church.

When Loyola was requested to found a college at Sala-
manca, he sent thither Torrez and two others. They began
in the utmost poverty ; the room which served them for a
chapel had no other decoration than a figure of the Holy
Virgin, drawn on paper with crayons by one of themselves.
Soon afterwards Julius III., contrary to his custom, gave the
college a property worth 600 crowns.

Their success, as usual, was great; and, as was no less
usual, after awhile it aroused enmity. Melchior Cano, a
famous Dominican preacher, a writer of much authority,
whose work, ' De locis theologicis,' is still read, began about
1546 to declaim against the college* He attacked the Jesuit
Fathers ; he found in them the marks of Antichrist ; they
were illuminati, visionaries and heretics.

Torrez and his companions went to Cano, showed him the
Bull of Paul III., reminded him that Xavier was the Pope's
Nuncio in the New World, Laynez and Salmeron his ap-
pointed theologians for the Council of Trent. Pinna, also a
Dominican, defended the Society ; and at last the General
of the Dominicans, Romee de Chatillon, came forward with
an official declaration on their behalf.1

But Cano refused to be silenced, even by the General of
his Order ; he continued the war, which seemed likely to
spread into other Universities. In 1552 the Jesuits pro-
cured for him the bishopric of the Canary Islands. This was
a mild and generous attempt at self-protection on the part
of the Society ; but Cano refused to go to the Canaries, and

He said : — 'In these calamitous times a new Order of priests, under the
name of Jesus, has been by Divine goodness sent from Rome, as a battalion
of reserve, which for the good it has done the Church, by teaching and
preaching in public, by exhortations in private, by assiduously hearing con-
fessions, by the offices of the Church, and its example of a saintly life, has
Rome, been approved and confirmed by our most Holy Father. . . . And this we
Dec. 10, desire to ratify to you ; lest some, misled by the recent date of this Insti-
tute, might ignorantly attack our companions in arms, who have the same
object with ourselves .... and thereby calumniate the proceedings of these
priests; whereas we should applaud rather their success, and imitate their
piety.'

MELCHIOR CANO. 327

never ceased his attacks, even after the death of Ignatius.
A letter which he wrote to Eegla, an Augustinian monk,
was quoted by the enemies of the Order when it was sup-
pressed : —

I wish (said he) that I may not have the fate of Cassandra
.... If these Religious continue as they have begun, may God
forbid that a time shall come when kings will desire to resist them
and find it impossible.

Torrez sustained the attacks of Cano as well as of the
Archbishop ' with equal modesty and patience,' after the
custom of his Order. It was said of him that, like Ignatius,
he could never endure to think ill of any one, even of an
enemy ; he seldom spoke at all of any man whom he could
not praise, or could not at least refrain from censuring ; he
hated uncharity so much, that none in his presence dared
say a disparaging word respecting the worst characters,
unless there were some necessity for it. Ignatius highly
prized Torrez : he said, * I value him as the apple of mine
eye ;' and under him the Jesuit college at Salamanca attained
considerable eminence.

Laynez removed to Brescia early in 1544, where the doc-
trines of Luther and Calvin were in great favour. He
preached, and was admired as usual ; but an apostate monk,
whose name we must regret not to know, announced that
he had arguments against purgatory so conclusive, that
Laynez must be silenced by them, if not convinced. Laynez
challenged him to a public contest. In those days such
disputes, the chief intellectual amusements of an age when
books were still rare, were greatly enjoyed. Numbers
thronged to hear the discussion, which was opened by the
monk, who went through all his arguments without inter-
ruption ; Laynez listening with downcast eyes, in perfect
patience, till his antagonist had exhausted his subject. Then,
with the accuracy of a prodigious memory, Laynez went
through the objections in the order in which they had been
stated, taking up each point, and refuting the Lutheran's
view so fully and clearly, that an extraordinary result fol-
lowed. For not only did the audience pronounce for Laynez,

328 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

but the monk owned himself vanquished, returned to the
faith of the Church, and became a warm friend of Laynez
from that time.

1544< On Quinquagesima Sunday, Laynez commenced his Lent

sermons in the cathedral; he preached three times a week
in other churches, and at three convents of nuns.

The peace between Francis arid Charles that was signed in
September of that year, at the Chateau de Cressy, gave a
short breathing- time to Europe, and Rome at last antici-
1545. pated a period of prosperity. Paul had with difficulty pre-
vailed on the two Sovereigns to meet at Nice. Their con-
ference promised a united action against the Turks, and the
solid support of the Catholic Church : it no less promoted
the darling projects of Paul himself- He obtained Novara,
with a large territory for Pier Luigi Farnese, whom he
did not scruple to recognise as his son; Charles promised
his daughter Margaret to Ottavio, the son of Pier. Francis
also agreed to affiance the Duke of Vendome to Yittoria,
sister of Ottavio ; this French marriage never took place.
Margaret espoused Ottavio : their union was not happy ; the
bride, much older than her husband, showed great contempt
for him, and professed to adhere to her father in all their
disputes.

But when the next year brought the opening of the
long-looked for Council in the city of Trent, an heir was
expected in the family of Ottavio, and this bound the
Farnesi more than ever to the Austrian cause. Cardinal
Alessandro Farnese went to Worms, where Charles was
staying, and appeared successful in effacing the Emperor's
mistrust. It was not very unreasonable ; for if Paul was an
enlightened and energetic head of the Church, it is no less
certain that his desire to aggrandise the Farnesi family was
excessive : it led him frequently to consider far too mu^h in
his diplomatic relations what was likely to secure their
large territories in the north of Italy, and it filled the last
days of his life with regrets, and even with remorse.

Charles V. afterwards accused Paul, in no measured terms,
of deceiving him ; the double dealing was not less on
Charles's side. An expression that the Emperor uses in
speaking of the Brief sent by Paul to the Diet of Spires,

THE FAUNiv-I. 329

betrays a view taken by Charles which was likely to create
perpetual jealousies between Austria and Rome. He says,
' The Emperor declined giving an answer, as this could
not be done without compromising the honour of the two
heads of Christianity.' l With such pret€nsions, the peace of
Europe was impossible. We find, from the words of Charles
himself, that at Worms, he and his brother, the King of the 1545.
Homans, proposed to Cardinal Farnese that the Pope's army
should unite with theirs to suppress the Protestants by force.
Farnese, although he had before declared that he had full
power to arrange everything, would not take any steps for
concluding this matter. And when their Majesties said,
since he would do nothing of himself, it would be best for
them to consult his Holiness without delay, Farnese chose
to be their messenger. Even then he did not make the
haste desired by the Imperial party; the oath of secresy
which Charles insisted on was not kept. Paul thought it
necessary to summon a Consistory, and announce the Empe-
ror's proposals. Some voices in the conclave were against
the coalition. The Pope, nevertheless, agreed to it, and
named Ottavio Farnese gonfaloniere of the Italian army.
He called on his people to join the expedition, and revenge
the sacking of Rome. Then Charles drew back ; he said it
was too late for that year, being near the feast of St. John ;
the Protestants might be forewarned ; this would give them
an advantage.

The Papal and Imperial forces at last actually combined,
and had reduced almost all the north of Germany, when
Paul, to the great disgust of the Emperor, withdrew his
troops ; and till the mists of the Elbe had won for Charles V.
the battle of Muhlberg, it seemed doubtful whether the old
or new doctrines were to preponderate in the balance of
European power.

The King of Portugal continued to employ the company of
Ignatius in Europe and in the East. In 1545, the Jesuits,
sent by Ignatius to Xavier, took charge of the seminary of

1 Autobiography of Charles V.

330 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Goa, established some years before, and Nicolo Lancillotti
began to teach Latin.

Ignatius used his influence well, in persuading Joam to
interfere to stop the practice of duelling. His aid was also
given in a matter abhorrent to the ideas of our times : he
complied with the King's request that he would procure
from the Pope authority to establish a tribunal of the In-
quisition. Two letters to Simon Eodriguez remain at the
Gesu on this subject ; one dated December 1545, and the
Aug. 9, other in the following August. There is also an allusion

1 ^AR

made to a negotiation, which Ignatius had agreed to help
forward, to obtain a Cardinal's hat for the Infant Henry,
Bishop of Evora; this the Pope gave. In the letter of
August 1546 Ignatius says that —

The proposals made by King Joam respecting the Inquisition are
not yet entirely accepted. The Pope desires that the Saracens and
Jews, who had received baptism, should have four months granted
to them to decide either to remain in Portugal and live there as
true Christians, or leave it, if they prefer to retain their superstitious
worship. The Pope wills also, that the Inquisition should be gentle
and compassionate towards all who are brought before it, whatever
be the cause.

About this time Ignatius was much occupied with another
distant project; a Patriarch and some companions were
asked of him for Abyssinia. Eight years previously Joam
had desired to send missionaries into his newly-acquired set-
tlements on the borders of the Red Sea, round which spread
those fabulous domains of Prester John, with their metro-
polis, ninety-seven miles in circumference, whose supposed
treasures incited the greedy and impious invaders to rapine
and violence, such as made the Christian name and faith
detested there. Francis Xavier complained often and stre-
nuously of such proceedings ; the Court of Portugal appa-
rently did nothing to repress the evil, but seemed endeavour-
ing rather to ignore it. The natives consequently remained
barbarian ; their Christian conquerors were more barbarous
than they.

At last King Joam, in 1546, moved perhaps by the wonder-
ful zeal and success of Xavier, applied, through Tellez, his

MISSION TO ABYSSINIA. 331

ambassador, to Ignatius, to send thither a mission that might
convert those nominal Christians, as well as their heathen
subjects, and reunite all with the See of St. Peter, which in
their ignorance and superstition they had almost deserted.
The request was one to rejoice his heart, and he wrote in
1547 to Simon Rodriguez : —

If it be the -will of God our Lord, that one of this Society should 1547.
devote himself to this enterprise in Ethiopia, I think the lot should
fall on Master PascLasius (this was Brouet) ; since if I were to choose,
considering everything, both general and individual, I would choose
no one else ; for if it be certain, which I do not think it is, that only
a Professed Father is suited for this charge, I consider that whoever
may undertake it must have three qualifications — first, virtue ;
second, learning ; third, that he should be of a dignified exterior,
strong and middle-aged. These three qualities I find combined in
no one of the Company so well as in Master Paschasius ; for if we take
Le Jav, though he possesses many virtues, he wants an imposing
look, and is besides of feeble health ; Master Salmeron wants age,
and looks still as young as when you knew him ; Master Bobadilla
lias bad health, and moreover is not very suitable. Of us all, who
are only nine yet Professed — with whom you are acquainted —
certainly any one is qualified for this business by his endowments,
but none in so many ways, I think, as Paschasius : first, he is so
good, that we consider him in our Company as an Angel ; secondly,
in addition to the learning that he possesses, he has much experience
in the reform of bishoprics and convents — for while he was Xuncio
in Ireland he was more than any of the Company employed in this
work, and decided with wonderful skill on everything that came in
his way ; for he is naturally very active and very diligent, and has
always many episcopal and reserved cases to resolve, which will be
still more required in Ethiopia. Besides this, he is personally very
comely and strong, and his age is a Httle more or less than forty.
May God, our Lord, according to His infinite and highest goodness,
lead and direct this whole business, and, when necessary, order it
with his own hand, as may be most for the greater service, praise,
and glory of the Divine Majesty.
Eome, Dec. 26, 1547.

Still time went on, and the King made no effort to ad- Jan. 17,
vance the matter, although Ignatius often remonstrated. In
a letter, of date January 1549, addressed to some person of the
Court at Lisbon, he reminded his correspondent, that the

332 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

nomination of a Patriarch had been delayed for three years ;
and observes that the mission would exalt the power and
dignity of the King, since the choice of the Patriarch would
remain with him, and especially because of the vicinity of
his Indian possessions (here, as in much of Loyola's writing,
the sentences are somewhat involved, but the meaning is
clear) : —

If even there have been reasons for this delay which excuse the
King, yet it seems to move greatly one's compassion and sympathy,
that so many souls should remain so long forgotten ; and this is
chiefly what is urged here by those who wish that the affair should
be carried on.

1553. Yet it was not till 1553 that the King wrote to Ignatius

that he desired him to choose twelve priests of his Order, of
whom one should be Patriarch of Ethiopia, and another his
coadjutor and successor. In answering the King's letter
Ignatius speaks of Prester John, the imaginary despot of the
middle ages, as a King of Ethiopia; he was sometimes be-
lieved to be the Khan of the Mongols.

Ignatius has left in his own handwriting, when in the
tenth part of the Constitutions he forbids his people to
accept dignities, that in the matter of the Patriarch and
bishops of Ethiopia, ' resisti non potuit ; ' and he adds after-
wards, ' resistendi modus defuit.' But, in truth, there was
no inconsistency in his conduct, for these offices were far
from desirable to any worldly mind ; and he probably alludes
only to the coercion of his own conscience, for he repeatedly
revived the subject when the King seemed indifferent. After
all, Brouet was not the Patriarch chosen ; perhaps his French
origin was unacceptable. Ignatius sent the names of three
to King Joam, of whom he was to elect one to be Patriarch —
the others would be his coadjutors. These were Nunez,
Carnerio — both Portuguese — and Oviedo, a Spaniard, Eector
of the College of Gandia. The King chose for Patriarch
Juan Nunez.

It was in 1553 that the Jesuits actually departed.

RIBADEXEIRA. 333

The winter of 1544 brought a long illness to Pedro di 1544.
Ribadeneira, which the tenderness of Ignatius made rather
an enjoyment than a calamity. When the Lent came, his
physician forbade his fasting ; but Pedro represented to
Ignatius that his companions might be scandalised by this
exemption. 'Who has a right to be shocked?' said Igna-
tius ; ( should they not rather thank God that they are not
under the same necessity ? ' And., indeed, hearing afterwards
that some of the college at Toledo had blamed Pedro for
accepting this indulgence, Ignatius was so displeased, that
he threatened dismissal from the Society to any who should
thus sin against charity and obedience, and he ordered his
letter to be read aloud in the refectory at Toledo.

Upon the recovery of Ribadeneira, who had not yet 1545.
completed his studies — interrupted at Paris and Louvain —
Ignatius sent him to Padua, along with Ugoletti and Diego
Salmeron, a young brother of Alphonso. They made the
journey more quickly this time, but Diego arrived exhausted,
and died after a short illness. He was ready for Heaven ;
he had acquired the most difficult virtues of his Order. It
was said of him that he was never known to complain of
anyone, whatever injury he might have received ; he always
asked pardon as if he were the offender.

Ignatius wrote in 1546 to Ortiz, who had a strong interest
in Ribadeneira : —

I have nothing to add, except that Pedro de Ribadeneira, who
is studying at Padua, is very much esteemed there, for his conduct
and his progress in letters. I believe that, if he lives, he -will be an
eminent aud faithful servant of God our Lord.

Pedro often sent his compositions in prose and verse to 1547.
Polanco, now secretary of the Company, asking his criticisms;
for Polanco was the friend of all in the Society. All his life
his charity found leisure and sympathy for the interests of
each member, though the General gave him what seemed
full employment, and he frequently had the greater part of
the burden of the Society resting on him ; besides which he
translated the Constitutions, wrote several works of much
value, historical and doctrinal, heard Confessions, and gave
audience and counsel to many among the most distinguished

334 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

of the Roman Court. But amid the greatest hurry of busi-
ness, he appeared ever * with an equal countenance, grave,
composed.' He so divided the hours of the day and night,
that every moment had its allotted duty, either for some part
of his charge, or the profit of his own soul ; he assigned a
mystery of the Saviour's Life or Passion to every day in the
week, dividing each into three parts ; he practised much the
Catholic duty of intercession ; he prayed for the colleges,
for the countries that had received the Company, and then,
by name, for his friends. And the control he exercised
over his thoughts was so great, that no worldly ideas ever
intruded on him until his devotions were ended, and secular
affairs recalled.

Feb. is, The interests of Luther's party were not much affected
by his death, early in 1546. In a few months after, on
August 1, Faber, one of the most active of his opponents,
died at Rome. He had been almost two years in Spain, suc-
cessful beyond his hopes ; preparing himself always, in the
humility of his ingenuous and diffident spirit, for disappoint-
ments that never came ; and seeing the Company of Jesus
flourishing everywhere — a new college munificently endowed
at Yalladolid, and another begun by Francis Borgia in the
town of Gandia, of which Faber helped to lay the first stone.
He reached Barcelona in the intense heats of June, already
oppressed with fever, but he still taught and preached as
usual. The Pope had named him one of his theologians at
the Council now opened at Trent, and Ignatius bade him
return immediately to Rome ; but hearing of his great weak-
ness, wrote to him that he .might delay his journey for awhile.
Faber hesitated. Some of the Fathers were of opinion that
he had better proceed, and this was decisive to one so
humble and so regardless of himself; others told him that
he would lose his life in this attempt to reach Rome. He
said, ' It is necessary to obey, but not to live,' and so he
sailed for Italy. Perhaps the joy of his arrival caused him
to recover a little when he was safe in the Gesu. Ignatius
wept over him tears of tenderness and exultation ; he had
nothing to hear from Faber but stories of continued success,
and the visible Providence of God over the Society every-

DEATH OF FABER. 335

where. In a few days he was again prostrated by fever, and
this time to rise no more.

Faber left behind him the charming memory of a cha-
racter moulded to Christian perfection in the school of
Ignatius. His room in the Gesu was small and humble, like
the rest, yet every year he examined its poor contents to see
if there was not something he could spare ; for he adopted
the precept of Ignatius to love poverty as a mother. When
he was saying the Office, he used to interrupt it by frequent
ejaculations, in order that his mind might not wander : he
very frequently used these words — * Pater Ccelestis, da mihi
spiritum bonum ! ' At every period of the Office he medi-
tated on some mystery of the Passion ; then he considered
the life of the Saint whom the Office commemorated. He
made a promise to himself, and renewed it before each
psalm, that he would give his whole mind to it. Sometimes
he imagined himself surrounded by the choirs of Angels, who
were praising God along with him ; sometimes that he saw
Satan far off, watching for some fault.

His mind seems to have had a peculiar sympathy with the
Spirits who are ' sent to minister to the heirs of salvation,'
who 'have charge over us,' and ' rejoice over the repenting
sinner.' He never entered a town, or engaged in converse
with any, without mentally invoking the Guardian Angels of
the place or persons. He asked always that they would
convey to his mind some illumination from the Father of
Lights ; and it appears that the prayer was mercifully
granted, for his words reached the hearts of his hearers and
turned them to the love of God.

Dornenech was sent about this time to begin the College 1546.
of Bologna. He gave there the ' Exercises ' to Annibal
Codretti and Benedetto Palmio, both afterwards active
members of the Society.

Ignatius had now enjoyed a long reprieve from calumnies 1546.
and persecutions ; this eventful year brought him new trials
of this sort, painful to relate and to read, although they

336 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

terminated to his honour. At one and the same time he
was attacked from three different quarters. The most violent
of his enemies was Mattia, postmaster of San Cassiano, a
man of furious temper and strong passions, who had carried
away another man's wife, and was now living with her in
Rome. This woman, having heard the preachings and ex-
hortations of Ignatius and his companions, repented and
sought an asylum in the House of St. Martha. Mattia,
transported with rage, made a nocturnal attack on the house,
and, when this failed, brought the most preposterous accu-
sations against the Jesuits, reviving even the old story
of heresies, so often refuted ; he persisted both in speaking
and writing his calumnies, until at last Ignatius thought it
needful to petition the Pope to name some persons who should
make a fresh investigation. To this Paul could not then
assent, because his Yicar, Filippo Archinti, was very ill.
When he recovered, Ignatius renewed his application through
the Bishop of Cesena, his friend and protector, who addressed
Paul on behalf of the ' holy Company of Jesus.' Paul then
ordered his Vicar and Frangini, Governor of Rome, to inves-
tigate the matter. Archinti twice visited the Cloister of St.
Martha to take the depositions of the women, and examined
very closely there and elsewhere into the doctrines and morals
of the Jesuits : at last he named July 3 for the hearing of
both parties; but Mattia did not appear, either then or later,
nor even when sentence was to be given, His rage appears
to have subsided, for he even privately sought an accommo-
dation, as Ignatius relates in a letter to Michel Torrez. The
lady mentioned is the wife of Juan de Vega, Viceroy of
Sicily ; both were warm friends of the Society ; and helped
to found five colleges for it in Sicily and the kingdom of
Naples : —

The worthy Mattia has been supplicating Donna Eleanora Osorio
not to oppose him ; he will endeavour to procure a sentence ; he will
ask my pardon and speak everywhere, if she desires it, in our favour.
She sent for me two days ago to Campo de' Fiori, and told me that
she, as well as the Lord Juan de Vega, were of opinion we should
accept Mattia's offer of conciliation ; but I brought such strong
reasons against this, that I convinced her. I also told her that, in my
opinion, there ought to be no compromise with Mattia, and I did

MATTIA. 337

not want him to ask pardon, nor that the sentence should be ob-
tained through his intervention ; also, I had no doubt that it would
be given with justice, and to the greater glory of God.

At last her Highness agreed that this way was much better than
the other. This same Mattia went yesterday to the Pope's Vicar,
and said publicly many things in our favour, and to his own detri-
ment. He is trying to make himself friends, for fear the thing may
turn somewhat against him, which is very likely. May God grant
that all may happen for His greater glory.

Some days later he writes again to Torrez : —

The Mattia has given testimony in our favour, before the Pope's
Vicar, and condemned himself; and he says he wishes to make peace
with me.

The sentence at last given by the judges declares, after a
short resume of the inquiry —

That the accusations are false, lying, and malicious. That these
priests and their Congregation are of such ways of life, purity of
morals, piety and strict Catholic doctrine ; have brought now for
many years such rich cultivation into the Lord's vineyard, stand in
such good favour and repute with all men, that they are placed out
of reach of all calumnies and imputations ; but above all their
Superior, the honourable Don Ignatius of Loyola.

The judgment imposed silence on Mattia respecting these
calumnies, on pain of losing his employment and forfeiting
all his goods, without further warning, while the judges
reserved for the present to make known the punishment of
his offences.

This was a gentle sentence, and obtained at the inter-
cession of Ignatius, who wished Mattia to be let off easily
when the Society had been entirely justified; he won in
this way so much gratitude from Mattia, that he afterwards
became a benefactor to their house at Rome.

The next attack came from a secular priest, Giovanni di
Torano, Superior of the house of Jewish Proselytes, which
Ignatius had founded. The influence of Ignatius with the
magistrates, which overbore his own, in matters concerning
this establishment, excited his jealousy, probably controlling
his desire of independence, or even some worse passions ; he
uttered furious abuse of Ignatius and his Company, and at

338 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

last presented a memorial to the Pope, in which he formally
accused them of heresy and of violating the secrets of the
Confessional. Ignatius did not think it necessary this time
to defend himself; but Torano, made incautious by the
silence of Ignatius and his own resentment, demanded an
investigation, which brought to light proofs of such hypocrisy
and misconduct on his own part, that the Cardinal del Monte,
who directed the inquiry, suspended him from the Divine
offices, deprived him of all charges and benefices, and con-
fiscated his goods. The sentence added, that the leniency
of a spiritual tribunal would impose no heavier punishment
on Torano than imprisonment for life; this afterwards
was commuted to banishment, probably at the prayer of
Ignatius.

An attack was made on the Society about the same time,
from some motive unknown, by a Spanish monk, named
Barberan, who addressed a complaint to the Pope : —

Barberan (writes Ignatius) has made a complaint against St.
Martha's. His Holiness has commissioned Cardinal Crescenti to
inquire into it. He told me yesterday it had no foundation what-
ever— as, for instance, lie alleged, that we administered at St.
Martha without apostolic authority (whereas his Eminence well
knows the contrary), that we want to reform the whole world, and
give such sort of teaching as this, that all the faithless wives in
Borne ought to be put to death, and more of this sort, without head
or tail. The Cardinal, who knows all about it, has himself shown
the manner and way in which we should proceed, so that, in accord-
ance with his Holiness, all this may be cleared up.

Not content with an appeal to the Papal authority,
Barberan wrote a letter to Ignatius, full of abuse, and got
some one to convey it. Ignatius answered him in a letter
addressed to the bearer himself; it is extremely character-
istic : —

Senor, tell the Father Brother Barberan, you say you wish that
as many of our people as are in Spain, from Perpignan to Seville,
may be burnt ; but I inform you that my wish is, that you and your
friends and all that belong to you, not only from Perpignan to
Seville, but over all the earth, may be inflamed by the Holy Spirit,

BARBERAX.— BOBADILLA. 339

and burn so well, as to reach the summit of perfection, and make
themselves shining lights, to the glory of the Divine Majesty.
Farther, will you say to him, that our business will be investigated
by the Governor and the Vicar of his Holiness, that a sentence may
be given. If, therefore, he has any complaint to make of me, he
may address it to these judges, that, if I be guilty in anything, I
alone may atone for it ; and much rather would I make amends with
my own body (which would be very acceptable to me), than that
all the others between Perpignan and Seville should be burned
without the least fault on their part.

Home, at Sta. Maria di Strada, August 10, 1546.

Genelli quotes as a remarkable parallel to this letter one
addressed by Luther, three years before, to the bearer of a
missive from Schwenkfeld, who wrote with a desire of pro-
pitiating him ; but the style is too Lutheran for repetition.
It certainly is a contrast.

At this time Ignatius was occupied with two points of
much more subsequent importance. He obtained for the
Jesuits exemption from all spiritual employment, accom-
panied by dignities in the Church, and from the regular
direction of nuns. The first concession was inestimable to
Ignatius. He saw that without it his Society could not long
subsist in that eminent usefulness for which he destined it ;
and that the worth and abilities of its Fathers would cause
the most valuable of them to be successively removed. Many
bishoprics were at this time vacant, because men of sufficient
learning, piety, and energy for turbulent times could not be
found ; and it was from Germany, the great theatre of these
troubles, that the attempt originated to employ the Jesuits
in this manner. Ferdinand desired to place Bobadilla, then
at Ingoklstadt, in the vacant See of Trieste. Bobadilla Sept. 15,
wrote to Ignatius : — ( A. secretary of the King of the Eomans 1546'
is come to this Court, and has begged me to accept -the
bishopric of Trieste. But I answered him that we were
called to poverty, not to honours.' Ferdinand then, through
the Bishop of Laybach, his confessor, made the same offer
to Le Jay, who also refused ; but this time the escape was

z 2

340 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Sept. 25. made with more difficulty. He wrote immediately from
Venice to Ignatius, and a day or two later to the King.

Dec. Then, having heard that Ferdinand was taking measures at

Rome, he sent a second letter entreating him to desist.
Ferdinand had ordered his ambassador at Rome, Jacopo
Lasso, to obtain the Pope's nomination of Le Jay ; he wrote
also a very pressing letter to explain his motives, and the
urgency of the case. Maffei, the Pope's private secretary,
communicated this letter to Ignatius, who instantly went to
the ambassador, and conjured him to cease. Lasso showed
him the letter in which Ferdinand, with his own hand, had
ordered his ambassador to do his utmost to procure Le Jay's
appointment, remaining deaf to all representations. Then
Ignatius went to the Pope, and, with great grief and earnest-
ness, supplicated him not to oblige the members of his new
Society to accept any office connected with preferments in
the Church. But Paul had already approved the nomina-
tion of Le Jay, and was determined to confirm it. He
answered Ignatius, in the words of Scripture, that the hearts
of kings are in the hands of the Lord, and he thought that
God Himself had inspired Ferdinand in this ; he added, as
he closed the interview, that he would ask counsel from God,

Dec. 4. and he bade Ignatius do the same.

Several of the Cardinals were warm friends of Loyola,
and he now appealed to them. Carpi, patron of the Society,
wrote to Ferdinand in the interest of Ignatius. Nevertheless,
the affair proceeded, and a day was fixed for the decision ;
it only now remained to try the intercession of Margaret of
Austria ; and she, at the request of Ignatius, asked the Pope
to suspend the nomination till there was time to write again
from the Gesu to Ferdinand and receive an answer. Orlandini,
who gives this letter in the original Latin, probably corrected
it ; for the ideas of Ignatius were commonly much better than
his Latinity.

The letter was successful. Ferdinand charged his ambas-
sador to desist from petitioning the Pope, who then ceased
to oppose the wishes of Ignatius. The Society celebrated
mass in thanksgiving, and chanted the Te Deum.

Ignatius after this took pains to explain more fully to the
Pope the peculiar spirit of his Company, which made honours

LE JAY'S APPOINTMENT CANCELLED. 341

and promotions destructive to it, and his dread that his
brethren might either become secularised by the admission
of such honours among them, or that their motives would
be less pure, or at least less entirely unsuspected ; or that
jealousies might arise, and thereby their union among them-
selves be diminished. He added, that the Professed, having
necessarily more access to the Court of Rome than other
Religious, from their employment as Papal missionaries,
would be more readily accused of striving to obtain bene-
fices ; and the near position of some to sovereign princes as
Confessors exposed them to similar dangers, and suggested
the same cautions. But he took pains to show that he did
not condemn the other Orders who had not the same scruples ;
they rilled high places with edification to the people, he
said ; they were long established, and had acquired strength
enough to bear heavy burdens ; his Company, on the contrary,
was recent and still weak. Then, reverting to the ideas of
his military days, he said, * Holy Father, I consider the other
Orders in the army of the church militant as squadrons of
soldiers who remain on the ground assigned to them, keep
their ranks, stand firm against the enemy, and do not change
their position or mode of combat, But we are like the light
horse, who are always to be ready, night or day, in times of
alarm and surprise — who attack or support according to
circumstances, go everywhere, and skirmish on all sides.
Therefore being obliged to remove constantly from one town
or province to another, and even from one end of the earth
to the other, at the least intimation from the Vicar of Christ,
they cannot rightly be fixed anywhere.'

Paul, approving of these arguments, was at last persuaded
that to exempt the Jesuits from high offices would not be
less useful to the Church than to the Society ; and when he
granted this singular petition, added these words — * It is the
first time that any sovereign has heard such a request as
this.' ,

All the Religious Orders hitherto included women, and
Ignatius, in the early part of his ministry, held spiritual
intercourse with many of all sorts, and especially with nuns,
besides those pious friends, who, like Inez Pascoala and Isabel

342 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Roser, had been the first and most helpful of his adherents,
when he and his Society were still struggling for the life.
Many of these expected he would go a step farther, and esta-
blish convents for nuns. It was an unreasonable hope, since
the spirit of his Order is eminently missionary, combatant
and aggressive, and therefore unsuited to women. But Genelli
quotes, with great admiration, a letter on this subject from
Donna Joanna of the Ducal family of Cardona, whose hus-
band wa,s assassinated at Valencia, when she was extremely
young ; she repaired afterwards to the Court of Charles to
obtain vengeance on his murderers. When she returned to
Valencia, she became acquainted with Father Mirone, and
went through the ' Exercises ;' they produced in her such a
desire to leave the world, that making over her property into
the hands of the guardians of her children, she retired with
some other ladies into a hospital, and devoted herself to serve
the poor. Sh e wrote to Ignatius : — ' I pray you earnestly
to receive me into this holy Company, and into the Order of
the holy and sweet Name of Jesus, for this sacred name has
always been deeply graven on my heart ever since the time
of my childhood, or since I could use nay reason.'

In another letter she declares that, like the Canaanitish
woman, she will not depart without a blessing : — ' My wants
are not less, my faith is no weaker than hers. It has made
me quit my children and my possessions, my kinsfolk and
my friends, and now makes me wish to fly still farther from
them, because they are friends in the flesh only and enemies
to the soul. Would you have me go to Rome ? I will go ;
and if I am not worthy to see you and receive your benedic-
tion, command me to go into the Indies, or remain here, or
go no matter whither; I will obey you unto death. She
who has travelled more than a thousand miles to obtain
justice, instigated by an excessive human love, will recoil
from no difficulties, and will travel twice as far, or all her
life long, to obtain mercy, for the love of Him who possesses
her and all, and for whose sake she has left all. Since your
heart, full of tenderness, expands itself towards others, and
receives them willingly, you will not close it against me, my
dear Father and master, unworthy servant that I am, of the
servants of Jesus. Trusting in the good Lord and in your

THIS SOCIETY NOT TO DIRECT WOMEN. 343

compassion, I wait your answer, which I beg you, with the
utmost humility, to send me as soon as possible.'

What Ignatius answered we can only "guess. She died at
Valencia, in the reputation of sanctity, the year following.1

Loyola had already experienced the inconveniences that
might attend this sort of direction, and refused one who had
a better claim on him than Donna Joanna. For, his old
friend and benefactress, Isabel Eoser, had followed him to
Rome after her widowhood, and there persuaded him to receive
her vows of spiritual obedience along with those of her com-
panion Francesca. He did not comply without reluctance : Franceses
at first he refused any formal undertaking of this nature ;
and it was not till the influence of Dona Isabel's Mends at
the Papal Court had procured the interference of Paul him-
self, that Ignatius yielded a point on which he had already
made up his mind. After this two more ladies joined Isabel,
and they formed a little community, living in conventual
seclusion and practices of piety. Ignatius soon found their
direction a burden and discomfort ; he repented the accept-
ance of their vows ; they encroached upon him unreasonably;
perpetually appealed to him to appease their scruples, answer
their doubts, or even settle their disputes. He once said the
direction of these four devout ladies gave him more trouble
than all his Company. He resolved to extricate himself, and
wrote about the same time to the Pope, asking to be freed
from the obligations which he had assumed ; and to Isabel
Koser he made the announcement with all possible con
sideration and gentleness : —

Venerable Dona Isabel Roser, my mother and sister in Jesus
Christ, — In truth, I would willingly please you, for the greater glory
of God, and retain you in spiritual obedience, as hitherto, watching
with solicitude for your greater good and the perfection of your
soul. But as I have not the necessary powers, as I am hindered by
my maladies, and by affairs which I must prefer to all others,
l>efore God our Lord and the Pope in His name — warned also in
my conscience that the especial direction of women, with the vow

1 It seems probable that she was a kinswoman and friend of the Beata
Catarina of Cardona, born at Naples hi 1519. Catarina was much allied
with the Princess of Eboli, wife of Kuy Gomez, who was so warm a friend
of the Society.

344 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

of obedience, is contrary to the object of this small Society, as I
explained about six months since to his Holiness — I have thought
it more for God's glory that I should retire altogether from this
care, and keep you no longer in obedience as my spiritual daughter,
but consider you rather as a good mother, such as you long have
been, for the greater glory of the Divine Goodness. I remit you
then, as far as I can and without prejudice to higher authority, to
the eminently wise judgment and decision and will of his Holiness,
so that your soul may be entirely tranquil and consoled, to the
greater glory of God.
Home, Oct. 1, 1546.

The petition of Ignatius to Paul III. was as follows : —

Most Holy Father, — The undersigned, General, and priests of the
Company of Jesus, created and approved in the holy city of your
Holiness, strive continually, after their poor means, to serve the
Church of God and our Lord Jesus Christ, and consequently your
Holiness, His Vicar upon earth. But as these priests are solicited
by many considerable persons, particularly in Spain, to take the
direction of nuns and of women who desire to serve God piously,
and as they are convinced this would be a great obstacle to the
other functions they have to fill in God's service, conformably to
the Constitutions which your Holiness has given to their Institute ;
as, moreover, the ministry now required of them is new, and might
easily diverge wrongly, and as small difficulties might in time
become great, these priests humbly throw themselves at your feet,
and ask as an especial favour that your Holiness will decide and
declare, that the direction of nuns and sisterhoods, or of other
women, or receiving from them vows of obedience, is incompatible
with the other duties of the Company, after the Constitutions which
your Holiness has given to the Institute ; that they ought to be dis-
pensed from such spiritual charge of women ; and that it would be
unsuitable to their foundation and Society.

He also prayed the Pope to remit the vows of obedience
to him taken by Dona Isabel and her companions. Paul
granted both these dispensations, and events that speedily
followed in Dona Isabel's family showed that Ignatius'
appeal was not made too soon.

When Ercole d'Este was urgent in pressing Le Jay and
Bobadilla to undertake for only a few days the direction of
a nunnery founded by the duke's mother, Ignatius would not
allow them to comply, though at the moment the deeds of

ISABEL ROSER. 345

the new college at Ferrara were in the duke's hands, waiting
his ratification, so that it was important not to displease
him.1

The subsequent career of the Society, which seems to have
prospered by retaining scrupulously the strict regulations of
their founder, bears witness to his sagacity ; they have only
departed from the letter when they could perfectly comply
with the spirit, as in the cases, already mentioned, of the
confessors to kings and the mission to Ethiopia.

Mattia and Barberan were ordinary opponents, their at-
tacks being such as any public man might anticipate, who
invades the domains of Satan, and sets in motion a host of
interests and prejudices ; but Ignatius had next to defend
himself against one who had strong claims on his gratitude,
and had been till now one of his most devoted friends.
This Isabel Eoser, whom he called his mother, his early
patroness at Barcelona, to whom heaven had revealed his
saintly destiny, by showing her a crown of glory round his
head, who had assisted his journeys and his studies, and at
last followed him to Rome, in the hope that he would help
her soul to paradise and close her eyes ; from some cause not
well known turned against him, and commenced a suit to
recover some money which Ignatius declared was not due.
This suit was instituted, it seems, by some nephews — one
especially, named Doctor Ferrar, who was hostile to Ignatius ;
but his renunciation of their spiritual relationship was doubt-
less an offence and a grief to Isabel, and she could not or
would not understand his reasons. Ignatius wrote to Torrez
in the autumn of this stormy year : —

The Senora Roser asks two things: first, that as she has always Oct. 18,
lived in great friendship with me, I should give her a declaration 1546-

1 Long afterwards, one of the Fathers in Valladolid, being commanded
by his Superiors, undertook the charge of a convent of nuns there ; but
when Ignatius heard of this he ordered him to be removed. The Clares of
Barcelona also addressed, through Araoz, a request to Ignatius that they
might have some of his Company for directors ; but he refused it, and re-
proved Araoz for transmitting their petition. In the same sense, taking
refuge in the Pope's brief, he answered the entreaties of some single nuns ;
and eventually he made the rule more stringent in the Constitutions.

346 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

iu writing, that I do not leave her on account of her faults. Second,
she complains of the way in which our temporal affairs have been
arranged, when they were discussed in the presence of Dona Elea-
nora, Roser herself, Johanna Bosch, myself and another. I say she
makes complaints for three or four days after she went through
her accounts and reckoned up, and maintains, that in her opinion
our house is indebted to her a great sum. I would not agree to
this last, until a new investigation can be made, as I am quite per-
suaded the right is on our side. She would hardly allow herself to
be prevailed on by my prayers to name some one on her side, as I
would do on mine, and if these two could not agree, we might refer
the question to some discreet and learned person, as, perhaps, an
Auditor of the Rota. If the affair were thus examined, then finally
the Papal Vicar might give judgment, whereby all scandal would
be avoided.

It does not seem from this that he positively refused the
written assurance she asked ; but it is almost certain that he
could not give it fully, in all sincerity. She and her kins-
men spoke openly against him and his Society. It was more
for her interest than his own that he proposed this appeal
to a private tribunal, as the result proved. At first, after he
had prevailed with the Senora Roser, the others accepted the
proposal, and it was laid before Cardinal Carpi, who heard
both parties upon oath ; but the Eoser family, probably fore-
seeing that the inquiry would go against them, carried it
bsfore the Pope's Vicar-substitute, who was well disposed
towards Isabel. Afterwards, having looked into the business,
he was forced to see that she was in the wrong, and im-
posed absolute silence on her for the future as to her claims
on Ignatius.

When all was over, the Vicar- substitute acknowledged that
the tears of Senora Isabel had inclined him to protect her,
June 2, till he was better informed. Her kinsman, Francis Ferrar,
1547. Doctor of Barcelona, who had spoken injuriously of the
Jesuits, was sentenced to ask forgiveness, and the judge
declared that he inflicted no heavier punishment, because
Ferrar had already recalled his accusations in the presence of
the persons to whom he first made them. Ignatius acted
with the utmost consideration towards the changeful lady ;
he forbade his people in Spain to say anything about the
dispute, unless it were necessary for truth's sake ; and it

THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. 347

is believed that some remains of his correspondence in later 1546.
years were addressed to her.1

The monastic relations of Ignatius with the Carthusians
had been entirely fraternal ; but he was not always so fortu-
nate— he had sometimes to revive the rule in Communities
which had become relaxed and unfaithful to the spirit of
their foundation ; he had begun already, as we have seen, by
reforming a Community near Barcelona, at the hazard of his
life. Borgia, when he was made Viceroy of Catalonia, wish-
ing to imitate him, designed a general reform of all nun-
neries in his province, especially at Barcelona, and laid his
schemes before Philip, who in 1546 applied to Ignatius to
procure the necessary powers from Home. These were im-
mediately granted for the town, and two years later for the
province.

Father Araoz, Provincial of Spain, was intrusted with the
exercise of these Papal powers. The reform of the convents
of Catalonia began vigorously in 1547, but it progressed
slowly, and we find it not complete in 1552.

The (Ecumenic Council so long talked of and delayed,
which was to settle the disputes of Christendom, assembled
at last in the border town of Trent, in the winter of 1545,
and entered on its work of discussion and reform in the fol-
lowing January. There had been held no such gathering of
Bishops since the Synod of Constance in 1417. The Council
now opened was not ended in less than eighteen years — it
was for very long the last, and perhaps the most remarkable,
of these Christian Keforin parliaments. So many bishops
were kept away by the political disturbances of the times,
that though the invitations were cecumenic, many persons

1 Lest any should think St. Ignatius disdainful of the weaker half of
humanity, it is related that, immediately after his death, his glorified spirit
appeared to a noble matron of Bologna, Margharita Delis, who gave this
strange news instantly to Palmia, rector of the College, at first incredulous,
till a messenger with Polanco's letter arrived ; and, stranger still, Ignatius
announced to the saintly Dona Marina de Escobar that he adopted her,
'como si de verdad fueses de la Compania, y uno de los demas hijos mioa '
(' as if you were truly of the Company, and one of my sons ') ; then an angel
clothed her with an alb, and St. Ignatius himself placed a stole over it—
the sign of priesthood.

348 ' LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

for some time refused that title to the Council itself. But
there were enough distinguished men present to do excellently
well the work intended for it, and no Council has received
more formal confirmation from the Head of the Church.

The august assembly was presided over by three Legates :
Cardinal del Monte, afterwards Julius III. ; Marcello Cervini,
who was Pope for a few weeks as Marcellus II.; and the
illustrious Reginald Pole. Two other Cardinals, Madrucci,
bishop of Trent, and Paceco,1 bishop of Jaen, both learned
men, were there, and a goodly company of ambassadors,
archbishops, bishops, abbots, superiors of orders, doctors in
theology, and theologians of the Dominicans, Friars Minor,
Conventuals, Franciscans, Carmelites, and Servites — a name
that recalls the unfair statements of Father Paolo Sarpi in
his history of the Council.2 Dominic Soto, General of the
Dominicans, and the Emperor's first theologian ; De Yega,
Rernius, Catharin,3 and Hervet were among them ; Olaus
Magnus, archbishop of Upsal ; Waucop, the blind archbishop
of Armagh ; Du Prat, bishop of Clermont ; Seripandi,4 senior
of the Hermits of St. Augustine ; Pierre Dunes, a famous
French orator. In the morning they considered the dogmas
of the Catholic faith, and in the afternoon the reforms re-
quired in Church discipline; beginning with residence of
bishops, and going on to other matters of high importance
and difficulty.

Le Jay was present, representing Otto Truchses, the Car-

1 Paceco was highly esteemed in Spain, and having been raised to the
bishopric of Jaen, and then made Cardhiiil by Paul III., he was named
Viceroy of Naples after the death of Toledo, in 1553 : he ruled there with
such mildness, and procured so many favours from the Emperor for the Nea-
politans, that they greatly loved and venerated him.

2 Pallavicino, in the history he published in 10(5-5, quotes three hundred
and sixty-one misrepresentations of Sarpi, besides many more not capable of
being definitely numbered, but resulting from his general tone and style.

3 This was Fra Antonio Polito, of Sienna, a Dominican, once a lawyer :
he took this name in reverence to St. Catherine of Sienna.

4 Seripandi had great weight in the councils of Charles V., and he ob-
tained important privileges for the Neapolitans in 15,">4, whicli Cardinal
Paceco made highly valuable to them. All excessive and peremptory pro-
ceedings against heretics, and the terrible application of ' the question,' were
henceforth forbidden. Giannoue calls him ' uomo duttissimo, di probita <li
vita, nelle prediche mirabile, e sopra tutto dotato di somuia saviezza e pru-
deuza.' He was made Cardinal-Archbishop of Salerno.

INSTRUCTIONS OF IGNATIUS. 349

dinal- Archbishop of Augsburg.1 Laynez and Salmeron did
did not arrive till the 18th of May : they were sent as theo-
logians of the Holy See — a high distinction, which imposed
on them the duty of speaking first and last in the discussions.
Salmeron began, In his history of the Council of Trent, the
Cardinal- Archbishop of Lyons relates of them that they gave
proofs at once of such profound humility and such vast
merit, that their office of Papal Theologians appeared their
least claim to respect. Several prelates chose them for
directors, and many others would speak on no subject with-
out consulting them. They conformed strictly to the follow-
ing instructions given by Ignatius : —

* As we may glorify God, His favour assisting us, when
we strive for the good of souls in our intercourse with a large
number of persons, all having a spiritual object ; so also if
we do not watch over ourselves, and if we are not helped by
the Almighty, we shall lose much, and do harm to those with
•whom we converse. But since the way of life to which we
have bound ourselves obliges us not to shun such intercourse,
we shall find it profitable in the Lord, in proportion as we
are prepared beforehand and follow an exact rule. There-
fore I will give you some counsels which may be useful in the
Lord, whether you follow them literally, or retrench them in
some sense. Generally speaking, I earnestly desire that, in
the exercise of this new employment, you shall never lose
sight of these three principal points.

' 1st. — In the Council, the greater glory of God and the
welfare of the Universal Church.

* 2nd. — Out of the Council, your original rule and method
of saving souls, which is the object I have principally pro-
posed to myself in this mission.

' 3rd. — The special care of your own souls, that you may
not forget and neglect yourselves, but, on the contrary, strive,
by assiduous watchfulness, to make yourselves daily more
worthy of your vocation.

* In the Council you must be slow, rather than prompt, in
speaking, considerate and charitable in your opinions of what
is done or intended, attentive and calm in listening, taking

1 Le Jay was called by St. Francis of Sales ' The Pharos of the Society.'
He was, like the good bishop himself, a native of Annegy.

350 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

pains to seize the spirit, desires and intentions of those who
speak, so that yon may better see when to speak or be silent.
In the matters which will be discussed, you must state the
reasons on both sides, so as not to appear attached to your
own opinion. You must always, as far as you can, contrive
that no one shall be less disposed to peace after hearing
your discourses than he was before. If the points contro-
verted are such as oblige you to speak, express your opinions
modestly and calmly ; conclude always ' with deference to
better judgments,' or some such phrase. Lastly, be well
persuaded of this, that to treat worthily of really important
subjects, whether human or divine, it is very necessary to
discuss them with composure and deliberation, not in haste,
or in a cursory manner. You should therefore not make the
order and time of the discussion suit your leisure and con-
venience, but accommodate the person who wishes to argue
with you, so that he may the more easily be guided whither
God would lead him.

* Out of the Council neglect no means of doing good to your
neighbour. Rather seek occasions of hearing Confessions,
preaching, giving the " Exercises," instructing children, visit-
ing the poor in the hospitals, so that the grace of the Holy
Spirit may descend more abundantly on the Fathers of the
Council, for you will call it down by these acts of humility
and charity. In your sermons avoid the points controverted
by the heretics, but aim always at moral reform, and enforce
obedience to the Catholic Church. You must also speak
often of the Council, and exhort the people to pray for its
fortunate result. In hearing Confessions, think that all you
say to your penitents may be heard upon the house-tops.
For the penance assigned desire them to say prayers for the
Council. In giving the " Exercises," at all times speak as
you would in public. You will visit the hospitals alternately
every four days, that is to say, each of you once a week, at
times that will not be inconvenient for the sick. You will
comfort them as far as you can, not by words only, but also
by little gifts. Though in answering questions it is needful
to use concise and well-considered language, it is on the
contrary desirable to speak with some amplification and with
a show of benevolence, when you want to excite in your
hearers a spirit of piety.

THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. 351

' As to the last point which concerns your own selves, and
your protection from the evils to which you will be exposed,
although you must never neglect whatbelongs especially to the
Institute, you must remember beyond all things, to preserve
the most perfect union and entire agreement among your-
selves, in thought and opinion. Let neither of you trust in
his own prudence exclusively ; and as Claude Le Jay, whom
the Cardinal of Augsburg sends to the Council as procurator,
will join you in a few days, you will fix a time every evening
to confer on what you have done during the day, and are
likely to have to do to-morrow. You must decide on the
subject of your consultations either by vote, or in some other
way. In the morning you will deliberate together on the
plan of action for the day. You will also twice a day make
your examination of conscience. You will put this into
execution at latest on the fifth day after your arrival at
Trent.'

Salnaeron being as yet but thirty-one years old, and
Laynez thirty-four, they must in that assembly have been
by comparison young men; they appeared therefore with
the utmost humility of demeanour, as well as dress ; their
clothes, very clean but patched, shocked the other clergy,
so they did not refuse to wear the new garments which their
Spanish compatriots gave them. In the intervals of their Joly.
work at the Council, they instructed, heard Confessions,
begged alms for the poor, and, as Ignatius directed, attended
them in the hospitals ; they collected alms in this way for
more than seventy persons, and Cardinal Santa Croce made
over to their care the soldiers who had returned disabled
from the German war, on their way to Italy. These works
of charity must have greatly impressed the dignitaries who
witnessed this way of life, contrasted with the profound learn-
ing of these men and their omce of Papal Theologians.

Laynez, whose memory was a wonder, received the charge
of recapitulating the daily discussions, and presenting the
resume. And he was paid the remarkable compliment of
having a place appointed him in the centre of the bishops'
seats, that all might hear him.

On May 25, the question of Original Sin being brought
forward, the Jesuits defended the Immaculate Conception of

352 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

the Holy Virgin. Cardinal Paceco was furnished by them
with the chief part of the proofs he used on that side. But
after much dispute it was agreed to defer this part of the
question for the present, and the same was done when it was
revived in the session following, because there were three
or four of different opinions. None present suggested the
idea that the nature from which our Lord toot His humanity
could ever have been subject to actual sin. The doubt some
persons started was, whether the Blessed Virgin could be
said to be pure from her birth only, or from the first moment
of her conception. Melchior Cano was among the opponents
of Our Lady's privilege.

The Council, almost from its opening, was harassed by
alarms from without and discord within : strife and wrath
sometimes banished discussion ; the Bishop of Cava having,
in a passion, seized the Bishop of Chiron -by the beard, was
excommunicated by the Council. Soon after, Cardinal del
Monte, the president, offended by Paceco and Madrucci,
told them he would no longer allow them to sit near the
Legates, as they had done till now. Paceco, enraged at this,
made an indignant reply, and several Fathers interposed.
Tagliavia, Archbishop of Palermo, kneeling before the three
Cardinals, with his hands clasped and tears in his eyes, en-
treated them to suppress their resentments for the love of
Christ and the honour of the Council. This was effectual for
the moment, and an adjournment was decided on ; Paceco
made an apology to Del Monte, who acknowledged it only
by an inclination of the head ; Madrucci followed Paceco,
but receiving only the same silent reply, burst into a rage.
Del Monte said that he would retire into Italy, where no one
could dictate to him ; and this prepared the Fathers for a
suggestion which the Pope and Legates intended to make at
the first opportunity.

£ The Council continued to sit at Trent till the said Paul,
for certain reasons (Heaven grant that they were good ones),
wished to transfer it to Bologna,' says the Emperor Charles
V. And a few days later a message came, in which Paul
proposed the translation of the Council to Lucca, alleging
that the prelates complained of the sharp climate of Trent,
its bad accommodations, and the danger from Protestant

LETTER OF SANTA CROCK 353

forces. But the Emperor heard the proposal with a burst of
fury. The Lucchesi themselves objected to receive the
prelates, and the heretics were defeated in the Tyrol ; this
allayed the fears of the Fathers for their personal safety, and
the sittings were resumed as before.

Ignatius had wished to recall Laynez and restore him to
the Florentines, when the rumour of the removal of the
Council first reached him. The thorny subject of justifica-
tion had been now entered upon. Ignatius writes at this
time to Michel Torrez : —

I cannot withdraw Master Laynez from the Council till the de-
cree on justification is carried through. It seems that his Holiness
desires this decree to be considered at Rome as well as at Trent, by
learned theologians ; for Cardinal Maffei told me he would send it
to us to be examined. Our people at the Council have just received
a new favour : the Legates have given Laynez a permission hitherto
unprecedented ; he is allowed to preach in the town. He was to
begin last Sunday, and the letter, of which I send you a copy, in-
forms me that he actually did.

Cardinal Santa Croce wrote to Ignatius : —

Reverend Father, Master Ignatius, — You will be surprised per-
haps that I have detained Master Diego Laynez longer here than
you desired. I have done this for the public advantage. I have
charged him to collect all the errors of heretics on the Sacraments,
as well as other dogmas, which are to be condemned in tbe Council.
Now as this work is long and tedious, I did not like to spare the
Father Laynez until he had finished it, or so nearly that another
person might easily do the rest. This requires time, and I beg you
to be propitiated by the confidence I place in you and him. Never-
theless I would not act contrary to your views. If you prefer that
he sbould leave the work incomplete, you shall be obeyed ; you have
only to write word to me. Heaven keep you in its grace. — Tour
devoted, MARCELLO, Cardinal of Sta. Croce.
Trent, Feb. 5, 1547.

Laynez remained and did admirably all that was required
of him.

In the decree eventually agreed upon, justification is 1547.
declared to be ' the effect of charity, infused by the Holy
Spirit into our hearts.' It was admitted that there was
no justifying grace without charity, or the constant love of

A \

1

354 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

God ; but they avoided jarring on the opinions of those who
consider the two things actually distinct, though conjoined.
They were unanimous, therefore, in affirming that the law of
the Gospel is one of love.

The questions of reform in the Church were now to be con-
sidered, and the next session was fixed for April 21; but a
fever broke out in the city of Trent, invading the Council
and carrying off among its first victims the General of the
Friars Minor and the Bishop of Capaccio. Twelve of the
Bishops fled, and on March 9 the Legates assembled the
others, and proposed to dissolve the Council, but remitted
the decision to the majority.

The subjects of Charles, in accordance with his orders,
insisted on remaining, and the discussion was adjourned
till the next day, when Del Monte proposed a removal to
Bologna, and produced the Pope's permission. The party of
March si, Charles resisted as before, but the others were for the most
part exceedingly impatient to leave Trent, and on March 1 2
the Legates departed for Bologna, where they could not for
some months assemble Fathers enough to carry on the
session. Paul was, or affected to be, displeased that the
Legates had not remained two months longer at Trent, which
would have sufficed to conclude the several discussions.
Charles was outrageous ; he demanded that the Legates should
return to Trent, and forbade his own bishops to leave it ;
but the occurrences now passing in France arrested these
disputes. The King became suddenly and dangerously ill,
and died a few days after. His successor, Henry II., showed
much reverence to the Pope, and even consented to affiance
his daughter Diana to Orazio Farnese, the grandson, or
great nephew as he was called, of Paul.

Salmeron had caught the fever in Trent, was arrested by
it at Verona, and Laynez would not leave him. They be-
lieved the prayers of Ignatius to have wrought his cure. A
letter full of affection, written by Salmeron to Ignatius, has
been preserved to the present day. Both arrived at Bologna
about the middle of April, and before the end of it they
received news of the decisive victory of Muhlberg, which
concluded the war and preserved Austria for the Church of
Rome.

IGXATIUS PROPOSES TO RESIGN HIS OFFICE. 355

At Bologna Laynez received a letter from Ignatius, ex-
pressing his desire of transferring his office of General to
Laynez, or some one else. His health, broken bj a hard life
and continued fasts, had been long very infirm ; his patience
had been greatly tried ; the attacks that have been men-
tioned seemed indeed as if they were the malice of indi-
viduals only, but many were known to share in it ; those who
desired to emancipate their evil lives from the control of
Christianity, or who secretly encouraged the new heresies,
wished to put down the Jesuits, or diminish their popu-
larity ; and all the long-suffering, judgment, and decision of
Ignatius were needed to carry him through these impedi-
ments ; but he triumphed at last. After the recantation of
Francis Ferrar we hear no more of similar accusations.
All seem to have admitted, silently at least, that the lives of
the Jesuits were blameless, their charity and teaching admi-
rable ; but it is no wonder that Ignatius desired to withdraw
from a position which exposed him to such struggles. He
had many motives for wishing to exchange his charge as
General for a retirement such as his soul loved ; he wrote in
the spring of 1547 to Laynez, then at Bologna : —

If the Company will consent to it, or only half its members, I give 1547.
yon. my voice, if it can be of any weight, and place in yonr hands,
willingly, and with great joy of heart, the charge I now hold ; and
not only I choose you as being worthy, but if you refuse, I will
name any one that you or the others may point out ; for I think, if
it were settled in this manner, it would work for the greater service,
praise, and honour of God our Lord, and for the greater spiritual
comfort of my soul, in His Divine Majesty ; and I certainly wish,
also, to speak openly, that I may be allowed to lay down this
burden and live in the practice of humility ; and as I now entirely
set aside my own small judgment, I agree, and always will agree, as
I hope, to whatever you or the Society, or a part of them, may
decide ; and whatever is so decided on, that I approve and confirm,
through these presents, which I have written with my own hand.

From deference to his wish the Fathers assembled and
put the question to the vote ; it was rejected unanimously.

The decision touched Ignatius very painfully; his disease
grew worse ; he hoped that death might bring him freedom ;
but it was not time yet ; he was wanted for the further de-

A A 2

356 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

velopment of his work ; and God, when He kept him in life,
required him to bear the yoke a little farther.

Ignatius resigned himself, and went on patiently to meet
new opponents and new cares.

The battle of Muhlberg wholly changed the aspect of
affairs. The Imperial army, worn out by long contests with
the Protestant powers, was recently diminished, as Charles
V. relates himself, because 'it happened precisely at this
time that Pope Paul, in addition to all the evil things he
had done already, . . . recalled all his Italian soldiers.' But
the consequences were in no way disadvantageous to the
Emperor, and left him greater freedom to reap the fruits of
his victory. Bobadilla was present at this battle ; he had
been removed by the Pope's Nuncio to Vienna from Cologne,
where for a long while he helped Canisius to defend the
faith against a divided people and a half-Lutheran Arch-
bishop. Then Ferdinand sent him to accompany the army
commanded by Ottavio Farnese, and the sick and wounded
were under his care ; he stimulated the religious zeal of the
soldiers, and seems himself even to have caught something
of the warrior spirit, considering doubtless this contest to be
a crusade.

On April 23 he was among the first to cross the Elbe ;
a mist rising from the river favoured Charles's troops,

April 25, and allowed them to approach close to the enemy unper-
ceived. The next day they dispersed the rebels, and took
Duke John Frederic of Saxony and Ernest of Brunswick
prisoners ; and once more Charles felt himself ' one of the
two heads of the Christian Church.' In the battle Bobadilla
fell, wounded in the head, but not severely ; in a few days
he was preaching at Passau, where the majority were Pro-
testant ; nevertheless, they did not venture to refuse the Te
Deum which Bobadilla demanded for the Imperial victory.

1548. He then proceeded rapidly through Augsburg and Cologne

to Louvain, where the college founded by Faber was begin-
ning to flourish.

Everywhere, as he went, he disputed and preached, en-
countering both Lutherans and Anabaptists, and returned 1 < >
the Court of Charles just as the Emperor was publishing the

LAYNEZ. 357

decree which excited so much praise and censure under the 1543.
title of the Interim. This was a formal permission to use
certain privileges claimed by the Protestants until the General
Council had come to a decision upon the points questioned.
Amongst them were included the marriage of priests and
the giving of the cup to the laity. Bobadilla was indig-
nant ; he announced the mo&t daring opposition, even in the
presence of the Emperor himself; and Charles, not less
indignant, ordered him to leave the Court, but he did this
not offensively, and gave him money for his journey.1 Boba-
dilla returned to Koine, and found no disapprobation at the
Vatican. The Cardinal Morone excused Charles, and dis-
suaded the Pope from making any complaint ; but Ignatius
would not allow Bobadilla to enter the house — he was dis-
pleased at the audacity with which he had bearded his
Sovereign, and proclaimed to all Christendom that the Em-
peror was but a lukewarm Catholic. Perhaps the ' spirito
infocato ' of Bobadilla had led him beyond the moderation
imposed upon the Company of Jesus, especially as the anger
of Charles might seriously affect the progress which the
Society was making everywhere in his dominions. In fact,
its enemies took advantage of this occurrence, and com-
menced those accusations so often reiterated afterwards
against the Jesuits, of dictating to rnonarchs and attempt-
ing to control their power. Yet the care Ignatius took to
avoid giving offence to the higher authorities was almost
excessive. He was once exceedingly displeased with Girolamo
Otelli, for introducing the name of the Pope too presumptu-
ously into a sermon. Otelli, declaiming against the vices of
the Horn an people, said, ' If the love and fear of God could
not control them, the Sovereign Pontiff ought to have
recourse to punishment, and drive the guilty persons from
the city.' Ignatius summoned Otelli, and asked him, ' How
many Popes are there in the world ? ' * None besides the
Bishop of Home,' replied Otelli. ' How then,' said Ignatius,
' do you presume to make mention from the pulpit of a
person so exalted, and even speak of his conduct as if you

1 The Interim was not universally pleasing to the Protestant party ; Bucer
refused to sign. In all Germany Bobadilla was the only Catholic who wrote
or s-poke openly against it.

358 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

could judge what lie ought to do ? Leave me, and consider
before God what punishment you deserve. You will come
this evening and bring me your answer.'

When Otelli returned, he threw himself at the feet of
Ignatius and gave him a paper, in which he proposed to go
through the streets of Rome, scourging himself, for many days;
to make a pilgrimage to Jerusalem barefoot ; to taste nothing
but bread and water for years ; and to submit himself to what-
ever further satisfaction Ignatius thought fit to impose.
His humility appeased his Father, who only gave him, by
way of example, some penance in the house.

1548. A more dispassionate judgment than Otelli's once offended

Ignatius in the same manner. Laynez, preaching to the
Spaniards at San Paolo, said something of the sin of
simony, which might have been thought applicable to some
recent transactions of the Pope, and this incurred a severe
reprimand.

Otelli's zeal was perhaps sometimes indiscreet, but it had
immense effect on the people, and he converted large num-
bers. When Ignatius sent him from Rome to Sicily he was
mourned for as an apostle. The day after his departure,
when Ignatius, saying the Confiteor at Mass, came to the
words ' mea maxima culpa,' an old woman called out, ' Yes,
Father Ignatius, you may well call it a sin, to deprive Rome
of so holy and useful a man as Father Girolamo.'

It was towards the close of the year 1546 that Pietro
Ferri, of Padua, a benefactor of the Company, arrived in
Rome, was seized with a fever, and after three months was
given over as djing. Ignatius visited and comforted him ;
1547. and at last told him he could never recover except through
the intercession of the Mother of God. The following night
a vision was vouchsafed to Ferri, and he awoke cured.
Ignatius came next day, knowing all that had happened.

The news of the victory of Muhlberg may possibly have
been received with less joy at Rome than at Vienna. For
Paul now had against him the Emperor, Milan and Naples,
Florence and the Medici, Genoa and the Dorias. On his
side were the Farnese family, the Orsini and Henry II.

But an unthought of and overwhelming calamity was

THE 'INTERIM.' 359

about to fall on him. On September 10, his son (or nephew),
Pier Luigi, for whom he had striven so perseveringly, and
done so much wrong, attacked in Piacenza by the Ghibelline
party, who were hostile to the Pope, and encouraged by
Gonzagua, governor of Milan, and probably by Charles him-
self, died under their blows.

Only that morning Paul had come to the Consistory in Kanke.
more than usually high spirits, 'talking of his good for-
tune,' says Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador, ' and com-
paring himself to the Emperor Tiberius.5 He believed that
Charles and Gonzagua were the real murderers; but they
declared that they intended only that Pier should be taken
prisoner, sparing his life. At least their enmity to the Pope
was now apparent ; so Paul sought the protection of France,
and desired to hasten the marriage of Orazio Farnese with
the Princess Diana.

It seems as if some compunction had now visited him, in
respect of the duchies with which he had enriched his family,
to the diminution of the territory of St. Peter, for he en-
deavoured to retrace his steps, and restore Parma to the
Church. He trusted that the docility and gratitude of his
children, of which he had often boasted, would make this
restitution easy, but, on the contrary, they now considered
themselves independent princes, refused obedience to his
orders, and helped without shame to accumulate sorrows on
his aged head.

Charles V. condoled with the Pontiff, but kept Piacenza ;
he promised him, however, a compensation of 40,000 crowns
annually.

When the Pope heard of the publication of the Interim, May is,

1548

he expected the secession of Germany would follow that of
England. He recalled the Xuncio Sfondrato, who had failed
to deter Charles from making these concessions, and re-
placed him by Bertano, Bishop of Fano, with whom he sent
Lippomani, and the Bishop of Ferrentino, empowering them
to grant large dispensations, and condescend beyond all pre-
cedent to those who wished on easy terms to be reunited to
Rome. They might re-admit heretics without a public ab-
juration ; restore monks or nuns to their Congregation, or
allow them to remain in the world, on the sole condition

360 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

of retaining, under ordinary garments, some sign of their
former profession. Under certain circumstances they might
absolve from vows; they could allow Communion in both
kinds, privately, to lay persons, if these would confess that
the contrary practice is not an error. Those who held
church property were not required, if they restored it, to pay
back the rents already received ; and many indulgences might
be granted in respect of the Lent fasts.

This was certainly more than could have been asked.
Even when the Emperor required also that the Papal envoys
should have authority to allow the marriage of monks and
nuns, and to leave the church property in the hands of those
who had taken forcible possession, Paul did not at once re-
ject the proposal, but said that he must retain such extra-
ordinary powers in his own hands ; promising to use it with
moderation, if in either case good reasons were set before him.

But the mission of the Nuncios did no more than show the
condescension of the Pope ; few applied for these indul-
gences ; those who needed them had already emancipated
themselves from all control of the Church.

Camillo The afflictions of Paul now approached their climax.

Ottavio refused to resign Parma; Orsino, placed there by
Paul, repulsed his attempts to regain possession. Ottavio,
with cruel audacity, declared he would unite his party to that
of Gouzagua, Governor of Milan, his brother's murderer, and
obtain the aid of the Imperial forces. His friends even spoke
of driving Paul from the throne, and placing Charles there,
as sovereign of Rome. When the aged Pope poured out his
griefs into the ear of Cardinal d'Este, he added, that his only
consolation now was in his nephew, the Cai-dinal Alessandro ;
he at least, Paul knew, was loving and loyal to him. But he
soon discovered that the Cardinal had taken part with the
other Farnesi. Paul, thus deserted by the whole of the
family to whom he had been the most lavish of benefactors,
went to his vigna on Monte Cavallo, where he sent for his
nephew, reproached him for his treachery, became so irri-
tated that he tore the * cardinal's cap from off his head, ;md
dashed it on the ground. The agitation was too much tor
the old man ; he survived but a few days. During his shori

1 ' 11 criuit tunt <iu'<ui

DEATH OF PIER LUIGI. 361

illness he condemned himself for his excess of paternal ten-
derness ; he repeated often these words of David : —

Si mei non fnerint dominati tune immaculatus ero, et emundabor
a delicto maximo.

He died on November 10, 1549. When his body was
opened, it was found in excellent health ; only * three drops
of clotted blood on the heart ' were supposed to show that he
had died literally broken-hearted, of indignation and grief.

The Romans, who respected him, and hated the other
Farnesi, were profoundly touched to see that his ungrateful
children had brought this woful termination to a successful
and honoured life. No Pope, for a long while, had been so
popular in Rome ; none had stood forward with such dignity
in the sight of Europe as a peace-maker between kings, and
an arbiter among hostile opinions ; none had done so much
for the internal reform of the Church. His subjects loved
him ; he possessed that polished eloquence and classic learn-
ing which the Italians prized so highly ; he was noble in his
manners, accessible, kind, and generous ; his high spirit, the
pride of his Roman descent, and his excessive desire to exalt
his own family, sometimes interfered with that wise and Ranke.
zealous patriotism which in better moments impelled his
acts ; nor can we reconcile ourselves in these days to the
hardly veiled acknowledgment of an illegitimate family,
which the laxity of clerical life in high places could not even
then excuse.1 But, with all these allowances, it is difficult
to consider Paul as he is pourtrayed even by Protestant
authorities, and yet the object of those * brutish bellowings '
with which Luther constantly attacked him, without wonder-
ing that honest or rational men should regard such a partisan
with any milder feeling than disgust.2

Paul gave proof of his sagacity and sincerity when he ad-
mitted Ignatius to a large part in Church reform ; and the
rapid advancement and wide activity of the Company of

1 Orlandini speaks of the Farnesi at Parma as 'privati, quibus fuisse
dicitur aliqua cum Romano Pontitiee necessitudo.'

2 Abbe Berthier, in his ' HLstoixe de 1'Eglise Gallicane,' says, Paul was
' plein de force et de lumiere dans les conseils, egal dans tons les evenemens,
toujours pret a recompenser le merite, amateur des lettres, humain dans ses
jugeuiens, noble dans ses manieres.'

362 ' LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Jesus were owing in a great degree to the acuteness which
discerned, and the piety which welcomed, this small army of
martyrs ready to live and die for the faith. The Jesuits lost
in him an earnest friend. But henceforward the Popes were
always conscientiously chosen ; they were men who sincerely
desired the welfare of the Church, and to the close of his life
Ignatius found always a patron in the Chair of St. Peter.

He said no more of resigning his Generalship till the
Fathers assembled in Rome for the Jubilee of 1550 ; then he
laid before them the Constitutions he had drawn up ; for, at
every step, in the forming and consolidating his Society, he
desired the aid and concurrence of its members, their assent
to what he had done, and their suggestions of improvement ;
so that the work might remain without room for alteration
when once completed, and that no differences of country,
customs, or characters, should necessitate dispensations or
exceptions, which he thought injurious, and by all means to
be avoided. Not only those who could come to Rome
(Laynez and Borgia among the rest), but those at a distance
were consulted, and at this time some trifling additions seem
to have been made. Three years after, he sent these rules
to Spain and Portugal, not as necessarily permanent, but,
as it were, upon trial ; intending that the whole should again
be examined and approved by the entire Company, which
did not happen till after his death, when the General Con-
gregation was summoned to choose his successor. Then the
Constitutions were revived, discussed, and entirely confirmed,
with profound veneration for their author. They were after-
wards presented to Paul IV., who approved and sanctioned
them without the alteration of a word.

In the meanwhile these rules were in constant operation
among the brethren, who learned them from their Father
himself. A letter from him to Laynez shows that he enjoined
certain observances to the Provincials. He orders parti-
cularly that the forty days of instruction each year should
never be omitted, remembering, perhaps, the opposition of
Bobadilla; he also enforced his directions respecting the
clothes they should wear, which, he repeated, ought to re-
semble the ordinary garb of priests, according to the country
they were in, and in no way to attract attention.

DEATH OF PAUL. 363

Laynez esteemed these rules so highly, that he said * the
Constitutions of Father Ignatius would alone suffice to re-
form and govern all the Religious Orders in the Church.'

When Faber was taken from the Company, it pleased God
to intimate to Ignatius that his loss should be compensated
by an acquisition now at hand. Francis de Borgia, long
friendly to the Society, wrote to him from G audio, that he
desired to join it, and Ignatius understanding this to be a
divine guidance, willingly accepted him. Francis had taken at
Granada a vow that, if he survived his young wife, he would
devote himself wholly to God. And now Eleanora was dead. 1-548.

At Gandia was a University whither Ignatius had sent
some students under Oviedo, to whom Borgia became much
attached. He heard from him of Ignatius ; he had written
to Rome to ask his advice on the subject of frequent commu-
nion, then a novelty, and which the Jesuits greatly practised
and recommended. But a pious mind like Borgia's would
easily be deterred by scruples of humility. They had thus
occasionally corresponded for more than a year. Perhaps
he remembered the day when, in the streets of Alcala, fol-
lowed by his lordly train, he met Ignatius led to prison ; he
earnestly desired now to make that poor prisoner his master
and guide. When the ' Spiritual Exercises ' had been ap-
proved by Paul III. he would not wait longer, but wrote to
Ignatius, praying that he might be admitted into the Com-
pany of Jesus. Ignatius answered thus : —

Most Illustrious Senor, — The resolution you have taken, which
is inspired by Divine grace, gives me great joy. ^[ay the Angels
and all the blessed spirits eternally thank God for this, in Heaven,
for we cannot sufficiently praise Him on earth for the favour He has
shown this small Society, in calling you to enter it. I hope that
His Divine providence will make your admission very advanta- ,
geous to your spiritual advancement, and that of many, who will
profit by this example. For us, who are already members of the
Company of Jesus, excited by your fervour, we shall begin anew to
serve the Divine Father who has sent us such a brother, and chosen
such a labourer for this new vineyard, whereof He has willed, un-
worthy as I am, that I should have the charge. Therefore, I receive
you at once, in the Lord's name, for our brother, and in this relation
you will always be very dear to me, as one ought to be who enters

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

into the House of God with such generosity as you have shown, in
order to serve Him perfectly. As to what you ask me, respecting
the time and manner of your public reception, after having much re-
commended the matter to God, both by myself and others, it appears
to me, that in order to acquit yourself of all obligations, the change
should be made leisurely and cautiously, to the greater glory of our
Lord. So that you may gradually arrange your affairs in such a
manner, that without any secular interference, you may, before
long, find yourself free from all impediments to your holy wishes.
To explain further, and with more detail, I think that, as your
daughters are old enough to marry, you should seek to dispose of them
according to their quality, and that you should also affiance the
marquis, if a suitable person can be found. For your other sons, it
is not sufficient that they have the protection of their elder brother,
who will possess the dukedom ; you must also leave them enough
to complete their studies in one of the Universities, and to live
suitably in the world. No doubt, if they are such characters as they
should be, and as I hope, the Emperor will favour them in propor-
tion to your services, and the friendship he has always shown you.
Moreover you ought to push on the buildings you have begun, for
I wish all your family affairs to be terminated, when your change is
made known. But as you are well grounded in letters, I would
have you apply diligently to the study of theology, and I hope this
science will be useful to you, for the service of God. I should even
like, if possible, that you should take a Doctor's degree in your Uni-
1548. versity of Gandia. But as the world cannot understand actions like

this, I would have it done privately, and remain a secret, till time
and circumstances, by the grace of God, set us at liberty. Other
things may be arranged from day to day, as they occur, and as I
shall write to you regularly I need say no more now. I wait for a
speedy answer, and I pray the Supreme Goodness to bestow on you
more and more of His Divine mercies.

The Pope gave leave for the ceremony of Borgia's admis-
sion without coming to Rome, and Araoz received his vo'ws
Fob. 1548. privately, in the chapel of his palace at Gandia. He was
now Brother Francis in the Society, but he continued in the
eyes of the world such as he was before ; administered his
large revenues, and provided for his children. A second
letter from Ignatius at this time shows his remarkable pru-
dence in counselling ascetic exercises. He writes : —

When I learned your practices in spiritual things, as well a> in
external, for the profit of your soul, I found truly a new ciuibc I'm

IGNATIUS' ADVICE TO BORGIA. 365

rejoicing in the Lord. . . . Yet as I remark, in our Lord, that some
of these are needful at one time and not at another, and . . . even
become useless, I wish to tell yon, in the presence of the Divine
Majesty, what I think on this subject, since your Lordship asks my
opinion. First, for the time you have fixed for exercises, either
interior or external, I think you might abridge half. . . . For as you
no longer want so many arms to conquer the enemy, I think, in our
Lord, that you would do better if you devote half this time to
governing your estate, to profitable conversation, and to study. . . .
But keep your soul at the same time in peace and repose, ready to
receive the communications of our Lord, for it is a great virtue and
grace when we can enjoy Him in many employments and places.
. . . Secondly, as to fasting and abstinence, I think it more for the
glory of God to preserve and strengthen the digestion and natural
powers than to weaken them ; . . . I desire then that you will con-
sider that, as soul and body are given you by God your Creator and
Master, you will have to give account of both, and for His sake you
should not weaken your bodily nature, because the spiritual could
not (then) act with the same energy. If I was pleased once to see
you fast . . . rigorously, I cannot be so in future, because I see that
this fasting and abstinence prevent the stomach from . . . even
digesting the simple aliments necessary to sustain life. I advise
you rather to eat of all permitted food, and as often as you are
hungry, giving no offence to your neighbour, for we ought to love
the body, and wish it well, when it obeys and assists the soul ; and
thus the soul has . . . more strength and energy to serve and
glorify our Creator and Master.

As to the third point — of personal penances — I desire you for our
Lord's sake to avoid drawing the smallest drop of blood. And if
hitherto you have received, as I believe, a special grace and attrac-
tion for this and all the penances I have spoken of, I do not hesitate
to assert, without giving proofs of it, that yon will do better to omit
these things in future. . . .

And St. Ignatius goes on to recommend him to seek from
God * an active faith, hope, charity, spiritual joy, and peace,
tears and consolations, the lifting up of the soul, pious im-
pressions and enlightenments, all in subordination to the
humble reverence we should have for our holy Mother the
Church and her teachers and administrators. For there is
not one of these gifts which ought not to be preferred to
any corporal acts ; which are good only as they assist to
obtain the others.' He thinks ' a sound mind in a sound

366 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

body ... is the most useful instrument wherewith to serve
God,' but he will not enter into particulars, leaving Borgia
rather to the guidance which has hitherto led him, ' for the
greater glory of the Divine Majesty.'

It was not known that the Duke had joined the Company
till an attempt to impose on him the dignity of Cardinal was
made at Rome in 1550. He lived meanwhile at Gandia,
closely allied with Oviedo, and shared the displeasure
Ignatius expressed, when Oviedo, desirous to advance his
soul's interests in solitude, asked leave to lay down for seven
years the charge of the college, and retire into a desert, near
a holy hermit, whose piety he thought would assist his own.
Francis Onfroy, a professor of the new college, desired to
accompany him. Ignatius was exceedingly wroth at this,
because the design showed a spirit quite at variance with
that of the Order of Jesus. Borgia, too, had brought from
Barcelona a Franciscan, named Texeda, who had the same
turn of mind ; and Ignatius suspected Brother Francis of
having at least not discouraged the designs of the two
Jesuits. He bade him therefore, through Polanco, send
Oviedo to Rome, and Onfroy to join Salmeron at Ferrara.
Borgia answered that he did not think this necessary, be-
cause the two religious were quite submissive ; and that he
had himself represented to Oviedo that the life to which he
had devoted himself in the Company of Jesus, did not deprive
him of the merits of the contemplative life. Ignatius would
not insist, but still angry, wrote again to Borgia on July 27 : —

If we can believe what we hear, it seems that the two Fathers B.
and C., one more and the other less, have found the desert they were
looking for, and are about to retire into another, which may prove
larger than the first, if they will not humble themselves and allow
themselves to be guided, as each ought to do, according to his
vocation. The remedies they are in need of may be supplied
to them, either directly or indirectly, by him who has the de-
termination and the power. The first of these consists in prayer
and the Holy sacrifice of the Mass, which we shall offer to the
Divine Goodness, but the others will be administered some other
way, with the help of Divine grace. Your Lordship may do much
in this case by your presence and authority. Moreover, I know
what my conscience imposes on me. I firmly believe, with no

IGNATIUS OX ASCETIC EXERCISES. 367

possibility of doubt, and I solemnly affirm before the tribunal of
Christ, our Creator and Master, Who will one day judge us for
eternity, that these Religious are wandering from the way, that
they are mistaken and misled, walking sometimes in the (right)
path and sometimes out of it, prevented by the father of lies, who
sets forward or suggests one or many truths in order to finish by an
imposture, and make us fall into it. In this conviction I pray your
Lordship, for the love and reverence of God our Lord, first to recom-
mend all this affair to His goodness ; then to observe matters atten-
tively, to watch, and take all necessary measures, not suffering any-
thing which might cause a scandal, which would be extremely
injurious to us all ; but so ordering that all may be amended, as it
may please God in all things which concern Him, and that these
Fathers may be entirely corrected, for His greater service, His praise
and His glory for ever.
Eome, July 27, 1549.

Oviedo satisfied Ignatius so well that, as we have seen, he
was nominated a bishop for Ethiopia k few years afterwards.

Wilhelni, Duke of Bavaria, in the year 1549, requested
Pope Paul III. to give him two professors of theology for
the University of Ingoldstadt, where Le Jay had taught it
long before ; and the Pope sent the Cardinals Haffei and
Santa Croce to make this known to Ignatius. He answered
that the Keligious of his Order might be more profitably
employed for the general good than in these temporary
appointments ; but if the Duke desired to do an important
service to religion, he might follow the example of the King
of Portugal, who, beginning with only two missionaries, had
established a seminary in his country from whence already
two hundred and fifty priests had issued, to carry civilisation
and religion all over his dominions. If he agreed to this,
Ignatius would gladly send two priests, as the Duke desired.

The Pope and Cardinals thought this proposal reasonable.
Duke Wilhelm accepted it, and Ignatius summoned Canisius
and Salmeron from Messina, where Canisius was professor
of rhetoric, and Salmeron of theology. At Rome Canisius
took the fourth vow.

The college of Messina had been opened the year before.
Le Jay was sent to Bavaria with the others, at the express
wish of the Duke. They were to take their Doctor's degree

368 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

at Bologna, on their way to Germany ; the title being there
much valued. They carried with them this letter from
Ignatius : —

Along with this epistle will arrive, by order of the holy Father,
the two theologians I have been asked for by letter. One is
Alphonso Salmeron, a Spaniard, the other Peter Canisius of Guel-
dres ; both called from Sicily. They are both excellent in the
integrity of their life, as in their knowledge of the sacred books
and in all learning worthy of Christian men. They are priests of
the Society known by the name and title of Jesus. Our holy
Father does not doubt that they will both entirely answer the
wishes of your Excellency ; and teach in those large provinces not
less by their lives than by their words. With them is sent Doctor
Claude (this was Le Jay), whom your Excellency asked for by
name. Although he cannot remain long, yet his assistance will
be very useful, whether for days or months, in the foundation of
this admirable and most salutary work. The college to which these
brethren belong devotes all its studies, cares, and vigilance to one
object — the amending the depraved morals of these times, and the
converting of souls, by their exemplary life, and that sort of teach-
ing or letters which shines in the pure sincere faith and most
holy precepts of Jesus Christ, and recals men's minds from the per-
nicious pleasures of indulgence to the reasonableness of good and
pious living ; from the flesh to the spirit, from the world to God.
What can be more valuable than this sound discipline, especially in
these times, and most of all in Germany, where a boar of the woods
strives to exterminate, and a singular wild beast to devour, the vine
that the right hand of the Lord planted for the confirming of good
souls in right opinions, and recalling the wandering sheep into the
fold ? Let your Excellency then receive these Fathers, worthy of
all respect, with a gracious countenance, and especially with a be-
nevolent mind ; and since it is the plan of their lives, and the rule
of their college, that they seek not their own things, but those of
Jesus Christ, and live daily on uncertain gifts, they are persuaded
they shall not want in those countries anything necessary in our
Lord Jesus Christ from your piety : most just certainly it is, that
the sowers of spiritual things should reap what is needful for the
body. It is also certainly to be hoped, there will not be wanting
some who, moved by respect for their lives, and the sanctity of their
precepts, will place themselves under the guidance of these Fathers.
If this happens, and the Lord docs not cease to visit His vineyard,
your Excellency will follow these new labourers with favour, and
rejoice when their number increases. How much grace from f Jod
Himself, our Lord, and the Holy Church will you receive, if tliis

SALMEROX AXD CAXISIU?. 369

vineyard which your Excellency cherishes, being cultivated by this
seminary, and irrigated by your great liberality, shall extend new
branches and new shoots. That it may be a principal concern of
your Excellency is what our holy Father urgently asks, whose
earnest and very pleasant hope it is, that these three brothers,
learned and worthy men, will be treated humanely and benignantly
by your Excellency, to whom I wish long happiness.

The three Fathers received their degree of Doctor of
Divinity at Bologna on October 4, and the University of In-
goldstadt welcomed them with great respect. Either there
was less jealousy in Germany than in France, or the opinions
of the sovereign were of more weight. Salmeron lectured
on St. Paul, Canisius explained St. Thomas ; they visited
the hospitals and taught the ignorant, as the Jesuits were
accustomed to do. In those days, when the indolence of the
clergy and the general indifference about education had left
the poor, the sick, and the young so much uncared for, this
condescension in men recognised as so eminent must have
greatly impressed those who saw or heard them.

Canisius was next year made Rector of the University, but
he accepted the toil only, and made over the benefices and
emoluments to others. He seems to have been fortunate in
meeting with only small difficulties, and no personal enmity.
In the archives of the town of Ingoldstadt we find him
mentioned as ' the incomparable Canisius.'

The death of Duke Wilhelm happened soon after, and
Ignatius had to announce to Albert, his successor, that the
Pope had promised to the Bishop of Yerona the help of
Salmeron in his diocese. Ignatius replaced him by Father
Schorich1 and Dr. Gaudan; and wrote to the Duke that
Gaudan, born in Flanders, might be very useful in preaching,
as well as in his professorship; he added that he would
provide the Duke with other professors, if the college were
solidly established.

But when two years passed and nothing more was done,
the Jesuits at Ingoldstadt desired to be recalled. The
Bishop of Eichstaxit remonstrated in a letter to Ignatius.
Polanco answered that the rules of the Society did not
permit the members to be fixed in one place ; and it was

1 Genelli thinks this is the same name as Storch.
B B

370 LIFE OF KiNATIl S LOYOLA.

not their custom to teach in a college where secular priests
only were trained. Ignatius was asked for professors in
other places, for which they had not members enough. At
this time many princes had testified their wish to plant and
extend the Society in their dominions; King Ferdinand,
particularly, had pressed Ignatius to send him teachers for
Vienna. He now also wanted missionaries for Augsburg,
where the Bishop of Laybach had persuaded him to found a
college, and wrote on December 11 both to the Pope and
Ignatius. In this letter he said that, seeing the good that
followed the establishment of the Jesuits everywhere, he had
resolved to build a College for them at Vienna, and mean-
while he desired two of the Society to be sent him to give

Feb. 1551. lessons of exegesis in the University. He also mentioned

Geneili. ^e Jay as one he most wished for.

Ignatius acceded ; in the summer of 1551 Le Jay repaired
to Vienna with Father Schorich; they arrived about the
end of June.

Then it was necessary to consider the method of instruc-
tion, for in Germany all taste for close and serious study
had now nearly disappeared ; there was no longer any col-
legiate body capable of forming an erudite and faithful
clergy, and it seemed useless to attempt creating a higher
standard of instruction, if the most eminent theologians
were to attract but an insignificant audience, unprepared
and without preliminary training. Yet to procure these
theologians was all that the princes seemed to think neces-
sary ; and this notion it was that caused the long delays of
Albert of Bavaria, and suggested to King Ferdinand the
message sent by him in 1551, through Le Jay to Ignatius,
'that he wished to reform the studies of the University in
such a manner that the young men educated in the provinces
might come for instruction in theology to the Jesuits of
Vienna.' Polanco wrote by Ignatius' direction to Le Jay,
' that such a scheme was ineffective ; that it would lead to
considerable mischief; that the youths whom it was intended
to train at the Universities would be unprepared ; and,
moreover, that in Germany there was a disinclination to
scholastic studies. These two causes would deprive the in-
structions thus unfavourably begun of all profit. If it was

METHOD OF INSTIUTTIOX BY THE JESUITS :)71

resolved to restore the studies of philology and philosophy at
the Universities where they had "been so long neglected, the
students must pass from four to six years before entering
on their course of theology. But the lower classes of in-
struction were not in the sphere of a University; there
remained therefore this only resource, that philosophy and
philology shall continue to be learnt as at present, and that
the Jesuits should undertake the preliminary studies, and
confide them to professors who would gradually inspire into
the young men the desire of learning theology.'

On September 22, he wrote himself to Duke Albert to the
same effect, repeating that the learners must be well pre-
pared, as well as the teachers : —

This is our plan (he says), as I have already explained to the
illustrious king of the Romans. For the languages we choose
masters capable of teaching the classics verbally, and by (the usual)
exercises, and (also) of leading them in a pious and pure life, by
preaching, by the Sacraments, and by good example. When they have
made sufficient progress, and are numerous enough, we give them a
professor of dialectics, and the following years a master in philo-
sophy. All these teachers will strive to light a spark of love for
religious doctrine in these young hearts, so that they may desire,
above all things, to learn theology, before they are allowed to enter
on it. Then, but not sooner, they will begin joyfully, and if pos-
sible, in large numbers, their theological course ; and we shall take
care to procure them masters who will lead them to a considerable
height. Thus, illustrious Prince, we may. with Divine favour, in a
few years possess many theologians, well trained both in the higher
and the lower branches of teaching, and ready to oppose innovation,
to strengthen faithful minds, preach with edification, and fill the
pastoral ministry throughout Bavaria. There will (then) be at In-
goldstadt an inexhaustible supply of pious and learned men, and its
University will nourish both in learning and virtue ; for these are
cultivated in our colleges together.

He explains that within a month he has found it difficult
to send only two Professors to Pisa and Naples, to found
colleges there ; he promises, however, to do all he can for
Ingoldstadt.

But the rumour of the withdrawal of two priests had Dec. 1551,
reached Vienna, and King Ferdinand applied to the Pope
and to Ignatius that they might be sent thither. The priests

B B 2

372 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Le Jay already there were too few for the work, and Le Jay was
Avi^ 6 besides occupied in writing a 'Manual of Theology.' He
1552- did not live to do much more than collect the materials;

and Canisius completed it.

Ignatius had no persons under him entirely suitable for
Vienna except Canisius and Gaudan, and the Pope's orders
compelled him to send them immediately ; but he promised
that they should only be lent for a while, and restored to
Ingoldstadt when the College of Vienna was sufficiently
established. He withdrew them reluctantly, for the in-
fluence of their learning and admirable lives had produced
the happiest results, and were still wanted among a people
only recently aroused from the most torpid indifference to
all religion. Canisius at first could assemble only a scanty
congregation at Mass, even on Sundays ; and of these many
entered the church just before the consecration and went
away immediately after it was over. The students were so
irregular in their habits, that Canisius was forced to dismiss
many altogether from the University, and put in prison some
who seemed less incorrigible. Duke Wilhelm's abhorrence
of the new doctrines had not kept them out of Bavaria ; and
none competent to repress them had appeared till the Jesuits
arrived in the town.

1660. Three months passed after the death of Paul III. before

his successor was chosen. The vacancy in the Holy See had
produced its usual effects in the poverty and depression of
the Roman people, and the year of Jubilee began in gloom
and distress. The Conclave meanwhile intended to do its
duty, and to choose an upright and a reforming Pope. Five
Cardinals, it was said, voted for Ignatius. When asked if
this was true, he was silent and looked on the ground, after
his fashion. The majority chose Del Monte, who had pre-
sided as Papal Commissioner in the Council of Trent. He

Feb. 8. was proclaimed in February 1550, under the name of Julius
III. His impetuous temper alarmed some ; his favour with
the Imperial party, though not personally with Charles
himself, promised well, in the opinion of others, for the peace
of Italy.

TORQUATO TASSO. 373

But Borne was not destined even to enjoy a near prospect
of peace. The Farnesi in the north, and the Spaniards in
the south, still kept alive the old dissensions ; and France
and Austria made Italy again a battle-field for their own
unappeasable quarrels. The Spanish bishops, too, intolerant
as they were of erratic opinions, were striving to appropriate
some of the privileges hitherto reserved by the Pope to
himself. Charles V., hearing of their pretensions and de-
mands, said, ' The bishops left home as parish priests, they
return pontiffs.' One cause, at least, of discord was now
easily removed ; the Council might be reassembled at Trent
without compromising the Papal authority ; the bishops
who remained there in defiance of Paul III. having dispersed
at his death. Henry II., at first adverse, gave signs of
acquiescence, and the new Pope consented to gratify Charles
by sending to him the Bull of Convocation before it was
published ; but when he desired it should be modified, so
as not to offend the Protestants, who rejected the Pope's
authority in defining and deciding on all Church questions,
Julius absolutely refused, and published it without altering
a word.

In Southern Italy new prospects of usefulness opened 1551.
before the companions of Loyola. One among their earliest
pupils in Naples was Torquato Tasso, placed with them
when he was but seven years old ; his father's house was
near their school, then governed by Oviedo. Torquato's
love of his masters and of instruction was so strong, that he
would rise before daybreak during the winter to attend the
classes, and his mother sent men with torches to escort him
in the dark. He profited so well, that three years later he
composed in Latin, both prose and verse, and knew some-
thing of Greek. From the first he was always grave and
studious, never needing to be stimulated or reproved. He
learned also something better than languages ; and, long
years after, writing from his imprisonment at Sant' Anna to
Jacopo Buoncompagno, Rector of the Jesuits at Ferrara, to
ask his intercession with the Duke, Torquato describes his
First Communion at the altar of the Jesuits in Naples, and
the profound and joyous devotion with which he received

374 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

into his earthly body the Divine and Sacramental Body of the
Son of God.

From Naples, where they had been known for some years
past, the Jesuits had lately spread into other towns ; and
wherever they went they were beloved.

Juan de Vega, Viceroy of Sicily, and his wife Eleanora
asked of Ignatius that one of his Company might be sent
to reside with them and assume the office of Confessor.
They were then at Palermo, and Ignatius sent Domenech,
lately returned from Bologna. He, aided cordially by the
Viceroy, established orphanages ; enforced the decree of
Innocent III. respecting physicians; procured merciful re-
forms in the laws concerning debtors ; introduced the use
of the catechism, then a novelty, in places of education ;
brought back several convents both of men and women to
their strict rule ; forbade the irreverent custom of walking
about in the churches, and restored solemn worship and fre-
quentation of the Sacraments. Some while after he spread
these good works to other towns ; and the people of Messina
established a college there.

Nadal was sent from Eome to open it. Nine others accom-
panied him, who had spontaneously chosen him to be their
leader. He began with the humility and caution enjoined on
all the Society. To pacify the native Doctors in a discussion
about precedence, he settled it by taking the lowest place, and
used but half the Papal privileges he had brought with him. '
1548. About the same time Cardinal Alessandro Farnese desired

that Laynez might visit his archbishopric of Monreale, and
reform it as he judged proper. Laynez worked hard and
achieved much ; he was welcomed by the clergy and the
convents, and restored peace between the Chapter of Palermo
and the monks of San Severino; he drew up regulations
which were accepted by both parties, and confirmed by the
Cardinal. After this Palermo, desiring to have a college of
the Company, and the Viceroy urging this request, Ignatius
Bent Bibadeneira, who had been recalled to Rome from his

1 About three years later Nadal offered to go with Antonio Doria to aid
the Christians in Africa ; his ship was wrecked in a storm on the island of
Lampadosa. Nadal, thrown by the waves on a rock, clung to it till one of
Doria's vessels coming near saw him and threw him a rope.

POLAXCO'S DISCOVERY. 375

studies at Padua, after four years. He brought two Scho-
lastics with him. On their journey through Florence he fell End of
ill, and a kind physician received all three into his own house,
where his wife carefully nursed Pedro during seventeen days.
After this they started again for Koine, and in six days
arrived at the Gesu, ' where we were received,' says Pedro,
' by St. Ignatius with that sweet charity which Thou, O God,
didst give him for all his children, but especially for me.'
There Pedro heard that he was to join the new college at
Palermo. The importance of the town made this a con-
siderable establishment, and it was opened on November 25,
in the presence of the Court. Laynez pronounced a splendid
oration on ' the alliance of science with religion ;' and Ri-
badeneira, in the afternoon, explained the designs of the
Society. He was moderator of the studies and professor of
rhetoric.1

On the Feast of the Annunciation, in 1549, two members,
much loved by Ignatius, were admitted to take the fourth
vow ; Emmanuel Miona and Polanco : the latter of whom
had been two years his secretary, and never lost that en-
viable office.

This was the time when the death of Codace having left
the house in extreme poverty, which was aggravated by the
state of Rome and the consequent lack of benefactions, an
accident occurred, believed by the companions of Ignatius
to be a miraculous answer to his prayers. Polanco, diving
almost by chance into some papers lying in a chest which
stood open, filled with old scraps and rubbish, found a paper
rolled up, in which was a large sum of money, in coin newly
minted. This all the household regarded as a prodigy.

When Laynez arrived at Palermo, in February, he was
appointed to preach the Lent, in a church near the Viceroy's
palace, but falling ill, he was sent to rest at Monreale.

He employed his time amongst the new establishments of
the Society in Sicily, which the Viceroy, King Philip, and
the Emperor warmly protected. That of Messina began
two years before, and in the first year they had collected many
scholars, under twelve Fathers, of whom only two were

1 Lannoy was named Rector and professor of theology ; Paolo Achille,
minister and teacher of philosophy.

376 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Sicilians, the rest being all of different countries and
tongues, whom Bartoli describes in the words of St. Augus-
tine—'They made most sweet harmony, being different but
not discordant,' for though using many languages, they
spoke with but one heart. The same testimony was given
afterwards by Luigi Strada, a holy monk of St. Bernard —
* What I have seen in this Company of Jesus is very
wonderful, and seems to me a Divine enchantment ; men
different in origin, country, and race, young and old, all so
conformed in character, that they have, in truth, one mind
and one soul.'

From Sicily as from Germany Ignatius would have letters
sent him every week ; he desired to know thoroughly, and
guide carefully, with a paternal and anxious jurisdiction,
those who were distant from him.1 He watched over the
novices, and was displeased when he heard that their Supe-
rior allowed them to follow the same rule as the Fathers, in
diet and rest. He desired that the custom which he had
established elsewhere should be observed, and before Lent
began, a physician was to be sent for and consulted as to
what would be safe and salutary for each.

The college of Messina rapidly increased and prospered.
Many letters came from Jacopo Lostio, its Eector, to Igna-
tius, relating conversions and acquisitions ; but when these
diminished, and at last Lostio's weekly report was only a
humble confession that he had nothing to tell, Ignatius
kissed the letter, and said he valued its simplicity and sin-
cerity as much as if it had told him great news.

The Company of Jesus had always worked in Africa. Juan
Nunez, who was afterwards Patriarch of Ethiopia, and
Luis Gonsalez passed some years in Fez and Morocco,
striving to procure ransom for the Christians carried into
captivity, or consoling those whom they could not redeem,
and reclaiming the unhappy renegades whom the Moham-
medans had driven to renounce their faith. But Gonsalez

1 It is a remarkable proof of the blameless life and character of Ignatius,
that this vigilance has been quoted against him ; so impossible it was to
find any fault, that the enemies of his Order censured his good deeds in-
stead.

THE INDULGENCES GRANTED BY JULIUS HI. 377

had now charge of the novices in Borne, and Nunez being
required for the mission to Ethiopia was sent to Portugal.

A new chance of usefulness seemed opening in the crusade
planned by the Emperor against the Infidels. Dragut at
that time swept the Mediterranean from shore to shore,
carrying a broom at his mast-head, and he bore off many
prisoners from the coasts of France and Italy. Charles V.,
warned by former disasters, prepared another expedition,
with more precaution, and less contempt of his adversaries
than before. Juan de Vega was to be its leader ; and wish-
ing that Laynez should accompany him, he obtained his
request.

He left part of his troops at the island of Algates, and
then went on to Africa. On landing, Laynez first set him-
self to establish a hospital ; for the men sickened and died
in such numbers under the hot African sun, that at one time
between two and three hundred lay together waiting for
burial. "With his own hands he gave the medicines for the
sick, watched by them during the night, heard their confes-
sions, and prepared them for death.

For the success of this expedition, Ignatius ordered that
the Holy Sacrifice should be offered by all his Society ; and
he procured from the Pope a participation for the army in
the privileges of the Jubilee of 1550.

Ignatius asked this also for his children in India, the
Brazils, Congo, and Africa, and begged the Pope to say
what were to be the conditions of the indulgences ? Julius
answered : ' I make this condition only, that you and your
Society shall exercise all my authority in all those parts of
the world, and order whatever you think proper for gaining
the indulgences.' When Ignatius humbly thanked him, and
told him some good news of their successes in India, Julius
wept for joy, and said ' they were beyond measure dear to
him.' He extended these favours also to other places in
Europe where the Society was known, and sustained the
peculiar privileges of the Jesuits during the Holy Year,
though such grants were commonly suspended among the
Religious Orders.

Ignatius announced the indulgences of the Pope to the
army in the following letter : —

378 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Ignatius of Loyola, General of the Company of Jesus, to the illus-
trious lords, to the noble and brave captains and soldiers, and all
the Christians who are making war in Africa against the Infidels,
protection and grace of Jesus Christ our Lord, and in Him eternal
life. The excellent Lord Juan de Vega, Viceroy of Sicily, and head
of this holy expedition, having written to ask me, in name of himself
and the whole army, to entreat our holy Father the Pope Julius III.
to open to you, who are detained in heathen lands, and fighting for
the glory of Christ and the exaltation of our holy faith, the Jubilee
which he offers those who visit Rome and certain churches there ;
his Holiness, in virtue of his apostolic benevolence, has joyfully
granted you this favour. You must therefore repent and confess, so
that you may fight against the enemies of the Holy Cross with so
much greater zeal, courage, and determination, as you find more of
the liberality of the most Holy God towards you, and of the Church
His Spouse. Thus you will derive most precious fruits from this
war, whether victory in combat, or eternal happiness to those who
die after obtaining pardon for their sins. So, to announce this
assent to you, I thought it right, in the Lord, to send you this letter,
and sign it with the seal of our Society. Given at Rome, 7th of the
Ides of July,1550 (that is, the 9th of July).

This was announced to the army with, sound of trumpet.
Laynez exhorted all to share in the Pope's bounty, and the
men filled the Confessionals night and day. His address to
the army before they engaged was the following : —

It is fit that you should remember, soldiers, how different our
weapons are from those of the enemy. They fight for plunder and
vainglory and wider dominions, we take up arms for the pure love
of Christ, ready to brave all dangers, and spill our blood to defend
our altars and our homes. Great things are done by courage and
strength ; but we must confide not in these alone, but in the protec-
tion of God, on Whom victory depends. You must fight, indeed, and
bravely, but in camp you must behave as pious Christians ; for it
would be wicked indeed, if, while fighting against the enemy, you
were also to wage war against the Omnipotent God. You will make
Him propitious to you, if you add goodness and piety to your valour in
war. Therefore, it is not for wealth and plunder that you should fight,
as the barbarians do, but for the greater glory of God, which should
be always before your eyes. So that the pacification of the world
and the general safety of our people may be effected by your arms.

Tunis was taken on August 10, and Laynez performed
mass in a mosque now consecrated to St. John the Baptist.

LAYNEZ. 379

Laynez practised the moderation he taught, and though
he shared largely in the honours given to the successful
army on their return to Europe, he would accept no reward.
Elearjora, Duchess of Tuscany, asked the Pope to send him
to Pisa. There, at the Benedictine church, he preached with
his wonted success ; and Pisa not long after had a college of
the Society.

In the course of that year Laynez went again to Padua ;
the college was highly successful, and continued to pour out
a stream of learned and pious men. Paschase Brouet, who
was the first Provincial chosen for the work of Italy, seemed
wanted in France, and Cardinal de Guise asked for him.
Ignatius despatched him thither, in 1552; he remained till 1552.
his death — ten years later. Laynez, named to fill his place in
Italy, remonstrated and said he wished to decline all authority,
until he himself had learned better how to obey. Ignatius
insisted ; but no sooner had Laynez entered on his office, than
he showed he had rightly appreciated his besetting sin. He
was annoyed that Ignatius removed all the best professors to
his Eoman College, leaving the other parts of Italy but in-
sufficiently provided. Ignatius answered, it was important to
the Society that it should appear in its greatest eminence at
Borne ; besides, that the College there, both for the numbers
and the rank of its scholars, deserved the best teachers. Lay-
iiez, bound by his vows of obedience to acquiesce in this reite-
rated decision, nevertheless again argued and complained.

Ignatius sent him by Polanco a severe reproof.

Polanco writes : —

This letter you must not, my Father, consider as coming from
(me) your Reverence's son, — for that I am as Polanco, since I owe
you all love and esteem, — but as from the instrument or the pen of
our Father, who has ordered me to write to you what it contains.
He desired, indeed, some short time ago that I should write it, but
when he heard that you suffered from fever, he delayed it until now
that you are recovered. Our Father is not a little displeased with
you, and all the more as the faults of those whom he loves are the
more painful, coming from those where he least expected it. He
has, therefore, bidden me write to you in respect of several things,
so that you may be conscious of them, and not go on, but rather
amend yourself; and this will be speedy and easy to you, having
such good will as God our Lord has given yon.

380 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Polanco then mentions three points in which he is blame-
Genelli. worthy ; but as they refer to names and circumstances no
longer interesting, we will add only the conclusion :—

This dictatorial way of writing, which, becomes no one towards a
Superior, he does not approve ; rather, he bids me tell you, you
shou]d consider your own charge, and if you fulfil it as you ought,
you do no small thing; but you had better take no other burden
upon you : whereas you give him counsel respecting his own business,
which he only desires to receive when he asks it of you, and less
now than before you entered on your own charge, for, in conduct-
ing it, you have not given him a great opinion of your fitness to
rule. Consider these faults before God our Lord, and pray there-
upon three days, and after that write whether you recognise these
faults or mistakes, and decide the penalty which you think you
have incurred, and send this in writing ; but you are to accomplish
none till you have received our Father's answer.

Laynez answered from Florence, that he had many times
read the last letter of Ignatius, and that he found in it
abundant cause both to admire his paternal charity and
praise the mercy of God, and to humble himself and be
ashamed of his shortcomings. He prayed Ignatius not to
spare him such salutary reprimands, and recognised these
great faults in his conduct — that he had been heedless and
vain enough to oppose his small judgment to that of a man
so enlightened, that he had caused grief to his Superior, and
had attempted to disturb the order of Providence in with-
drawing from the ways God had appointed for him.

As for the chastisement I deserve (he added), having reflected
during these latter days that it is now more than twenty years
since I engaged myself to serve God according to the evangelic
precepts ; that I have had so much assistance, and profited so little
by it, and that perhaps my life is not far from its close, I was
seized with an ardent desire to die entirely to myself, that I may
live for God only ; and it appeared to me, that if men knew what I
am, they would treat me as one wholly miserable and worthless.
Therefore, my Father, when the letter from your Reverence was
given me, I set myself to prayer, and having prayed with many
tears, which seldom happens to me, this is what I decided, and de-
clare to you now, with tears in my eyes. I wish that your Rever-
ence, to whom I submit myself and resign myself entirely ; I wish,
I say, and pray you, by the mercies of our Lord Jesus Christ, that
to punish my sins, and conquer my untamed passions, which are
their source, you withdraw me from all command, preaching, and

JOHN BAPTIST VIOLA. 381

study, leaving me no book but my breviary ; that you make me
come to Rome, begging all the way, and there employ me till I die
in the lowest services of the house. Or, if I am not fit for that,
command me to pass the rest of my days in teaching the first ele-
ments of grammar, taking no notice of me, and regarding me always
as the outcast of the world.

Then, if the Father did not agree to this proposal, he
offered to endure the same probation for a limited time, as
for two or three years, or as long as Ignatius thought fit.
If this offer also was refused, he proposed other penances
and that every time he had to write to the General, he
should first pray, and meditate on what he intended to write,
and afterwards read it over, taking care to say nothing that
could grieve his good Father, and striving only to give him
pleasure. But Ignatius, satisfied with so much humility,
set him to a task more profitable to the world. He bade
him compose a Summary of Theology, which should serve
as an answer to the Lutherans ; and to seciire him leisure,
he gave him as assistants in visiting the colleges of Italy,
Martin Olave, who had known Laynez at Trent, before he
entered the Order, and John Baptist Viola, once Rector of
the Jesuits in Paris. Viola was over-anxious, and when
his unceasing activity was less successful than he desired,
he took his failures too much to heart. Ignatius bade him
keep his mind in peace, and imitate the Guardian Angels,
who watch and serve us, but lose no tranquillity when their
care is made useless by the perversity of man.

Ignatius retained his high value for Laynez as long as he
lived. He once said there was no member of the Company
to whom it was so much indebted, and he considered bim
his greatest treasure. And this opinion had considerable
weight in the decision which made Laynez the second
General of the Order.1

On May 1, in the year following the accession of Julius 1551.
ILL, the prelates were summoned to meet a second time at
Trent. Cardinal Crescenzi, just ordained to the priesthood, Marcello
who said his first Mass at the opening of the Council, was C^8**?21"'
its president; the Nuncios were Pighini, Archbishop of Pighini,

1 The expression quoted by Padre Flavia is very strong, ' Solia dezir que
era tl todo de la Compaftia.'

382 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

bishop of Manfredonia, and Lippomani, Bishop of Verona, one of the
family who had so much loved Ignatius and his companions.
But those who hoped that peace would come with time
and change were disappointed. The unhappy nepotism of
Paul III. had bequeathed an inheritance of perplexity to his
successor. Cardinal del Monte, some months before, made a
promise to Paul that, if raised to the throne, he would give
back Parma to Ottavio Farnese ; and now, when his clergy
remonstrated he said, * I would rather be a poor Pope,
with the character of a true gentleman, than rich, under the
reproach of services forgotten and promises unfulfilled.' l

But Charles V. coveted Parma, and Henry II. demanded
it for his son-in-law Orazio : it seemed likely to be a cause
of lasting discord and embarrassment to the Council and to
Italy. Henry refused to send an ambassador or bishops
to Trent while his demand for Parma was resisted. The
secretary of the embassy at Venice, Abbe de Bellosane, was
commissioned to make a representation to the Council, and
he had some difficulty in obtaining an audience. One of the
emissaries of Charles V. at Trent was Martin Olave, who,
when Ignatius entered Barcelona, in fashion of a mendicant,
more than twenty years before, was the first person who gave
him alms. He resided sometimes in the court of Charles
as Chaplain ; he had a wish to go to India, and wrote to
ask the advice of his friend Polanco, who said he had better
first come to Rome. This offended Olave. He fancied they
wanted him to enter the new Society, and he had an extreme
prejudice against it. He resolved to break off altogether
with the Jesuits. But so strong an attraction seemed to
follow this obstinate aversion, that at Trent he sought out
Laynez and Salmeron, and then by their advice went to

1/552. Eome. He entered the Society, and was the first of its
members who taught the theology of St. Thomas.2

1 Doubtless such incidents ns these caused Pius V. to make that decree
against alienating church property of which Pio Nono has been reminded so
often.

2 lie remembered with compunction the dislike and misrepresentations of
his earlier days; he sometimes said, 'Me miserum ! quia earn nimis din
ignorans fngi! Sfepe etiam de eadem detraxi.' 'Alas for me! I have kept
aloof from the Society so long; I have even often spoken ill of it.' (How
many, if they were honest, might say the same !)

THE COCXCIL OF TRENT. 383

The Council proceeded as formerly, treating of dogma in
the morning and discipline in the afternoon. They took
first the Sacraments and the duty of residence in bishops.
Laynez and Salmeron attended the Legates as they had
done before, and their reception at Trent -was highly honour-
able. The Legates, the Bishop of Trent, and others desired
to lodge them in their houses, and Lippomani wrote to
Ignatius — ' If I were not bound to submit to our Sovereign
Pontiff, I should complain of the Fathers Laynez and Sal-
meron, who have placed themselves in another lodging than
mine ; for my house is at their service, and that of all your
holy Company.'

On September 8, called on to open the debate as theo-
logians of the Holy See, they used the exceptional privilege
granted them of speaking tliree hours at a time. Laynez
began by humbly expressing his regret that he was obliged
to speak before he had heard the opinions of so many illus-
trious men. Then, taking up the subject of discussion, he
showed briefly the wisdom of the Council, ordering him to
draw his proofs from Scripture, Tradition, the Councils, the
Apostolic Constitutions, the ancient Fathers, and the consent
of the Catholic Church. For the heretics, he said, who claim
to speak from Scripture only, see it under the shadow of
their passions, and pervert its meaning. Scripture must be
our guide, and not our instrument. He then added this
announcement, which filled his hearers with admiration, that
he intended to quote no writer whose works he had not read
entirely through, and that in each he had compared all the
passages relating to the subjects they intended to consider.
Laynez quoted thirty-six authorities, from which he repeated
long extracts by memory, not displacing, it was said, a
single word.1 His enunciation was so imposing, his voice
and his eloquence so impressive, that he charmed his learned
audience ; and in the evening, when Salmeron had spoken,
those bishops who had not heard these two in the former
sessions, said this was a bright day in their lives. Foscarari,
Bishop of Modena, wrote afterwards : — ' The Fathers Laynez
and Salmeron have splendidly supported our side against

1 One of these was Alphonse Tostat, whose works fill twenty-five folios.
Bellavmine calls him the wonder of the world.

384 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

the Protestants, respecting the Eucharist. I think myself
fortunate in living in an age when I can see and hear these
Fathers, who are as learned as they are good.'

The president Crescenzi took Laynez for his counsellor,
and advanced nothing without his advice. Laynez had been
ill for months past ; but Crescenzi would not part with him
to rest two or three weeks at Yerona ; he expected daily the
arrival of some Protestant disputants, and desired they
should be met at once by this formidable antagonist. But
as his ailment was at that time a quartan fever, the prelates
agreed that they would not meet on the days on which it
seized him, or would only transact matters of small impor-
tance. The questions concerning the Sacraments were re-
sumed. De Montfort, Imperial ambassador, urged that the
two points on which the Protestants seemed most determined
— marriage of the priesthood and Communion in both kinds —
should not be considered till the Lutheran deputies arrived ;
and this request was acceded to.

Hitherto, though the ambassadors of the Elector of Bran-
denburg and Duke of Wurtemberg were present, and also
the Greek Archbishop of Thessalonica, no Protestant theo-
logians had taken part in the discussion. Charles V. called
on them to appear, and Melanchthon, by desire of Maurice
of Saxony, drew up ' the New Confession of Augsburg,' which
was to be presented to the Council as a statement of the
Lutheran faith. All the Protestant cities sent deputies ;
Sleidan,1 the dishonest historian of the Council, who has
misrepresented so many details of its proceedings, came from
Strasburg. In November all entered quietly into Trent, not
waiting on the presidents to announce themselves. But, by
order of Julius III., they were treated with civility. ' For,'
said he, ( a good father must show much forbearance to his
children to draw them back gently to their duty.' Maurice
Jan. 7, of Saxony deferred the arrival of his envoys till January
1552, wishing to gain time. When they appeared, they
were in the utmost degree friendly and respectful with
the Imperial ambassadors, and on January 21 they spoke
in the Congregation. They demanded — 1st, a more ample

1 He wrote, says Maimbourg, 'avec assez de politesse et tres-pcu de
since" rite".'

SAFE-CONDUCT TO PROTESTANTS. 385

safe-conduct for the Protestant theologians, because the
Council of Constance had declared, they said, that faith was
not to be kept with heretics ; 2nd, that no new decrees
should be published till these theologians had been heard ;
3rd, that the previous decrees should be discussed over again;
4th, that the Fathers should, after the examples of Constance
and Basle, declare the Council independent of the Pope;
5th, that the Bishops should be relieved from the oath they
had taken to the Holy See. The Protestant deputies then
retired ; the Fathers, forewarned and instructed by the Pope,
answered with extreme moderation. On the day when the Jan. 25.
next session opened, they promised a safe-conduct, which
was actually given in the most ample form.1

The Council then proceeded to other points. They agreed
to postpone till the arrival of the Protestants the discus-
sions on Justification and some other disputed questions.
They declared the present Council to be legitimate and (Ecu-
menic ; they affirmed the Supremacy of the Pope, as Sove-
reign and Judge ; and they asserted that, were the oaths
they had taken to the Holy See remitted, this would make
no difference in their obligation to defend what they thought
right and truth, even with their lives.

When the subject of the Blessed Sacrament was brought
forward, the large majority of the Fathers, supporting the
authority of the Church in giving Communion to the laity
only in one kind, decided that equal grace was received
under one species as under both.2 But three theologians,
of whom Melchior Cauo was one, maintained that he who
communicates in both kinds receives the greater grace.

In consequence, those points of the decree drawn up which
related to the participation of the Cup and to marriage of
priests were withdrawn, and left for future discussion.

1 It cannot be said that the mistrust of the Protestants was entirely un-
reasonable. The Fathers of Trent declared, it had never been asserted that
faith need not be kept with heretics, but only that a safe-conduct granted by
the civil power was not binding on the ecclesiastical. Yet if John Husa
and Jerome of Prague were condemned to death, in spite of their safe-con-
duct, it certainly was but small consolation to them to know that some
plausible pretext had been found for evading it.

2 Melanchthon, like Luther, and many other Reformers, approved the

C C

386 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

But suddenly the storm burst which, was to disperse the
Council, and banish the slight remaining hope of recon-
ciliation, now crashed in the dismemberment of the Empire.
Maurice of Saxony turned against the Emperor, for whom
he had fought at Muhlberg. He had not concealed his de-
signs so well but that the Duke of Alva warned Cardinal
Granvelle of his treachery. Granvelle answered, ' A drunken
German head can form no scheme which I cannot easily dis-
cover and counteract.' He was persuaded he could deceive
Maurice, who, on the contrary, deceived him. And one
evening, when Charles was about to sit down to supper at
Innspruck, an alarm was given that the Elector with a hostile
army was already within the walls. Charles, suffering under
an attack of gout, could not sit on his horse, but was placed
in a litter, and had scarcely time to fly, leaving his supper
to Maurice and his officers. The night fortunately was dark,
and it rained hard ; this favoured his escape, and he reached
Villach, in Carinthia, in safety,1 by mountain paths, lighted
sometimes by torches of straw. There he was so poor, that
he was forced to borrow 200,000 crowns from Cosmo de'
Medici, giving Piombino as a security. Sierma rose, and
expelled the Spanish garrison.

After this, Trent was no longer a safe residence for the
Fathers, and on March 8 they dissolved the Council. Cres-
cenzi, already very ill, lived only three days after he reached
Verona. And the illustrious Council of Trent did not resume
its labours till ten years later.

On the Christmas morning of the year of Jubilee, after
his second Mass, Ignatius was suddenly seized with a severe
illness; he thought himself about to be set free, but he
recovered in great measure, and all danger seemed over,
leaving him suffering and weak.

On January 30 he sent a sealed letter, written in Spanish,
to the Fathers, whom he had assembled to receive it. These
were the contents : —

Koman usage. Ferdinand, King of the Romans, and the Duke of Bavaria,
both wished the Cup to be conceded.

1 It was the night between the 22nd and 23rd of May. Maurice entered
Innspruck on the morning of the 23rd, and found that he was a few hours
too lute.

ILLNESS OF IGNATIUS. 387

To my dearest Brothers in our Lord, of the Company of Jesus, —
What I have considered and judged best for the greater praise and
glory of the Divine Majesty, being uninfluenced either by any in-
ward or outward bias, and after pondering for many months and
years, I will now declare, as in the presence of my Creator and Lord,
Who will one day judge me for eternity — according to truth, and
free from all disquiet. When I regard my many sins and failings,
my many weaknesses of soul and body, I have often arrived at the
full conviction that I want infinitely, so to speak, the force necessary
to bear this burden of the Society, which they have laid upon me.
Therefore, I wish the matter to be well considered, in our Lord, and
another to be chosen, who may fill this place of governing the
Society better, or at least less ill than myself, and that I may make
over this charge to him. And not only is this my wish, but I have
also sufficient reason to judge, that it ought to be made over even to
one who would do only as well as myself, not merely to one who
would do better, or not so ill. After considering all this, I now lay
down my charge, and renounce it, without reserve or condition, in
name of the Father, and the Son. and the Holy Ghost, One God, and
my Creator. I pray and conjure the Professed, with all my soul, in
the Lord's name, and also those whom they may think proper to
join to themselves in this consultation, that they will accept this,
my proposal, which is justified in the presence of the Divine Majesty.
And if among those who have to decide on this there should arise
any difference of opinion, I pray them, for the love and honour of
God our Lord, that they will earnestly recommend the matter to
the Divine Majesty, that His most holy will may be done, to His
greater honour and the general good of souls and of the whole
Company, so that all may be for ever directed for His greater and
Divine praise and glory.

The Fathers received this letter with great emotion.
Andrea Oviedo, in his simple reverence for the suggestions
of one whom he looked upon as a saint, thought that -what-
ever Ignatius desired should be done. The others were
unanimous that they would never suffer any one else to be
their General while he lived; and they sent this message
formally to their beloved Father; separately too each en-
treated him not to abandon them.

He became again dangerously ill ; the hope of a speedy
admission into the presence of his Lord filled him with such
joy, that his agitation exhausted him, and the physicians
enjoined him to indulge his mind but sparingly with these

c c 2

388 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

subjects. Ignatius, watchful to practise obedience when-
ever he could find an opportunity, complied with this restric-
tion, and recovered. It was often said that in his fragile
form the spirit wore out the body. Once the physicians
prescribed to him perfect repose of mind, and bade him turn
away his thoughts from anything that could distress him.
This set him thinking, as he told Gonsalez, what could
possibly grieve him ; and he thought he should be sorry if
his Society were destroyed and suddenly came to an end.
' But even then,' said he, * I think that in a quarter of an
hour I should be quite reconciled.' When he was very ill
and suffering much pain, a dying man wanted to confess to
him. Upon this being told to Ignatius, though quite unfit
to go, and though the other Fathers were very urgent to be
sent in his place, he got up, went to the sick man, and
passed the night with him. These frequent maladies of
the Saint were times of great edification to those near
him; his soul seemed then pouring itself out in a joy-
ful communion with God. He said sometimes, the more
faults he committed the more favours were granted him ;
and he thought himself the only man in the world who
united such sins and such graces. In his joyful humility
they heard him exclaim, ' 0 God, how infinitely good Thou
art to bear with a miserable sinner like me ! ' He found in
the mere thought of God an inestimable source of grace,
and told some one that he never spoke of God with any per-
sons, even if great sinners, without learning and gaining
something.

When Ignatius was at Alcala he had received great kind-
ness from Mencia de Benevente, who after his departure fell
into great poverty. Ignatius hearing of this, wrote to Villa-
nova, Rector of the college newly started there, and desired
him to assist this good man. The college was so poor, that
the Fathers wanted coverings to their beds, and had only
their cloaks to throw over them during the winter nights.
When they received the injunction of Ignatius, they every
day, at dinner and supper, set a plate in the middle of
their table, into which each Father, beginning with the
Rector, put a part of his own portion of food.

SILICEO. 389

The college was begun in 1545, and the teaching and ex-
hortations of the Jesuit Fathers had in two months collected
thirty young men around them, who desired admittance into
the noviciate; its numbers constantly increasing, though
very poor, because the funds were not proportionate, it had
gone on working in peace, to the satisfaction apparently of
all the world, when suddenly the Archbishop of Toledo, Juan 1551.
Siliceo, without explanation or visible cause, suspended them
from the sacerdotal functions, albeit they exercised these by
the powers granted them from Rome. Some priests of his
diocese, zealous but ignorant men, had adopted practices
which were supposed to be those of the Theatines, as the
Jesuits were called at Alcala. They allowed Communion
twice a day, and other singularities, which doubtless had
something to do with Siliceo's hostility. An account of this
incident remains in the handwriting of Polanco, dictated by
Ignatius. The Archbishop charged his Vicar at Alcala to
publish in all the churches a decree which forbade, on pain
of censure, all the priests of the Society to preach, confess,
or administer any Sacrament, or even to say Mass.

The Jesuits heard of this decree only a short time before
it was published, and immediately took the necessary steps
with the Grand Vicar, showing the powers they had received
from the Pope. The Vicar was well disposed towards them,
asked a copy of this document, and sent it by a courier to
the Archbishop. But he, not at all moved, ordered the de-
cree to be proclaimed from all the pulpits a second time.
The Superiors sent an account of this proceeding to Igna-
tius, and applied at the same time to the Royal Council of
Castille. The Council ordered all the ministers of the King
in Spain to support the Company, and charged the Governor
of Toledo to communicate to the Archbishop the apostolic
privileges of the Order. In consequence of this, the Jesuits
who had left Alcala returned, presented the decree to the
Chapter, and obtained ready permission to resume their
functions in the cathedral. But neither the decree of the
Council nor letters from very high personages made any im-
pression on the Archbishop ; he was only the more angry.
In this extremity Ignatius was forced to have recourse to
Julius HI., praying him to come to their assistance in any

300 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

manner he judged fit. Julius proceeded gently ; lie caused
his secretary, Cardinal Maffei, to write a representation to
the Archbishop, and to Cardinal Poggi, Legate in Spain.
When the draft of the letter to the Archbishop was pre-
sented by Maffei to the Pope, he inserted this sentence with
his own hand: — 'And also, that this Community is so murh
loved, esteemed, and cherished, at this time, in all Chris-
tendom.' These admonitions were all wasted on Siliceo,
who yielded at last only to some threats from Cardinal Poggi
of an absolute rupture with the Court; then, with no ex-
pressions of regret, or of any change of opinion, he ordered
the clergy of Alcala to announce from the pulpits that he
should visit with ecclesiastical punishment any one who
troubled the priests of the Society of Jesus in the functions
they were exercising by authority of the Pope.

Ignatius had foreseen this result; and from the beginning
he had said to Eibadeneira, * This hostility is a blessing to
us, since we have not deserved it : our Lord will produce
much fruit by us in Spain, for we have always done most
good where we have suffered most ; the Archbishop is old,
our Community is young, and must naturally survive him.'
When he heard that the difference was appeased, Ignatius
wrote his thanks to the Archbishop, the Legate, and King
Philip. In a letter to Villanova he desired him not to use
the privileges of the Community without permission of the
prelate ; and this was in conformity with a rule that he, like
St. Francis Xavier, thought indispensable — never to oppose
existing authority. He believed and taught that more and
better victories are obtained by concession than by conquest.

To Villanova he wrote thus : —

Considering that the weapons of spiritual graces granted by the
Holy See to our Community produce more fruit for the good of souls
when used in a conciliatory spirit and in concert with their own
pastor, and that this precept should especially be observed in the
Archbishopric of Toledo, when the prelate, as I do not doubt, will
approve all that is done for the glory of God our Lord, I think I
ought to recommend to you, by these presents, that you should
depart in nothing from what you see to be according to his views,
whether respecting preaching or giving the Sacraments, and the
other assistances in the wants of our neighbour. So, in the hope

SIMON RODRIGUEZ. 391

that the lord Archbishop will be your father and lord, and help you
in all that may serve for the increase of our Company and the glory
of God, I will not have any person in the whole kingdom received
into the Community against the wish and opinion of his Lordship ;
and this I enjoin you to see to, and yon must take care that it is
enforced.

June 1, 1552.

Ignatius comforted his brethren by assuring them an Arch-
bishop would one day be appointed whose favour would exceed
the hostility of Juan Siliceo ; and it was granted to him to see
this happen, in the last year of his life. For Siliceo died,
and his successor, Gaspar Quiroga, came to Rome, and there
showed the greatest ad mi ration for Ignatius, and delight in
conversing with him. He rejoiced that the Company of Jesus
was established in his diocese, and helped to spread it there.

But much greater and more lasting than those external
troubles were the hindrances caused in Portugal by Simon
Rodriguez, who, with excellent intentions, had introduced
among his people certain ideas and practices not conformable
to the spirit of the Institute. Ignatius, who had never seen
him since he was sent to Lisbon, had wished several years
before, and again in 1550, to summon him to Italy, that he
might hear from himself how things went on in that distant
province, and that Rodriguez might see and appropriate that
system of direction which Ignatius had established under his
own eye in Rome. "With this purpose, the Saint wrote in the
summer of 1549 to King Joam, asking leave of absence for
Simon, from August to April in the following year. But the
King would not part with him, because he was at that time
superintending the education of the prince, his heir. Luis
Gonsalez afterwards succeeded him in this charge. It was
natural that Ignatius should wish to see his old companion
again after so many years, and learn from him in what way
he guided so important a province ; perhaps all the more as
he well knew Simon's characteristics, which before now had
nearly made him desert his Community to satisfy his love of
a contemplative life. Some reports, too, may have reached
Ignatius that increased his anxiety, for he seems even then to
have intended to remove Simon from the post of Provincial

392 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

—but this he did not do till a later year. Almost all the
members of the Community in Portugal had been formed by
Rodriguez ; they had attached themselves more than suited
the spirit of a Religious Order to him and his methods ; and
it was desirable that this too personal alliance should cease.
Ignatius wished all the more that his Constitutions should be
practically introduced into Portugal (where they had already
been approved), because they were opposed to several usages
inconsistent with them, though tolerated by Rodriguez ; he,
therefore, appeared an unfit person to carry them out. More-
over, he had already been twelve years Superior and Provin-
cial in Portugal, and the Constitutions prescribed a change
every three years. But if Rodriguez were unwilling to come,
it was possible that he might seek and find support in the
King ; therefore Ignatius wrote to Joam ILL and some mem-
bers of the royal family, explaining his wishes and his reasons.
He then named Jacopo Mirone Provincial in Portugal ; and
gave Simon his choice — to go to the Brazils, as he had for-
merly wished to do, or take the charge of superintendent in
Aragon. He commissioned Torrez, Rector of the College at
Salamanca, and Borgia, who was in Guipuscoa, to see these
orders complied with ; and sent Torrez several blanks with
his signature, to be used as he found necessary. But th<)
King had already seen that a change was desirable, and
Rodriguez submitted with perfect readiness ; so that Mirone
was installed as his successor with 110 delay. This was in
1552. May 1552. Then Rodriguez showed symptoms of alteration ;
perhaps the regrets of those who were unwilling to see their
gentle master replaced by one of stricter views and Imbits,
worked on him to attempt a sort of passive resistance. On
pretence that Ignatius had ordered him to do nothing with-
out the royal permission, he applied to know if his removal
was agreeable to the King. When he heard that it had been
decided on with his consent, Simon declared that his health
disabled him from going either to Brazil or Aragon. He left
Lisbon immediately for the College of Coimbra, where the
spirit of discontent entered with him ; the Superior was not
prudent, and much disorder followed. Then Torrez inter-
fered, and bade Simon repair at once to Aragon. The King,
too, sent an order to the same effect. Simon obeyed ; and

MIROXE. 393

Torrez, thinking all was concluded, returned to Salamanca ;
but Father Gomez, the companion of Rodriguez, suddenly
appeared at Court, where he and some other malcontents
made a great stir, and endeavoured, by favour of the King
and a few of the grandees, to procure the recall of their
beloved Provincial ; striving to throw discredit upon Igna-
tius himself. King Joam only desired that Torrez and
Borgia might be summoned immediately to Portugal. This
fortunate persistence of the King, aiding the wise authority
of Ignatius, suppressed a schism which might have been
dangerous, and Ignatius thanked his royal friend and patron
in grateful terms.

Mirone was a character almost opposite to that of Rod-
riguez, and chosen doubtless by Ignatius for this very reason :
* homme clairvoyant, exact, ferme, d'une vertu un peu dure.'
At first he required rather too much of the novices and
students. Ignatius warned him that this was a fault, and
advised him to wait patiently for their progress towards per-
fection ; reminding him that his business, as Provincial, lay in
large and general matters, not in details. Ignatius wished
him to follow his own example ; and, after explaining his
object to his subordinates, to leave them to work it out. * It
is better,' said he, ' not to give minute directions. For in that
case, if anything went wrong, you would be placed in a posi-
tion unsuitable to your authority ; and those who are nearest
the work can often judge best how to do it.'

As soon as Rodriguez arrived in Aragon, he besieged
Ignatius with entreaties that he might return to Portugal.
Ignatius answered him with great forbearance and consider-
ation ; the following letter is characteristic : —

From your letter of the 26th, I perceive that you are not comfort-
able where you are, and are distressed with sickness ; and that, in
your opinion, your charge is very burdensome ; and you ask me for
these reasons to let you return to Portugal, even without an office.
I feel inclined to give you contentment in everything, and procure
you satisfaction, so far as I may, in our Lord, so that I have no dif-
ficulty in persuading myself to do what I think will procure it. I
think I ought all the more to please you, as your bodily ills are
great, and I would not therefore let you suffer external incon-
veniences. So I am content that you should return to Portugal, to

394 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

your native air, which is better for your health, and as you desire,
without any charge. Meanwhile, it is suitable to your charity, that
as you have hitherto served the Society in outward cares and efforts,
so now, during the remainder of the life that God our Lord may
grant you, you should protect it by your prayers and earnest wishes,
for the honour and service of God, and the help of souls, through
its means ; and in this intention I grant what you desire, that you
may see to your own salvation without burden or obligations. And
according to what I have said, I think that San Felice l would bo
very suitable for you, where I believe you would have all the ad-
vantages you can desire — air, water, and scenery. And while you
will have there the leisure you wish, for your spiritual comfort,
you will be able to do good in the places all round as much as you
desire. And that you ,may remove thither, I write to the Pro-
vincial of Portugal that all comfort in temporal things may be
provided for you, so that you may want nothing ; and for your own
person, you are to do as it may please you, in our Lord, no one
imposing on you any penance or mortification, or moving you from
that spot. And thus I think the wish you have expressed to be
dependent only on myself, is quite satisfied. As to what you say
about evil reports, which have been sent from Portugal, and which
you ask me to communicate to you, I hold it better, in my opinion,
not to dwell on such things, but rather bury all past incidents,
where there is something to be said on both sides ; for it brings
little satisfaction, when a Father hears of his sons what he does not
wish to hear, or the sons of the Father. I can tell you this, that 1
have been informed from Portugal that everybody there loves you
much, and let that suffice on that point.
Eome, December 9, 1552.

When Ignatius wrote this, he knew nothing of the pro-
ceedings of Gomez. The account given by Torrez immedi-
ately afterwards, changed his mind considerably on the subject
of his last letter; he wrote, therefore, again on the 17th,
that Rodriguez must submit himself to the Provincial in
Portugal, who was to consult with three or four Fathers,
and then announce his decision, which Rodriguez was to
receive as if it came from Ignatius himself; these Fathers
might choose for Simon's residence any place they thought
suitable, whether one of the houses of the Society or not.
He also charged the Provincial Mirone to dismiss from the

1 San Felice was a country house belonging to the College of Coimbra, at
the extremity of Portugal, near Valeuca de Mino.

IGNATIUS' LETTER TO RODRIGUEZ. 395

Society, or send to Rome, any who would not comply with
the new order of things.

Some time after Ignatius thought proper to send for
Simon Rodriguez to Rome ; for, after what had passed, he
could not be of any use in the Peninsula. Rodriguez went
to Rome : the letter which summoned him was this : —

Master Simon Rodriguez, Beloved Son in our Lord, — After I had
received, read, and considered your letters of February 10, and of
March 23 and 26, and April 12, and many more, which I received
from where yon are ; and because I feel and acknowledge that it ia
desirable for the greater peace and spiritual comfort in the Lord of
those of our Society who remain in Portugal, and also that we may
consult on the common subjects which concern the whole Com-
munity, and which cannot be discussed except in conversation, I
have resolved, in our Lord, to give you a little bodily trouble by a
journey to Rome. And so, as it is a matter of importance, I com-
mand you this in virtue of obedience, on behalf of Christ our
Lord, whether by water or land, as you find it more easy ; and this
must be as soon as possible ; therefore, in eight days from the
receiving this, set out on your journey, and do not delay. I pray
God that He may lead and accompany you.

Son Simon, trust to me, that your soul and mine when you come
here will find comfort in our Lord ; and all that we both wish, for
the greater glory of our Lord, will be happily accomplished. Mean-
while, hold fast to what we see, with much piety ; and if yours is
not very great, yet God our Lord will give you more, if you strive
to accomplish this journey. Remember, that when I had yet no
authority over your actions, you did what I desired of you, and went
to Portugal with all readiness, though you had the quartan ague at
that time, and you got well ; then how much more now, when you
have not such a serious illness.

Son, Master Simon, set out immediately, and doubt not that
health of body and soul will refresh us here, to the greater honour
of God. Only have confidence in me, and you will remain satisfied
in our Lord.

Rome, July 12, 1553.

These incidents gave occasion for that letter on obedience
which Ignatius wrote on March 26, 1553, to the members of
the College of Coiinbra. He wrote also to the Superiors, bid-
ding them expel the recalcitrative without delay ; and Francis
Xavier, on the other side of the globe, knowing nothing of
what had happened, wrote to the same effect and at the

396 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

same time. All these occurrences made Ignatius resolve to
call Xavier, whom he destined to be his successor, from his
spiritual labours in the East ; there were other reasons also,
which he detailed in a long and affectionate letter, never

Genelli. received — for Xavier was already dead.

The removal of Mirone was a grief to the excellent Arch-
bishop of Valencia, Thomas of Villanova. He wrote to
Ignatius that he and Domenech had been eminently suc-
cessful in his diocese, and begged to have one of them again,
or others like them. The Archbishop lived and died very
poor, having given away almost all the large revenues of his
episcopate for the love and service of Christ.

Emmanuel Godin was made Rector of the College of Coim-
bra when Rodriguez left it. There were then one hundred
and forty Jesuits within its walls, the greater part scholastics.
Father Godin dismissed many of them, and others, refusing
to submit, went away. In all this affair there had been,
perhaps, relaxation of discipline and departure from the rules
of the Order strictly interpreted, but no moral offence that
the world would blame ; nevertheless, the conscience of
Godin was wounded. He thought he had perhaps been too
severe in the acts which caused these young men to with-
draw. At any rate, much scandal had been given, and all
these occurrences had probably impaired the usefulness of

Joly. the Society in the world's opinion. Godin resolved that he

would take upon himself the reparation : he went through
the streets in the guise of a penitent, striking his bared
shoulders with a whip, asking pardon of God, and those
whom he or his Community had offended ; he then returned
to the College, and repeated the same penance in the pre-
sence of the scholastics ; they, moved by his example, asked
leave to follow it. On the next day, after long meditation
on the passion of our Lord, the young men went in pro-
cession through the streets, like the flagellants of earlier
times. Then they knelt before the altar of the Misericordia,
while Father Godin addressed the people, who filled the
church, and asked their forgiveness, if they thought the
College had been censurable. After this, they returned to
their home, its original austerity, and grave studies ; and
Coiinbra from that time assumed the first place among the

HOSTILITY TO THE SOCIETY AT PARIS. 397

religious establishments of the Peninsula, which it continued
to hold until the Company was suppressed.1

Guise, Cardinal of Lorraine, came to Rome in 1549, to
negotiate a league against Charles V. Ignatius saw him,
and explained to him at great length the nature and details
of his Institute, against which the University of Paris had
shown so much enmity. He succeeded in persuading the
Cardinal, and through him Henry II. of France, that Reli-
gion and the State might profit greatly by the new Order.
Guise was warm in his eulogy of the Jesuits ; and, in January
1550, Henry gave them letters patent permitting them 'to
construct, from the alms that might be given them,' a house
and college in Paris only, and not elsewhere, and the Parlia-
ment was ordered to cause these letters to be verified and
made effectual.

On hearing this, as there was no Professed Father of the
Company at Paris, Loyola wrote to Father Yiola, to make
his profession in the hands of the Bishop of Clermont. But
in that year a Carmelite, preaching in the church of St.
Severin, attacked the Jesuits ; and this was, says Maldonat,
c comme le signal de la guerre que toutes les niauvaises pas-
sions declarerent des lors a Paris a la compagnie de Jesus.'
The Parliament, adopting the hostility of the Sorbonne,
refused to enrol the letters, because they said the new Order
would be injurious to the Moiiarch, the State, and the
Hierarchy ; and when these opinions were supported by ex-
cellent, though misinformed or prejudiced, men, like Bruslart,

1 Martin Xavarro, a man of high character, who knew the College seven
years, writes of it — ' One thing appears to me miraculous ; and it is this: —
more than a hundred students of the Society were assembled there, instructed
at the ext ense of the King ; all young, all full of life and ardour, permitted
to go out at all times, and to communicate with persons of all sorts and
conditions ; they were as likely to find temptations to sin as encouragements
to virtue; moreover, the inhabitants were almost all secretly hostile to them.
Yet I have never, during the space of seven years, heard one single person,
openly or in a whisper, seriously or in jest, say one single word unfavourable
to these students. I must repeat that all this appears to me miraculous, for
no one has ever before seen so great a number of young men living in perfect
liberty amiclst people ill-disposed towards them, of whom not one has ever
given occasion for a word of reproach.'

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Marillac, and Seguier, and the admirable Du Boulay, while
Eustace de Bellay, Archbishop of Paris, and many other
bishops aided the University in exciting mistrust and hos-
tility against the Jesuits, Henry commissioned a private
Council to examine the Constitutions and the Bulls by which
the Pope had legalised them. The Council declared they
could find in these nothing illegal, injurious or censurable ;
therefore, on January 10, 1552, Henry repeated his com-
mands to the Parliament, to register the letters given two
years before. The Parliament again determined to resist,
postponed the matter till 1554, and then transmitted the
Papal Briefs and the Pope's letters to the Archbishop of
Paris and the Theological Faculty, to be re-examined. This
appeal to the antagonists of the Jesuits announced a long
and formidable opposition, which was aided by the Huguenots
— no small party then — as well as by the lawj^ers. The
Jesuits were supported by the Court, the House of Guise, Du
Prat, and some other bishops ; the Parisians loved them,
and delighted in their preaching, which was less artificial
and pedantic than that of the Sorbonne. The University
presented a petition to the King, ( That the Bull of Paul III.
might not be registered by the Parliament.'

The Parliament on the third day caused its president, De
Bellay, to announce his opinion, contained in eleven para-
graphs, each stating an objection to the Institute ; but not
the answers to these objections, given by the Jesuits them-
selves. The opinion concluded thus : — ' That all novelties
are dangerous, and produce many evils not intended nor
foreseen ; and that, since the Community profess to preach
the gospel to Turks and heretics, its members ought to
establish themselves in those parts, as did the Knights of
Rhodes ; for much time would be lost in going from Paris
to Constantinople or other places in the East.' Finally, the
Conclusio was given unanimously by the Faculty of Theology
in December. It is a curiosity as a specimen of irrational
abuse ; it seems almost a description by contraries, so entirely
has truth been reversed in it, or overlaid with exaggeration
or misstatement.

This new Society (it says), which assumes the unusual title of the
name of Jesus, which receives with so much license, and without

'COXCLUSIO' OF THE FACULTY OF THEOLOGY. 399

selection, all sorts of persons, however criminal, illegitimate, or in-
famous ; which differs in nothing from the secular priesthood. . . .
This Society, to -which have been granted so many privileges and
permissions, ... to the prejudice of the Ordinaries and the hier-
archy of the other Religious Orders, even of temporal princes and
lords, against the privileges of the Universities, and at a heavy
charge to the people ; — this Society seems to wound the honour of the
monastic state ; -weakens entirely the necessary exercise of virtue, in
abstinence, ceremonies, austerity ; facilitates the free abandonment
of Religious Orders ; withdraws from the obedience due to the Ordi-
naries ; deprives the lords temporal or ecclesiastical of their right?,
disturbs both classes, causes many subjects of complaint among the
people, many lawsuits, contentions, and divisions. Therefore . . .
this Society appears dangerous to the faith, likely to trouble the
peace of the Church, to overturn the Monastic Orders, and rather to
destroy than to improve.

It would be difficult to have framed a more honourable
accusation : every point of censure is one on which the Jesuits
were carefully guarded and eminently irreproachable. Many
professors refused their signatures ; others, who signed,
declared they merely yielded their judgment to that of the
majority. But the people had no means of inquiry ; and
several, with the usual docility to imperious authority, at
once believed all that they heard : then the clergy from
their pulpits, and the professors in their doctoral chairs,
declaimed against this new and obtrusive Order, and placards
with the same object were pasted on the walls of the Sor-
bonne, distributed in the churches, thrown into the streets,
and pushed under doors. The Archbishop of Paris also for-
bade the Jesuit Fathers to perform the offices of their sacred
ministry ; but his power extended only over a small diocese.
Paschase Brouet and the rest took refuge with their friend,
the Abbot of St. Germain des Pres, who was independent of
the bishop, and there they recommenced their good works.
Ignatius refused to remonstrate, and it was not till much
later that the Order received a solemn vindication.

When Francis Borgia, still, to the world, Duke of Gandia,
went to Rome for the year of Jubilee, he passed by Ferrara,
at the earnest entreaty of Ercole II., his kinsman, and

400 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

remained there four days ; lie procured from the Duke a
promise of a college for the Company, which had been long
known there. Brouet and Le Pelletier (Frenchmen were as
yet chosen for that mission) established themselves in the
town in the summer of 1551, and opened their schools. That
Favontino year was marked by a lamentable occurrence. Faveiitino
Fannio, accused of heresy, was hanged in the piazza of
Ferrara, and his body burned. He is commonly said to have
been the first victim to religious intolerance in Italy; but
Scaliger gives that miserable precedence to one Jacobinus,
doubtless the same as James de Eiizyma, whom others sup-
pose to have been also hanged and burned in Rome, in 1546,
1552. by order of Paul III. In the next spring Siculo was hanged
at the windows of the Palazzo della Eagione, at Ferrara.
He, too, was a heretic ; though whether the Italian execu-
tions were for religious differences only has been disputed,
and cannot now be fully ascertained. Renee could not con-
sistently remonstrate, since the barbarous burning of Servetus,
the long tortures of Jacques Gruet, and innumerable other
cruelties acted by Calvin, had filled Geneva with terror for
many years past.

It is well never to cease recalling the unquestionable fact,
perpetually thrust upon us, in the history of all countries and
sects, and even in recent times, that if superstition be cruel,
there is no greater mercy in unbelief.

Renee was nothing benefited by the reconciliation of her
husband with Henry II. of France. On the contrary, that
monarch sent to Ferrara Mattea Ori, the inquisitor who had
formerly examined Ignatius, with a letter which, as given
by Protestant historians, seems incredible in its tone of
insult and cruelty to the unfortunate Duchess, his own aunt.
It represents ' that the King not only approves, but indeed
very earnestly prays and exhorts the Duke' to go nearly all
lengths in persecuting Renee and her friends. There seems
reason to think that Ori executed his commission with as
much consideration for poor Renee as was in his power.

He arrived in 1554. In the night of September 7, Ercole
caused the Duchess to be conveyed to her prison apartments
in the gloomy castle of Ferrara, the Stanze del Cavallo. A
fortnight after she sent for Le Pelletier, whom previously

BORGIA. 40 1

she would not see ; and the same night the Duke and Duchess
publicly took supper together, which announced to the popu-
lation of Ferrara that Renee had recanted, and reconciled
herself to the Catholic Church. The recantation, so extorted,
proved itself as worthless as it was likely to be. Five years
after, on her husband's death, she returned to her former
profession, and in 1560 left Ferrara for ever, at the request
of her son, Alphonso II.

Borgia, when he arrived at Rome, was received by Igna- 1550.
tius into the Gesu ; but he had separate apartments there.
Ignatius treated him externally as a prince ; in their personal
relations Borgia was a novice. "When he entered the house
the Fathers were about to dine ; he was invited to enter the
refectory, and there, setting aside the honours which all paid
him, he requested as a favour to be treated as one doing pen-
ance ; he ate humbly the unsavoury food given him, waited on
the Fathers at their dinner, and then went to wash the dishes
in the kitchen.

The conditions prescribed by Ignatius for his admission
were nearly fulfilled ; for during the last two years he had
provided for the interests of his family ; but his entrance
into the Society was not yet known. Before Christmas he
heard that Charles V. wished to give him a Cardinal's hat ;
and in the beginning of the next year he found that the
Emperor had actually applied to the Pope. On the same
day that the news of this application reached him, Borgia
wrote several letters to persons in Rome, declaring, in nearly
the same words to each, that he had taken vows in the
Society of Jesus. He left Rome for the Basque Provinces
that night. At Oiiate he made a formal renunciation of all
his property, was ordained priest, and immediately com-
menced his apostolic labours. His declaration and flight June i.
did not arrest the proceedings in Rome. Two letters,
written by Polanco, and by Ignatius himself, relate what
happened.

Letter of Polanco to Borgia, 1552 : —

My dear Father in Jesus Christ, — We have heard in many ways
bow pleasing your Reverence is to God, by your spirit of humility
and simplicity ; and we now see this still more plainly in His pre-
serving you from the high dignity which was designed for you.

D D

402 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

It happened ten or twelve days ago that, in leaving the Consistory,
Cardinal della Cueva gave our Father to understand that they were
resolved to make you a Cardinal. I was obliged that same day to
go to Cardinal Maffei, and he also made known this news with
great joy. I rejected the idea, as entirely opposite to the spirit of
our Order. ' And I,' said the Cardinal, ' would like to see your
Order become a nursery-ground for Bishops and Cardinals.' But our
Father Ignatius, after having conferred with Cardinal della Cueva,
and sounded his dispositions, as well as those of several others, re-
solved to speak about this matter directly to the Pope, and did so, in
such a way as to convince him that your present state of life was
more conducive to the glory of God than your elevation would be.
The Pontiff even added that he envied your position, and thought it
happier than the Sovereign Pontiff's ; for he said you have to think
only of serving God, while his own mind was absorbed by many
cares. And thus it was settled that you should not have the hat
sent you against your will, or unless it was certain that you would
accept it. Your Reverence can now decide whether you wish for it
or not. Our Father told the Pope that the sole fear of receiving
the Cardinal's hat had made you leave Rome, in spite of this cold
and severe weather. He also spoke of this to the principal Car-
dinals, and sent messages to the others, as well as to the ambas-
sador, Don lago di Mendoza, that they might distinctly understand
the Pope's mind. Certainly every one would rejoice to see you in
the Sacred College ; but, after all, many are now convinced it would
have not been a suitable thing. The project is therefore abandoned,
since the decision is left to your Reverence ; and I know you would
pi'efer going bare-headed in the sun and rain, to covering your head
with this hat. In return for the good news I send you, I pray you
to say for me a mass of the Holy Spirit, that I may obtain the
Divine guidance to serve Him better.

By order of our Father St. Ignatius, your servant in our Lord
Jesus Christ.

Home, June 1. GlOVAN DI POLANCO.

Ignatius was obliged to act in this affair with great cir-
cumspection. It seems at first, as if, when he had convinced
the Imperial ambassador and the Pope, Borgia himself now
owing him obedience, he had nothing to do but to forbid
his acceptance of the hat. But he was not willing to cut
the matter short in this way ; for the Emperor, since the
affair of Bobadilla and the Interim, was not well disposed
towards the Jesuits, and it was necessary to treat his wishes

OPPOSITION AT SARAGOSSA. 403

with deference. In referring the decision to Borgia himself,
Ignatius averted the danger of offence for that time ; it
revived, however, four years after.

Borgia now set himself at once to the active business of J*n- 15,
his new calling ; he had no opposition to encounter from the
Emperor, and when he wrote to ask his permission to lay
down his high offices and enter the Society of Jesus, Charles
answered, ' that he would not withhold him from the service
of that Great Master whom he had chosen.'

He made his residence at Onate ; it is a small town, not
far from Loyola. There, Don Sancho of Castille, Don Pedro
of Navarre, Don Bustamante, afterwards Visitor in the Pro-
vince of France, resided under his direction. They lived on
the alms which Borgia sometimes begged in the country
round. Ignatius bade him evangelise Spain. He set out
accordingly, visited the nobles, almost all of whom were his
kinsfolk, preached to the people, edified the Court of Charles
V., and in most of the larger towns left (if he did not find)
the foundation of a college or house.1 He went into Por-
tugal, thence he returned to Yalladolid. Loyola named him 1553.
Commissary in Spain and Portugal ; this office was after-
wards absorbed into that of Provincial.

When Strada came to Saragossa, his attempt to found a
house for the Society was long baffled by the difficulty of
finding a piece of ground ; for the law forbade any new ec-
clesiastical building within a certain distance of those already
standing. At last the land was found, the house finished,
the chapel ready to be inaugurated ; and the Archbishop of
Aragon himself fixed Wednesday after Easter for this cere- Ferdinand,
mony, when suddenly, on the day before, the Vicar-General Lopez
ordered Father Brama, the Superior, to defer it. The Augus- J*arcos>
tinian monks, he said, declared that their ground was en- General of
croached upon. Brama persisted; the monks excommuni- Sarag°ssa-
cated him and his companions, declared the town under an
interdict ; and the townspeople, excited by terror, and not
well knowing what was the matter, went about the streets
crying * Misericordia ! ' They then surrounded the new
house, and their signs of exasperation persuaded Brama the

1 In two years Borgia erected houses in Granada, Valladolid, Medina,
San Lucar, Monterey, Burgos, Valencia, Murcia, Piacencia, and Seville.

D D 2

404 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

wisest thing he could do was to withdraw ; so, after fifteen
days, the companions left the house. Then the Archbishop
and the Nuncio interfered : they caused the matter to be
legally examined ; the Augustines were declared to be in the
wrong ; the Jesuits recalled. All the city, all its magnates,
even Lopez, the Yicar- General, himself went to meet them,
and they were received at the door of their house by the
Viceroy, who presented them the keys.

Under the wise and active superintendence of Borgia, the
Order of Jesus increased all over Spain in numbers and
influence. He was, in fact, its real founder in the Penin-
sula.

July 25, When Philip, now made King of Naples and Duke of
Milan, saw Borgia's great success and the increasing useful-
ness of the Society everywhere, he revived the idea aban-
doned unwillingly by his father, and wished to make him a
Cardinal.

Philip was then in England, passing his dismal honey-
moon with the unhappy Mary ; his sister Joanna governed
Spain in his name. She had declared herself protectress of
the Society. Ignatius and Borgia both supplicated her to
dissuade, her brother from this project, and Philip desisted
at last, on her representation. Joanna wrote herself to Igna-
tius, and expressed her satisfaction in his constant refusal
of dignities for his Company. ' For God,' she said, ( gives a
distinct spirit to each Order, from which it cannot depart
without great damage.' Ignatius was so penetrated with
this conviction, that he said he would never recede from it,
if all the world were supplicating at his feet. When, long
after this, he heard that Paul IV. wished to make a Car-
dinal of Laynez, he said to one of his house, * Perhaps, in
a few days, we shall have our Laynez a Cardinal : if this
happens I will make such a commotion, that all the world
shall know how the Society receives such things.' Finally,
he added to his Constitutions, with Papal approbation, a
prohibition to all the members of the Company against
accepting any office without the permission of the General,
who was never to give it except by express order of the
Pope. Nor were those three Jesuits who were named
Patriarchs and Suffragans of Ethiopia any exception to this

SPIRITUAL DIRECTORS OF JO AM III. 405

rule : there was here no danger of honours or wealth, and
these priests went out to find only exile, privations, and
peril.

Some members of the Company proposed that this law
should extend to the nomination of Confessors to princes;
but to this Ignatius would not consent, because he thought
it unreasonable to exclude any class of men from their
spiritual care.

Joain HI. of Portugal was the first King who asked a
director from the Society. He sent for Luis Gonsalez, and
made several Confessions to him; but Gonsalez declined
remaining with him. He sent then for Mirone, the Pro-
vincial, who also excused himself, saying the honour of such
an office was inconsistent with his vocation. But Ignatius,
when he heard what his brethren had done, disapproved of
it. He wrote to Gonsalez, that indeed he was edified by
his refusal of what some desired, but he thought it right
he should assist the King in any way asked of him; and
King Joani being a pious sovereign, the charge of the royal
conscience could not involve him in any perplexity. He
need not fear being forced to accept preferments — those he
could not receive without the consent of the General and all
the Company. If the residence in a Court were a cross to
him, he should carry it patiently, believing all that is done
in obedience to be agreeable to God. Six months later he
wrote still more fully to Mirone. He said that, in accepting
this office, they could not but work for the general good,
and for the glory of God, because the subjects of the King Aug. 9.
must benefit by the spiritual advice they would give him ;
that the Religious of his Company ought not to shun any
labours from fear of risking their own piety, else they might
withdraw entirely from the world. But this, their Institute
forbids ; they must become all things to all men. If the
world blamed them, or accused them of seeking considera-
tion and influence, they should not disquiet themselves, but
refute such accusations by their life. And Ignatius ordered
that those whom the King or Queen might choose for their
confessors should assent immediately. Miroiie was to com-
municate this decision to the King, and show the letter if
required.

406 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

From many quarters these attempts to procure Jesuits for
high offices long alarmed Ignatius. Albert, Duke of Bavaria,
July 25. had in 1551 written to ask that Canisius might be made
Vice-chancellor of his University at Ingoldstadt, with a
canoiiry. The answer of Ignatius repeats his usual objec-
tions : — •

As to the dignity and honour attached to this office, which we deem
it proper for ourselves to avoid, we reject all temporal rewards or
return for our spiritual ministry, or works done for the good of our
neighbours : so that, being as far as possible remote from all appear-
ance of covetousness, we may with a more pure zeal seek the honour
of God and the helping of souls. This office being fixed and per-
manent would bind Doctor Canisius to remain in the University ;
whereas he has taken a solemn vow to go, at the bidding of the
Pontiff, wherever he may be sent for the promoting of the Faith and
Christianity. . . . And these reasons (Ignatius continues) I laid
before the King of the Romans, when he asked some of my people
to take the bishopric of Trieste ; also the Duke of Ferrara, when
he desired a resident Confessor out of the Company ; and the Duke
of Gandia, who asked the same for a nunnery established by his
sister. Nevertheless, these princes remained favourable to the
Company.

But Ignatius had greater difficulty when Ferdinand again
desired a bishop from him, and insisted on having Canisius
for Vienna. The last bishop was a man of stern character ;
religion had languished there ; no one had received orders
in Vienna for more than twenty years. Canisius collected
fifty young men in a house adjoining the college, and edu-
cated them in the principles suited to the ministry. Con-
sidering the state of Germany at that time, and the great
good such a man as Canisius must have effected in a situa-
tion so prominent, there might well be some expectation
that the resolution of Ignatius would now yield. Jeronymo
Martinengo, Nuncio at Vienna, wrote urgently to Ignatius
in support of the King's request. Lasso, the ambassador of
Ferdinand, again did all he could to prevail on the Pope to
order Canisius, by virtue of holy obedience, to accept the
bishopric. Ferdinand had promised Lasso, as he owned
afterwards, a bishopric for himself, if he succeeded. But
Julius III. had a high value for Ignatius, and told Lasso he

AXTOXIO OF CORDOVA. 407

would do nothing to displease him. * If you can obtain his
consent,' said he, ' I will readily give mine.' ' Holy Father,'
said Lasso, * he will never consent. It must be done with-
out him, or not at all.' ' We want these Fathers,' replied
Julius ; ' I cannot offend them. If the King can find some
way by which they can comply with his wishes, without the
bishopric, they will do it.' This answer was received as a
suggestion, and at last it was agreed that Canisius should
administer the bishopric for a year without receiving its
rents, or taking any obligation to remain.

Borgia's refusal of the Cardinal's hat so impressed a young
kinsman of his, Antonio of Cordova, that he wished to follow
his example, and enter the Company of Jesus.1 He was well
gifted by nature, good and honest. Prince Philip, who liked
him much, asked his father to procure for Antonio the
dignity which the Jesuits rejected, and this was immediately
granted. But the young man desired, like his cousin, to shun
the world and its honours. He wrote to Ignatius : * Father,
since God has placed you in His Church to be the friend of
those who go astray, I pray you to receive me into the
number of your children.'

Ignatius accepted him, and Antonio became one of the
most useful members of the Society.

1 He was the son of Lorenzo Suaj^z de Figueroa and Catherine Fernandez
of Cordova.

BOOK IV.

THE

LAST YEARS AND DEATH OF IGNATIUS.

Brouet— Philip Neri. — Xavier.— Nadal.— Kessel at Cologne.— Roman Col-
lege.— Letter. — Olave. — Ciarlat. — St. John of the Cross. — Circular Letter.
— Bernard Olivier. — German College. — Frusis. — Letters. — The ' Adelphi.'
— Giovanna Colonna. — Mission to Ethiopia. — Corsica. — The Gesn at Home.
— Death of Joam III. — Marriages in the Family of Loyola. — Letters. —
Germany. — The Turks. — Jerusalem. — England. — Augsburg. — Julius III.
leaves the throne to Marcellus II. — Paul IV. — Poverty. — Persecution. —
Letters. — Sta. Balbina. — Belgium. — Spread of the Society. — Prague. —
Ingoldstadt. — Letters. — Inquisition in Portugal. — Letters. — Loretto. —
Manares. — Nadal sent for. — Quirogaga at Rome. — The Physician. — Rules.
— Belgium. — Letters. — Ledesma. — Brussels. — Letter. — Death of Ignatius.
— His surviving companions. — Conclusion.

PASCIIASE BROUET. 411

BOOK IV.

THE LAST YEARS AXD DEATH OF IGNATIUS.

PASCHASE BBOUET was not long at Ferrara ; Ignatius re-
called him to Rome; thence Cardinal Santa Croce, whose
Confessor he was, sent him, for his health's sake, to the baths
of Monte Pulciano.

About 1-552 he was made Provincial for France ; this was
partly in order to please the Cardinal of Lorraine. Brouet
was wont to say that all his life he had been asking of God
the grace of humility, but he had not yet attained it. Once,
travelling (as usual) on foot from Billom to Paris, he came
to a village where several men were thrashing grain ; they
mocked his mean attire, and heaped abuse on him ; possibly
they were sectaries, irritated by his clerical dress. He stood
slightly leaning on his staff, till they seemed to have said
enough, then said, with a pleasant countenance, * Que le bon
Dieu vous benisse et vous fasse du bien mes enfans.'

He lived to see five colleges for the Jesuits founded in
France. TTis death was suitable to such a life. When the
plague was rife in Paris, he attended the sick, refused to
leave the Maison de Clermont, sent away the young ones and
novices, and at last was left with only one lay brother ; then
Brouet caught the disease, shut himself up, not allowing the
lay brother to attend him, and died alone. He had first
written on a paper, left conspicuous on his table, a notice that
he had touched certain objects in the house which might
communicate the infection.

The lay brother sent word to Billom that the Provincial
was ill, and Ponce Cogordan came immediately ; but he found
only a silent house: the lay brother, too, had caught the
plague, and both were dead.

412 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

In the year 1551 another eminent servant of Christ,
destined like Ignatius for great things, entered the eccle-
siastical state. Philip Neri, then thirty- six years old, re-
ceived deacon's orders in the church of St. John Lateran.
He had formed three years before a small Community at
San Girolamo della Carita. The modern Oratorians give a
charming description of their earliest Fathers : — ' These ser-
vants of God lived in that house with great charity, without
any kind of particular customs, or any rule, but the love and
reverence they bore to one another. They had no Superior,
but observed only the order of seniority ; and so they lived
a tranquil and almost a heavenly life, rivalling each other in
the service of the Church, and in ministering to their neigh-
bours.' They were in number about fifteen, ' simple persons
and poor, but full of life and piety.' Philip had the utmost
veneration for Ignatius — he said he had learned from him
the art of mental prayer. He introduced at Eome the devo-
tion of the Quarant' Ore, which on the first Sunday of
Advent is commenced at the Pope's Chapel, and thence
goes on at one church or other throughout the year. Igna-
tius adopted this observance for his Company in the latter
part of his life. There was much similarity in the characters
of these two Saints. Both placed charity foremost among
Christian duties. Philip Neri, like Ignatius, was a great
lover of cleanliness, and held dirt in abomination ; he often
quoted the saying of St. Bernard, ' Paupertas mihi semper
placuit, sordes vero nunquam.' With the Jesuits this was
always a rule. Baronius applauded it ; the martyr Campion,
in his description of a perfect priest, includes, ' thorough ablu-
tions ' among the duties of every day. There was nevertheless
an outward contrast between these two holy men : the demean-
our of Loyola was full of a noble gravity ; Neri would hop
and skip in the streets, and when he was asked to show his
library brought out a jest book. He said he did these things
that people might not fancy him a saint. These differences
did not hinder a close intimacy. It was a popular saying
that the Jesuits wore no buttons on their cassocks because
Philip Neri, talking in his familiar earnestness to Ignatius,
had pulled them all off; and Ncri often said that the face
of Ignatius frequently seemed to him shining with a divine

PHILIP XERI. 413

light. He believed that no portrait could ever resemble
him, because human art could not convey the heavenly
beauty of his expressive countenance. Cardinal Tarugi,
who saw Ignatius die, said the same thing; he thought he
must be a saint, because the language of his eyes was super-
natural.

The letters which came sometimes from Xavier and his
companions in the East were lent to Philip Neri, and read
aloud to his little Congregation. All Rome was interested
in these reports ; they detailed frequent successes, an im-
mense amount of conversions, sometimes disappointment in
the support he received from the civil power, without which
no missionary projects have ever been fully or lastingly
realised ; and this at length failed him completely, for neither
King Joam, with all his profession of piety, nor his officers
in the East, cared much for Christianity, if it did not include
commercial advantages — an indifference which Xavier seems
not for a long while to have appreciated, for he was thrown
into agonies of grief and indignation, as he tells his friend
Gaspar Barzee, when the Governor of Malacca broke all his
promises. And Xavier, thinking God called him to depend
on His Almighty aid alone, then formed that resolve of
wonderful heroism which he announces to Father Perez at
Malacca : — ' If any way is opened to me, you shall find me
either in a prison in Canton, or in the Emperor's palace at
Pekin.' For it was death for a Christian to enter China ;
and yet Xavier thought to move the Emperor himself, as
the Irish missionaries had intended to appeal to Henry VIII.
some years before.

All his letters were full of the most ardent affection for
Ignatius and the brethren he had left. In 1550 he wrote:
— * I beg and conjure you, in God's name, my dear Brothers,
to speak to me of all our companions, and of each one in
particular ; for having no hope of seeing them again in this
life, face to face, I desire at least to associate with them in
spirit.' At another time — ' I cannot cease to speak of the
Society when once I begin.1 If ever I forget thee, Society

1 ' Si oblitus unquarn fuero tui, Societas Jesu, oblivion! detur dextera mea.'
Words recalled by those of Father Southwell, the English martyr — ' Divul-
sum ab illo corpore, in quo posita aunt mea vita, nieus amor, totum cor meum

411 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

of Jesus, may my right hand be given over to oblivion.' And
he thanks Ignatius, with the most touching gratitude, for
his expressions of affection. During the last year there were
some hopes that they might meet again, for Ignatius desired
him to return to Europe, and meant, though he did not write
it, that Xavier should succeed him as head of the Society.
But the recall, which was despatched at last, came too late :
the work of Xavier was done.

He perished within sight of China, for. which he offered
his life ; he knew that it was forfeited by law in any attempt
to enter the kingdom. He was a true martyr, though not
in the sense that he expected ; and he died, like his illus-
trious Father and teacher, with none to give him the Last
Sacraments — his own last Mass was his last Communion ;
his own prayers, and the answer God sent into his heart, his
sole preparation for the passage into eternity ; as if our
Saviour, to Whose work these two had devoted themselves,
designed to show that He Himself was pleased, with no
human intervention, to conduct their pure spirits into His
Father's presence.

The apostolate which Xavier accomplished or began in
India, has been differently represented as one or other pre-
judice influenced those who wrote. But one unquestionable
benefit he conferred upon the world ; he left for its admira-
tion a character the most noble, loveable, and generous ; a
life not only eminent and extraordinary, but so irreproach-
able, that not a shadow of blame has ever rested on it, even
in the narrative of hostile biographers, professedly writing
with the wish to disparage or deny his work. Considering
what enmities he often had to encounter among the Chris-
tians who should have assisted him, and the commercial
and political complications which opposed frequent impedi-
ments to his most cherished plans, it is remarkable that no
trace of imperfection, no slight imprudence, no failure of
judgment in unprecedented circumstances, can be discovered ;
and the pages which profess to censure, afford to any im-
partial mind nothing but matter for praise. He was, like

omnesque affectus ' (separated from that Society which has ray life, my love,
my whole heart, and all my affections).

XADAL. 415

Ignatius, a rare instance of Christian perfection, such as has
been seen only in the Catholic Church.

One important conversion was effected or completed
through the letters of Xavier ; they fell into the hands of
Nadal. More than ten years passed after the failure of
Loyola's attempt to reach his heart at Paris, before he sought
counsel from a holy hermit named Antony, then living where
Nadal's family resided, in Majorca. It was given, in a very
simple recommendation, to devote at least a few minutes
every day to mental prayer. From this practice Nadal ad-
vanced to form a wish of associating some other persons
with himself, that they might devote their lives to preaching,
and to reform the world. One of Xavier's letters, recounting'

7 o

his great labours among the heathen population of India,
copied and shown from one person to another, reached
Majorca, and it alluded also to the new Company founded by
Ignatius, and now recognised by the Pope. Nadal saw it ;
he remembered Xavier ; he exclaimed, ' This is indeed a
great work ! ' And he resolved immediately to set off for
Rome, not to join Ignatius, but to receive from him informa-
tion or advice which he might make use of in his own in-
dependent schemes. Laynez and Domenech were at Koine ;
they proposed to him to go through the ' Exercises.' Nadal
complained of this, as if it were an attempt to draw him into
the Society. He represented to Ignatius that he did not
desire to belong to it, and thought he had not the endow-
ments needful for such a life. Ignatius advised the ' Exer-
cises;' the rest must come from above. 'If God inspired
you,' he said, ' with the wish to belong to our Company, He
would know how your powers could be made useful.' Nadal
followed this advice : he entered on the ' Exercises ' under
the guidance of Domenech ; he doubted and struggled till he
came to that part which is called the Meditation on Two
Standards ; then his heart was pierced, and his whole soul
stirred up. One night, while he was watching in prayer and
anxiety, the Lord sent a ray of light and comfort into his
mind. His own pen has recorded, that, on November 23,
being the eighteenth day of the * Exercises,' he resolved, in

416 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

the name of the most Holy Trinity, to follow the rules of the
Gospel and keep the vows of the Company of Jesus. Nadal
became a highly useful member. He was employed by Igna-
tius in different places, in offices of authority, not always
without being suspected of extreme rigour. And on one
occasion, the accusation reached Ignatius in such a shape,
that he summoned Nadal to Eome, and caused an investiga-
tion to be made by forty Fathers, who decided that Nadal
was substantially in the right, but had not sufficiently
guarded the externals of charity.

The excellent man who was called * il gran Giustiniano,'
lived then at Eome among the Camaldulese, and knew Igna-
tius intimately ; when Eibadeneira afterwards saw him at
the Hermitage, near Perugia, where he was Abbot, he spoke
with tender reverence of his virtues and sanctity, and exhorted
the Order to persevere in the paths he had traced out.

1552. At Cologne the Protestant party continued active and

powerful. All Kessel's efforts at propitiation had failed with
the magistrates ; he thought it best to leave the city, which
he did, and wrote his reasons to Eome. But Ignatius, who
had no idea of yielding to impediments, answered, * that he
approved indeed, in these circumstances, a short retreat into
the country ; only Kessel and his companions ought not to
remain long absent, or give up the greater object for the
less. He could in no way allow them to remain out of the
town ; for in small places there was less opportunity of reap-
ing the harvest desired, and it was not right that they should
desert a residence which promised abundant fruits. The
youths they trained to be hereafter priests, or some way
helpful to the State, would bring greater advantage to reli-
gion than any pains they could take in small towns or
villages.' The perseverance thus enjoined was wholly suc-
cessful, and the prospect of a College for the Company pro-
tected by Philip II., cheered the last months of Ignatius'
life.

Kessel longed to see the face of his Father, Ignatius, and
receive fresh courage from his loving counsels. He earnestly

THE ROMAN COLLEGE. 417

begged permission to come to Home. Ignatius refused it,
through Polanco, but wrote himself — probably at the same
time, for it was a usual thing that two letters were thus sent
from the Gesu together — ' that perhaps the wish might be
gratified in another manner ;' and it was believed that Igna-
tius had actually been present with Kessel at Cologne, and
talked soinewhile with him. Ignatius himself never spoke
on the subject. Kessel soon after met with a strange death :
as he was passing through the orchard of the house, a furi-
ous lunatic rushed upon him with an open knife, and stabbed
him, so that he could hardly utter the Holy Names before he
expired ; the Father Minister and another who ran to help
him were also killed.

In 1550 the Roman College began an existence, at first
impeded by jealous opposition, discouraged by want of funds
and room, then rapidly progressing, and becoming at last,
according to the hopes of Ignatius, a place whither all Euro-
pean nations sent their sons, and where many were made
worthy of the priesthood. These usually, but not always,
attached themselves to his Order. Ignatius had said at first
'we must navigate against wind and tempest,' ' es menester P. Flaria.
navegar contra, el vento y la t empestad ; ' but he had soon
floated into smooth waters. Father Pelletier was the Jean
first Eector. On February 16 he, with thirteen scholastics peUetier-
from the professed house, removed into a small residence
hired by Ignatius at the foot of the Capitol. The classes
opened there were soon so fully attended, that they required
a larger house. Ignatius found one near the Minerva, be-
longing to the Frangipani ; he took it, and Francis Borgia
enabled him to start it by a gift of 6,000 gold crowns. Igna-
tius offered to call the College by the name of the founder ;
Borgia refused this. As the external teaching was gratui-
tous, it withdrew some pupils from other schools ; this caused
resentment and jealousies in the city ; and one day some
masters whose scholars had deserted them, made their way
into the College, and attacked with great fury the Jesuit who
was then instructing. This incident caused Ignatius to write
to the Rectors of Colleges a letter worthy to be given here : —

E E

418 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

The devil commonly takes pains to impede those things that work
most against him, for the benefit of souls, as we find by experience
here in Rome, in the new College, and observe also in other Col-
leges in Italy and Sicily, and indeed on all sides. Here a great zeal
has seized some schoolmasters, so much, that one day lately, some
came to the College and joined the audience of Master Joachimo,
and found fault with him publicly, though they were in the wrong,
and made too much scandal ; so that the Cardinal of San Jacobo.
protector, put one of them in prison. This very week, two boys
being missed from their fathers' houses, the mothers came to our
chapel during the Mass, and cried out and made an astonishing
scandal there, and also in the College, and at the house of some of
the Cardinals, as we heard from some of them, saying we had made
the College on purpose to steal away people's sons, and that we kept
theirs, &c. ; and, in fact, neither of these (boys) had entered either
our College or our house. I thought it right to mention these things,
as a warning that your Reverence may be the better prepared for
similar accidents.

Therefore, if any schoolmasters should come and say that the
masters of the College are ignorant, let them confess with humility
that they are more ignorant than they would wish to be, although
they try to serve God and their neighbours with the small talent
that the great Father of families has bestowed on them, and finally
let them modestly excuse their presumption. Let them take care
also that none of the auditors of the schools admit (any children)
without the assent of the parents, because the harm done by the
disturbance and alienation of minds would be greater than the
benefit in receiving them, having regard to the universal good ; and
there will be no lack of ways to aid the laudable desires of those
who wish to enter, sending them to other places, or as God may
instruct you.

January 23, 1552.

In the College were professors of philosophy and human-
ities, but it was not till three years later that it possessed
a chair of scholastic theology, first filled by Martin Olave.
Ignatius appreciating thoroughly the excellence of the
methods used by the University of Paris, employed in his new
College only professors educated there — Ciarlat ; Frusis, who
explained the Scriptures ; Euggieri, Eoilet, and Balthazar
Turriano.

Father Quintin Ciarlat, won by the instructions of Adriani
at Louvain, replaced Le Pelletier as Rector in the Roman

QUINTIN CIARLAT. 419

College ; many others succeeded him during the next six years.
Quintin removed to Tournai, where Bernard Olivier much
wanted him. When he left the College at Eome, Ciarlat
assembled the inmates to receive his parting instructions.
They were these : — ' 1st. Practise carefully the virtue of holy
obedience ; 2nd. Preserve the utmost reverence for Father
Ignatius. Lastly. All your life long ask of God that He
will be pleased to give you the true spirit of the Society.

Ciarlat possessed this spirit in an eminent degree. His
charity was ever vigilant ; he often carried out at night relief
to some miserable family who would have felt wounded if
their distress were known to their neighbours. If he heard
of dissensions, he applied himself at once to make peace ; he
sometimes invited to dinner persons who had been long
estranged, and so led them to become friends. If he found
in the street a ragged boy, who seemed capable of being
taught, he took possession of him, and put him into some
way of learning a trade.

When Ciarlat heard that his sister had fallen into great
poverty, he knelt down and thanked God for this blessing.
But he sent her, at the same time, a large sum of money.
He once undertook a penance, that was to last a year, for an
impious wretch who had thrown a consecrated host on the
ground and stamped on it.

In the summer of 1556, the plague was rife in Belgium.
Ciarlat nursed the sick, administered to the dying, caught
the plague, and then shut himself up to die alone. But
Bernard Olivier, just then returned to Tournai, insisted on
seeing him, gave him the Last Sacraments, and caught the
disease from his friend. Ciarlat died two days before
Ignatius.

Olivier recovered partly from the plague, under the care
of the Carthusians, but he died in less than a month after.

Ignatius demanded extreme tenderness of conduct towards
his scholars everywhere, because, without strong love, he was
not sure that the strictness with which the rules of such an
establishment must be enforced, would not result in a harsh-
ness that might estrange the hearts of the pupils ; and this
was contrary to the fundamental principle of the Order —
'that they must always govern by love.' A year or two

E i: '_'

420 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

before he died, he spoke of the Rector at that time, Martin
Olave, and said that he hoped he would be retained after his
death. ' For you will not easily,' said he, ' find another so
affectionate.' But in the year following his death a change
was thought necessary, and Nadal took Martin's place.

When Polanco, charged with the expenses of building the
Roman College, found his funds exhausted, and had nothing
more to pay the workmen, Ignatius shut himself up to pray.
Then he called Laynez, Madrid, and Polanco, and said: —
' Though I am not a prophet, nor the son of a prophet, I am
persuaded the Lord will not abandon us. Do you (Polanco)
keep on the College six months longer, and I will take care
of it afterwards.'

When this passed it was evening; but soon afterwards
two persons sent him a large sum of money, not knowing of
his embarrassments. And during these six months, so many
gifts came in that the Fathers were not only well main-
tained, but paid off all their debts. -Clave wrote to Riba-
deneira, then in Flanders, that what was happening in Rome
convinced him their Father Ignatius was truly a Saint : for
his people took all this for miraculous. Ignatius actually
made a purchase for the College amounting to 50,000 crowns,
while it was still very poor ; and this sum was soon after
restored to them. One great saint was received there as a
pupil towards the close of Ignatius' life — St. John of the
Cross : perhaps in the spirit of prophecy sometimes accorded
to him, Loyola may have known what this boy of fourteen
would afterwards become.

From its commencement the College rapidly increased.
The pupils of the Jesuits everywhere learned more in six
months than others in two years. Even Protestants with-
drew their sons from other schools to place them with the
new teachers.1 Instead of seeking scholars, they were
obliged to be cautious in accepting those who presented
themselves. In the preceding year the Rector of Louvain,
Adrian Adriani, had received a student of the University

1 This is the testimony of Jfanke.

OCTAVIUS C.ESAR. 421

against the wishes of his master, who was highly incensed,
and attacked the Company without measure. Ignatius
blamed Adrian, and bade him ask pardon of the Louvai-
nois.

Another case, in which he was personally concerned, gave
him occasion to prohibit generally all such admissions. In
1553, a young man named Octavius Caesar entered the Com-
pany in Sicily, without the consent of his father ; yet ap-
parently not very much to his displeasure, since after the
son's admission he gave the consent asked for. The youth's
father was secretary to the Duke of Monte Leone. Ignatius
summoned Octavius to Rome, in accordance with his usual
rule of expatriation ; the father changed his mind, and fol-
lowed his son, appealed to Julius III., declared that the
young man had acted against his wishes, and demanded an
investigation. His wife arrived at Home. With the im-
passioned nature of her countrywomen, she ran from house to
house, complaining of having received a great injury, and
exciting pity by her tears. Cardinal Caraffa, moved by her
entreaties, and perhaps by his own concealed dislike of the
Company, ordered Ignatius, on pain of censure, to restore
the son to his parents. But since the truth had not yet been
fully shown, and Octavius had been led by no persuasion, but
through a strong vocation to enter the Company, Ignatius
thought it his duty to disobey. He appealed to the Pope,
who, when informed how the thing had really happened,
cancelled the sentence of Caraffa, and decided that the re-
ception of Octavius had been entirely legal. He also named
a commission of Cardinals,' who should judge of any such
cases in future. In the following spring, Ignatius addressed
this circular to all the Rectors of Colleges; —

As it is our intention that young persons should be instructed
and trained in our Colleges and the schools belonging to them, in
letters and good habits, and that thus good edification may be given
to their parents, in this way, as well as by the other exercises of
charity — that is to say, Confession, preachings, and so forth, as the
Company is wont to do : it has appeared to us suitable in the Lord,
to order all of you, and strictly recommend you, on behalf of God
our Lord, that no youths who may be still under the care of parents
or guardians be admitted into our Company, either in any College,

422 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

or by sending them elsewhere, without the will and consent of those
who have the charge of them ; and much less ought they to exhort
or persuade such scholars to enter our Religion. For though it be
in itself a thing permitted and praiseworthy to help those who are
arrived at years of discretion, and (eiiam) exhort them to a state
of perfection, that is to Religion, yet for our schools to exhort in
this way, or receive any, we consider not advisable, for the greater
service of God and the universal benefit, which we must aim at,
rather than that of individuals; as is reasonable. And to make
known to you this our order and decree, we have written to all the
Colleges to the same effect. We recommend ourselves much to
your prayers.

From Borne, March 3, 1554.

It was particularly among the impressionable minds of
Italy that such a declaration as this was necessary. It had
its full effect in allaying the fear entertained by parents lest
their sons should be persuaded by the Jesuits to join them ;
in Perugia, more particularly, the result was immediately
visible in the large number of boys who were sent at once
to the schools of the Society.

Bernard Olivier, the son of a worthy burgess of Auson, in
Lorraine, had distinguished himself in the University of
Louvain. He was destined by his parents for the Church,
but preferred liberty and adventure ; his father, disappointed
and angry, told him he should have no assistance from him,
if he even fell into the greatest distress. Bernard answered
carelessly, ' That matters little, I will contrive not to beg
at your door.' In his mother's heart lodged more compassion ;
she gave him. some money, and he set off for Rome. There
he offered his services to a notary, and like another Whit-
tington won the promise of his master's daughter. For the
notary, appreciating his good writing, his intelligence and
honesty, lavished affection on him. Then Bernard was called
on to defend the Franciscan Fathers against a Cardinal-arch-
bishop who had attacked their privileges. He did this with
so much talent, that the notary told him he should be his
heir, and the husband of his only child. But a dangerous
illness changed all Bernard's fortunes ; for one of the com-
panions of St. Ignatius attended him, and lie rose from his

BERNARD OLIVIER. 423

bed resolved to join the Order. Ignatius did uot at once
consent to his request, and would not promise him admis-
sion. At last, Bernard, impatient to leave the patron whose
friendly intentions he had disappointed, went to the Gesu
and told the doorkeeper he would never return home again.
Ignatius, who liked energy, was propitiated by this presump-
tion, and allowed him to enter the noviciate ; then Bernard
became Ministro of the house. His docility and renunciation
of self were the admiration of all. He was placed after-
wards over the new Roman College, but his health failed ;
and he was bidden to try the effects of his native air. He
presented himself at his father's house at Auson, and meeting
him at the door, asked alms and hospitality. The father
refused harshly ; he had not recognised his son. ' But,' said
the suppliant, ' I know your son Bernard, who left you in
search of adventures, and I can give yon news of him.'
Then he was brought into the house, and told his own his-
tory, without discovering himself. At last the old man
exclaimed, ' Mais, c'est Bernard,' and wept for joy. They
were a happy family that day ; the neighbours all came to
bid the wanderer welcome. He commenced the work of his
apostolate at once, and exhorted or instructed all the country
round, till he was sent to Brussels to prepare the mission of
Bibadeneira.

Ignatius, in a Latin letter addressed to the Margravine of
Berg, says : —

As for myself, He to whom all the innermost heart is known,
Who Himself gave me this longing for the salvation and perfection
of souls, knows what inward affection I have for all Germany and
Flanders, and particularly for the inhabitants of Berg, and other
subjects of your Excellency ; so much, that as soon as He grants me
opportunity and power, I will do for them whatever I am able.

The German College was founded soon after. Ignatius
designed it to train secular priests for Germany, where
the scandalous and careless lives of the clergy had in effect
made them the chief promoters of heresy in doctrine.
He could spare but few members of his Company to send
thither ; besides, in the then state of men's minds, furiously

424 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

prejudiced against the Holy See, they were less likely to be
easily influenced by priests of the Company of Jesus, who
were pledged to the Papal service in a peculiar manner.
Germany had few resources at this time ; the old Catholic
teaching had nearly died out. Except at Cologne and at In-
goldstadt, where John Eck had preserved the ancient tradi-
tions, the clergy and their methods were treated with con-
Genelli. tempt, and those of Luther and the Protestants had super-
seded them.

The Eegular Orders were obnoxious to the people in many
places, the secular priests ignorant and despised. Ignatius
long sought a remedy, when, in 1552, Cardinal Morone,
who had been the Papal Legate in Germany, and well knew
the state of things, conversing on these subjects with Igna-
tius, but ignorant of his views, told him he ought to bring
some young Germans to Rome to educate them for the
Church. Ignatius communicated his ideas ; Morone adopted
them at once. They agreed that the Pope must be imme-
diately consulted. Morone undertook to speak to him, and
he procured also the interest of Cardinal Cervini, who had
much influence with Julius TIL There seemed a difficulty
at first on the score of means ; the Papal treasury was ex-
hausted ; the two Cardinals represented that many of the
Sacred College would contribute. The Pope promised his
support, if the Cardinals would give theirs. A Consistory was
assembled ; thirty-three Cardinals approved the undertaking
and promised assistance. Morone urged the claims and the
utility of the intended College, in an eloquent discourse;
most of the persons present were already favourable. Some
even desired to fix a sum which each should give yearly ; but
this the Pope disapproved. He promised his own donation in
these terms : — 'As it becomes us to set the example in an un-
dertaking so holy, pious, and praiseworthy, we will contribute
yearly 500 golden crowns.' The planning and directing of
the new College were left with Ignatius and his Company ;
he was enjoined to draw up its code of regulations. He set
about the work with his wonted activity ; on July 29 follow-
ing, he sent an outline of the statutes he proposed to Car-
dinal Carpi, then at Viterbo.

He wrote also at some length to Le Jay, on the next day,

THE GERMAN COLLEGE. 425

July 30 ; but Le Jay could hardly have received the letter,
for he died on August 6.

Ribadeneira was summoned from Palermo to open the
German College ; he met on the way with an accident which
delayed his arrival. At Valineto, eight leagues from Rome, he
rose before daylight to set off on his journey, and in the dark,
stumbled and fell downstairs, from the second-floor to the
ground ; he was taken up senseless, but after another day
and night he was able to reach Rome. Ignatius had heard
of the disaster, and went to meet him full of solicitude
and love.

When the German College was fairly begun, and twenty- 1552.
four youths ready to enter it, Ignatius procured them a house
close to the Gesu. It was formally opened on the feast of
St. Simon and St. Jude ; Ribadeneira and several Cardinals
preached and collected money for it that day.

In this, as in many other inestimable reforms, the world
owes gratitude to Ignatius ; for when Laynez, long before,
proposed the establishing of such Colleges to the prelates
assembled at the Council of Trent, his suggestion received
little encouragement. The necessity of a higher and much
more careful education of the clergy, which would ensure
them a large amount of learning, without taking them
wholly from that intercourse with the world which is desir-
able for men destined to work in it, was not yet sufficiently
understood. Some time later Cardinal Morone, President of
the Council, revived the idea, and warmly recommended it.
He was able then to enforce his arguments by the example
of the German College, already three years in operation at
Rome.

Ignatius wished England to share in the privileges of these
Germans, and when Reginald Pole went thither in the reign
of Mary, he wrote to offer maintenance to as many young
men as the Cardinal could send.

The Pope's Bull, instituting the new College, was given on
August 31, and the Rector received the privilege of granting
Doctor's Degrees. Ignatius named as the first Rector Father
Andrea Frusis, who had been employed some time as secre-
tary-general of the Society; for he found no German who
was suitable.

426 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

On November 21 the young men first arrived from Ger-
many, bound themselves by promise in writing to remain
ever true to the faith of their Fathers, and obedient to the
Pope. They attended the lectures of the Roman College ;
but as philosophy and theology had not yet been taught
there, Ignatius asked permission from the Pope to erect pro-
fessorships for these, which was readily granted ; and hence
began that eminence of the Roman College which has never
diminished while the Jesuits taught there.

A remarkable proof of the judgment with which Ignatius
had drawn up the plan of this German College was given
by the Council of Trent, when, in accordance with the pro-
posal of its President, Cardinal Morone, it was adopted
almost entirely in the decree relating to the episcopal semi-
naries.

In 1553 Ignatius wrote to Morone thus : —

Since the arrival of your Reverence, which we desire so much, is
delayed longer than we expected, it seems to me I ought to give
you some account by letters of your German College . . . Their
habitation, up to this time, is in two houses near our College ; though.
we are seeking larger ones, as the number increases, and will in-
crease daily. They are twenty German youths, besides a Rector of
our Company, and two others, whom we keep with them for their
spiritual help and government ; these are exemplary and learned
men. Besides these, there are other four in the College, who,
serving in external things for their salary, do their office very well.
Among the twenty youths, many are well grounded in the liberal
arts ; and practising till October this year, either in languages,
or logic and philosophy, which they studied before in Louvain or
Cologne, they will then be fit to learn theology. The others will
continue to study languages or philosophy, as may be suitable. In
modesty and Christian manners they give a very good example, and
we hope in their lives and their teaching they will be good labourers
in the vineyard of God our Lord. We have already given them
several preceptors in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and etiam pre-
pared some in logic and physics. That they may accommodate
their teaching to the greater or less capacity of the pupils, the classes
are exercised one with another, and they finish the course of the
liberal arts in three years, in the manner of Paris and Louvain,
and other renowned Universities. For scholastic theology and the
Sacred Scriptures we shall this October appoint several lecturers, and
these, like the others, are the best we have been able to find in all

SCHOOLS. 427

our Company, robbing the other Colleges, because we judge this to
be the greatest and most universal good, for the glory of God our
Lord.

Rome. Feb. 25, 1553.

And yet, three centuries later, Theiner, known not to have
been always friendly to the Jesuits, said, speaking of Ger-
many : — ' I never cease admiring the incredible efforts of the
Fathers in perfecting establishments for clerical education,
and still more the magnificent results with which these have
been rewarded.'

The system established by Ignatius for his Colleges was,
speaking generally, that of all Catholic schools at that time,
and particularly that of Paris, both in literature and in
philosophy and theology. He added some directions which
concern the moral education of the young men. Some little
information on the subject is given by Ignatius himself in
answer to some person who had enquired respecting the
day-pupils, who did not reside in the house : —

As to the out-door scholars : —

1. Every one, whether rich or poor, is admitted to the lessons or
exercises in letters, out of pure charity, without any remuneration
being accepted.

2. Those who are under guardians are received from their hands ;
and if the youths are to continue their studies, they must be ex-
amined to see if they will be obedient to their masters, in matters
appertaining to doctrine and habits, quiet, abstaining from bad words,
and in everything observing due decorum ; then if they agree to this,
they are inscribed in a book, and are taken care of, that they may
be instructed, and become good, as if they were in the house.

3. It is customary as much as possible to make them hear Mass
every day, and the exposition of Christian doctrine ; and a sermon,
when there is one, every Sunday and festival ; and to confess every
month, and they are accustomed to recommend themselves to God,
and finally they are carefully guided in letters and religion.

4. For the little ones who cannot be ruled by words only, a cor-
rector is kept at the expense of the College, who is present, and
awes the young ones, and if the master orders it, punishes them,
though they are to be beaten only when nothing else will do, and if
even this does not suffice, the incorrigible are dismissed.

5. As for the teaching in the classes or various schools, ac-
cording to their capacity, they are taught humane letters, Latin,

428 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Greek, and even Hebrew, if they are capable, and when there is a
suitable number of persons already advanced in these studies, and
that it is not more convenient to send them elsewhere, they learn
also logic and philosophy, and the Company provides lecturers, who
go through the course of arts, and finally that of theology, as they
do at Paris. And these not only give lessons, but exercise all the
scholars in composition and disputes, and various conferences, which
perhaps are more useful than (direct) instruction.

Genelli. Ignatius thought that education is chiefly an affair of ex-

perience and tradition; he abstained from theorising, and
took the systems that existed ready to his hand, trusting for
success to the spirit and perseverance with which they were
carried into execution. But he maintained, above all things,
this great principle, that the intellectual teaching should be
subordinate to the training of the moral and religious cha-
racter ; and the Company have ever kept this particularly in
view. They endeavoured also to improve and enlarge con-
stantly their scholastic system, both as to the matter and
the manner of teaching. The plan which has always been
retained in its chief features unites all advantages. It can
only be understood and judged by experience, but it partakes
fully of that character which Ignatius applied to the Com-
pany generally ; it bends to the exigencies of time and place,
instead of requiring that these should be accommodated to
itself.

Ignatius dreaded that the reading of classic authors might
introduce into young minds a paganism of taste and morals.
He thought long and deeply on the subject, as we find from
a letter written by him to some unknown person, who must
have been a prelate or Cardinal, and after the year 1551,
since the Universities referred to did not then exist : —

I write now to salute your Reverend Lordship, praying the
Holy Spirit to enrich you greatly in these festival days with His
spiritual treasures, and also to communicate therewith a desire that
our Lord has given me these many years past, concerning which
it would be very grateful to me to learn your opinion, which etiam
may assist not slightly in its execution . . . Seeing that young
people are so disposed to receive and retain first impressions, whether
good or bad, and that the first images that are offered to them . . .
are of so much importance for all the rest of their lives; and con-
sidering also that books, especially classics as they are commonly

CLASSICS. 429

taught to boys, as Terence, Virgil, and others, contain amongst many
things nseful to be learnt, and not useless, but profitable rather for
life, some other things very profane and unsuitable, and injurious
if merely heard . . . and so much the more, if these are placed
before them, and inculcated in books which they hear and in which
they study, usually holding them in their hands. This considered,
it seemed to me, as it does still seem, that it would be very expedient
if we were to remove from these classic works all the parts that
are unedifying or noxious, and replace them by others of a better
sort, or, without adding anything, leave only what is profitable,
taking away the rest. And this appears to me up to these last
yeai-s most desirable for the good Christian life and good training
of youth ; but not being aware how it could be done, I did not go
beyond the wish. K"ow, seeing that our Lord goes on thus, im-
pliando, strengthening this His work in our Company, by the means
of His servants, not only with Colleges, but etiam with Universities,
such as already there are two of, under the direction of our Com-
pany, at Grandia and Messina, it seems as if this business became
lighter and easier to carry into effect, at least in those places where
the Company has authority. But in this I should like much to hear
your opinion, because if it appears to you, as to us, as I have said
before, much may be done for the glory of our Lord God, as in that
case I will explain.

This plan was realised afterwards, and with, the happiest
results. In attempting its adaptation however, it is need-
ful, says Genelli, to bear in mind the wise maxim of Igna-
tius, that the best things are not best at all times and in all
places.

He indicated Terence particularly as one of the authors to
be expurgated for the benefit of his scholars, which was
sometimes done, we are told, by the substitution of conjugal
for profane love. The drama generally was encouraged by
the Society, and some plays by Jesuit poets are extant, which,
if written in a living language, would raise their authors to
a high place in modern literature.

The elegant tastes which Ignatius had brought from the
Court of Germaine de Foix revived in his directions for his
young pupils ; they cultivated music and acting, poetry and
declamation; they had frequently assauts d' esprit, and at
Home he brought to these a distinguished audience; the
disputes lasted many days ; they were occasionally printed.

430 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

The professors made harangues at the opening of these per-
formances ; the theatricals came at the close.

It is rather a strong instance of the approbation with
which dramatic performances were favoured in those times
in the highest quarters, that when Paul III. had visited some
1543. years before the ducal family of Este at Ferrara, a part of
his entertainment was the performance of the 'Adelphi' by
the daughters and sons of Ercole and Renee ; Princess Anna,
then fifteen years old, personating the hero. Leonora d'Este,
afterwards made illustrious by the loves and misfortunes of
Tasso, was one of the younger actors.

The Colonna family had long been powerful and earnest
friends of the Society of Jesus.

Ignatius was greatly grieved at the scandal which was
given to the world by the quarrels of Ascanio Colonna and
his wife Giovanna of Aragon, which ended at last in an open
separation, and he resolved to make an extraordinary effort
to reconcile them. In the month of November he set out
with Laynez to visit the Duchess, who was at Alirto,1 on the
frontiers of the kingdom of Naples : she was nearest at hand,
and probably the more reasonable of the two, and he would
begin with her. When the day of his departure from Rome
arrived, the heavy winter rains of Italy had set in, and
Laynez remonstrated ; certainly, to start in such weather on
foot, lame and feeble as he was, appeared hardly wise ; but he
said, he had never for thirty years postponed any work of
charity for such impediments as these, and he would not
now. Giovanna received him cordially, and his errand seemed
perfectly successful, for the divergent spouses lived together
again in outward harmony for some time. But then ' persons
interfered,' it was said, and their discord became worse than
before. Giovanna preserved her reverence for Ignatius, and
after his death gave the Society a house on the Quirinal,
called the Casa Sant' Andrea. Borgia placed the novices
there under Ribadeneira. She was an accomplished and
beautiful woman, friend and sister-in-law of that Vittoria
Colonna so often mentioned among the patrons of literature
in Italy in those times.

1 Paurignao, in his life of the Saint, pnys Alvito.

DEPARTURE FOR ETHIOPIA. 431

Ignatius preached on his way to Alirto and back, exhorted
the people, roused the clergy, and left in many places traces
of his passage. The Cardinal of Burgos was at Alirto, and
aided in these reforms.

On their journey home Laynez, always liable to attacks of
ague and fever, became very ill. Ignatius wrapt him in his
own cloak, and with a real which had been given them in
alms, procured a horse for him to ride on.

The remonstrances of Ignatius on the subject of Ethiopia
had at last prevailed on King Joam to send out the Bishop
and coadjutors so long talked of.

In September, 1553, Oviedo and Carnerio, summoned from 1553.
Gandia, and chosen for coadjutors, with some others, left
Borne for Lisbon, where they were to find Nunez, who bore
the title of Patriarch. They did not receive episcopal con-
secration till the following year. When these loving brethren
left their spiritual father's house for a perpetual banishment,
some of their companions — Luis Gonsalez, Minister of the
Gesu, Olave and Rlbadeneira— certain that they would meet
no more in this world, obtained leave to accompany them a
little way beyond the walls. They prolonged their parting,
loth to leave the travellers, whose farewell had all the dignity
of martyrdom and the solemnity of the grave, till long after
the hour fixed for their return, and they did not reach home
till two o'clock in the morning. This Ignatius regarded as
an act of irregularity, and he was highly displeased. He
imposed a fast on all three, and especially reproved Gonsalez,
whose position in the house obliged him to set a good
example. * I do not know,' he said, * why I do not send you
away so far that you will never see me again;' a reproof which
pierced Gonsalez to the heart. Ignatius actually banished
him for some days to the Roman College. He sent to Nunez
a long letter, detailing all the strongest arguments for the
union of all Christians under the Bishop of Rome. This
was for the benefit of Prester John.

Nunez, after all, never assumed the authority of chief
Bishop. When he arrived at Goa, he found that one John
Bermudes had declared himself Patriarch, saying that he was

432 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

the true man, and that Pope Paul III. had entrusted Ethiopia
to him ; he had long worn the dress of a Bishop, and exer-
cised patriarchal jurisdiction. Nunez wrote to ask that he
might return home, but Ignatius bade him remain in hopes
of some opening for greater usefulness. It came out that the
good dispositions of Prester John were as imaginary as most
of his other attributes. He had little respect for Portugal
and less for Christianity. There was not much to be done.
Nunez, accepting the place of retreat and subordination as
humbly as he had received the office of command, remained
in the College of Goa, waiting for leave to return, or for
orders to proceed, distinguished only from the rest by being
the most gentle, poor, and submissive of its inmates. But
he had done already the work intended for him, and about
two years after God called him to Himself.

Beato Sauli, the Apostle -bishop of Corsica, had done much
for its population, but a great deal yet remained to be done.
He had been removed before half of the people had ever
heard the message of salvation, and of those whom he had
personally evangelised, many, or the most part, retained but
little of his lessons, beyond an affectionate remembrance.
In 1553 the Genoese Eepublic applied for priests to the
Pope ; he desired Ignatius to send two of his Order as mis-
sionaries. The two chosen were Sylvestro Landini, the
novice from Margrado, with whom Ignatius had been so much
displeased, and Emmanuel de Monte Mayor. They found
the island barbarous, its faith only nominally Christian.
Charles V., when its deputies presented themselves to offer
the allegiance of its inhabitants, had received them with
contempt.1 The Corsican clergy wore no distinctive dress,
nor were their lives better than those of the laity. Some
among them did not know how to say Ma,ss or hear Confes-
sions. The peasants had forgotten even how to make the
Sign of the Cross. Superstition, sorcery, polygamy, were not
at all their worst offences; murders were frequent; revenge an

1 ' Sire, les habitans de 1'Ile de Corse se donnent a votre MajesteV ' Et
moi, je les donne au diable.' This retort of the grave and silent monarch
seems iiot very probable.

CORSICA. 433

honourable duty. Some Franciscan monks were established
there, but as yet had done very little for the population.

The foreign priests went through the island preaching and
converting; their success was great: this awakened jealousies;
the priest who held the office of Grand Vicar resented the
double offence of their intrusion into his domains, and of the
censure implied by their doctrine on his scandalous life.
Others doubtless shared these feelings. He wrote to Rome
such complaints of the arrogance, severity, and presumption
of the strangers, that many Cardinals believed there must be
some foundation for these accusations, and Cardinal Sta.
Croce made a formal remonstrance in this sense to Ignatius.
He, in consequence, ordered Sebastian Rome, who had long
lived in the house and obtained his perfect confidence, to
assume the dress of a private gentleman and set off for
Corsica ; there, he was not to make himself known to the
Fathers, but observe their ways of acting when they did not
know they were watched. Rome went, and remained in the
island long enough to procure plentiful testimonies to the
worth and great success of Sylvestro and Emmanuel. He
brought to Rome letters from the Governor of Corsica, from
magistrates, from the Provincial of the Franciscans, and
some private persons, all praising the missionaries. The
Cardinals, well satisfied, expressed to Ignatius their regret
that they had been deceived.

About ten years after the arrival of the companions in
Rome, and about eight after Ignatius had taken possession
of the residence given him by Codace, they were enabled by
some rich patrons to buy the house adjoining theirs, whose
unreasonable owner had constantly annoyed them, kept their
refectory dark, filled the courtyard with noisy animals, al-
ways giving out that the priests wanted to drive him away.
They had still not space enough, and now hired the next
house. Manares relates that when the increase of numbers
made it necessary to prepare additional room, Ignatius asked
to see the places in which the brethren were to sleep, and
ordered the additions to be made that their comfort required;
though the house was not their own, and they were just then

F P

434 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

put to much expense in other places. In the same spirit of
confidence he declined, -with many thanks, the offer made by
a rich Roman to build a church for them. Ignatius did not
like the plans ; and said, ' A church will surely be one day
built such as we require.' This was done by Cardinal
Farnese.

When Ignatius sought a site for the Roman College, a
gentleman proposed taking a spot which was vacant, near
their own residence. ' No,' said the Saint, 'the whole of this
will be wanted for the house of the Professed, and there will
be none to spare ; on the contrary, two paces more room will
be wanted' — a sentence quoted as prophetic, but probably sug-
gested by a conversation with the architect Labaco, a clever
man, the father of one of the Society, whom Ignatius em-
ployed during these latter years.

The modern Gesu stands on the ground partly occupied by
the house of Codace. It encloses the three rooms — reve-
rentially preserved, two of them used for Divine service —
which Ignatius inhabited. There, he was as poor as any
member of the house. All his library was his Bible, a
Missal, and the 'Imitation of Christ;' the furniture of his
room was, like that of all the others, only a wooden table, a
chair, a bed, and a candlestick.

At his scanty dinner he often received strangers, or some
of his Professed Fathers from a distance ; but the meal was
even then plainly and poorly served. Bobadilla, on some
occasion when his portion of the ill-cooked spinach placed on
the table was small and unsavoury, said, ' Modicum venenum
non nocet ! ' — ' a little poison will not kill us.' Ignatius would
allow no dainties to be offered him; he was once angry
that the steward placed before him a bunch of grapes when
the others had none.

He would not, even for the sake of his beloved seminaries,
depart from his rule of never asking temporal favours in any
shape. When a College in Portugal begged him to procure
for it a grant of some church rents, he referred the affair to
the ambassador ; ' For,' said he, ' we must concern ourselves
with things divine and eternal, not such as are temporal and
earthly.' A testimony on oath is still extant, written by
Pelletier, Rector of the Roman College in 1551, declaring
that no property belonging to the College had been given to

INTERNAL GOVERNMENT. 435

the Professed House. This was because sufficient endow-
ments, and even wealth, were desirable for the support and
education of the students ; but for the Fathers he would not
allow the smallest encroachment on that privilege of poverty
which he called the rampart of a Religious Order, and bade
his brethren cherish as a mother. The alms that were given
him he spent on absolute necessaries ; all beyond these he
gave away.

When the Rectors of two Colleges disputed about some
point in which their respective establishments were interested,
Ignatius made them exchange places. Margaret of Austria
frequently sent him two or three hundred crowns ; he com-
monly dispensed the greater part at once, keeping an ac-
count.

Near the Gesu resided a woman of bad life, before whose
door the priests were forced to pass on their way into the
town ; to annoy them, she swept rubbish from her house
into the pathway. Ignatius ordered Father Emerico de
Bonis, who was then sacristan, to go to her with a civil re-
monstrance, and entreat her to deposit her ashes and dust
elsewhere. Now Emerico was very young and shy, and a
novice in the Society, so he persuaded an elderly Father to
carry the message for him. Ignatius commended his modesty,
but reproved his disobedience; he made bim stand in the
refectory, and ring a bell, saying aloud at the same time,
' Volo et nolo non habitant in hac domo.' The offence seems
small, but the house was sometimes disturbed by unquiet
spirits, whom it was necessary to quell or to dismiss ; he was
forced in this way to part with a relative of Juan de Vega
and with Don Teotonio, son of the Duke of Braganza, who
gave him trouble. These incidents no doubt partly caused
him to say to Polanco, * that, if he could wish to live
longer, it would be that it might be more difficult in admit-
ting postulants to the Society.' Sometimes even the Fathers
relapsed into some fault. One had particularly tormented and
resisted Ignatius ; when he said Mass, he was heard to utter
this exclamation : ' Forgive him, O Lord ; forgive him, my
Creator, for he knows not what he does.' And an inward
voice answered him : ' Leave him to me, I will avenge you.'
Soon after, the Father came in consternation to Ignatius,

r F 2

436 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

and besought his pardon. He had seen a vision in a church,
which terrified him into submission ; he was exemplary after
this, but much afflicted.

Another rebel, who was a priest, took the rather odd fancy
of walking about the house with his nightcap on, instead
of the biretta, and when Ignatius remonstrated on the in-
decorum, he answered, * He could judge what was decorous
or not himself.' He was sent away.

Ignatius always sought occasion to practise this virtue
of obedience, which he enjoined so constantly. Alessandro
Petronio, his physician, seeing him very weak from fasting,
ordered him to have some chicken served for his supper,
though it was the Wednesday in Holy Week; next day
he found this had been done. Petronio wondered, for he
did not expect such compliance ; Ignatius said, * But one
must obey.'

Before this clever physician had been called in, a younger
man who attended the Saint prescribed extreme warmth,
hot wine, an exciting diet, and keeping the windows shut,
though it was August. Ignatius knew the treatment and
the medicines to be all wrong, but he complied, that he
might set an example of obedience to his new Order. He
was almost dying, when Alessandro was summoned by the
other Fathers, and all the previous system was reversed ; he
was medicined for an inflamed liver, which probably was his
real malady, for under this treatment he recovered.

He was now past sixty years old, infirm, and broken in
health, yet he often said that at a sign from the Pope he
would take his staff and go on foot into Spain, or embark
in the first vessel he found at Ostia, without oars, sails, or
provisions, and not only willingly but with joy. A noble-
man who heard this said, in surprise : ' But where would
be the prudence of doing this ? ' ' Prudence, my lord,' said
Ignatius, * is the virtue of those who command, not of those
who otey.' He thought it an imperfection to be too de-
sirous to serve God in one particular way. When Laynez
spoke of his great longing to preach to the heathen masses
in India, he said : * And if I felt such a wish arising in my
mind, I would tear it out.' Laynez was surprised. 'Are
we not obliged,' said Ignatius, 'to go wherever the Pope

HUMILITY. 437

may send us ? At his command I am equally ready to go to
any country, and prefer neither east nor west, so that if I
were inclined to any particular place, as you are, I would
force my mind in another direction till the balance was even.'

He had, indeed, no wish for himself, except to be soon ad-
mitted into the Lord's presence. When one of the Fathers
spoke to him of some work for next year, ' Gesu ! my brother,'
said Ignatius, ' where do you find courage to endure the idea
of living so long ? '

He was accustomed to ask his brethren these three ques-
tions— If they were ready to obey in whatever occupation he
chose for them? If they thought they were better fitted
for one office than another ? If under certain circumstances
they would prefer one office to another? He expected a
sincere answer to these inquiries, and that they should
express to him any particular inclination or ability which
they might possess or suppose. But he was best pleased
with those brethren who, like Nadal and Manares, declared
themselves to have no preferences, and referred all entirely
to the judgment of Ignatius.

It was remarked in him that no person seemed less agree-
able to him than another ; no deficiencies or faults were
repugnant to him ; he was beloved by men of opposite cha-
racters. His charity prompted this beautiful and wise re-
mark : ' That there was not one in the house who did not in
something give him an example to imitate, or some cause
to humble himself by comparison.' When he heard of a
brother saying to another, that Ignatius was a great saint,
he sent for him, reproved him sternly, told him it was
blasphemous to dishonour sanctity by finding it in a sinner
like him, and he made the offender eat his meals in a scullery
for two weeks together. His Confessor, Diego d'Eguia, had
uttered expressions of admiration of his great virtue, and
said he wished that he might outlive Ignatius at least a few
hours, in order to be able to reveal what he knew. When
this came to the knowledge of Ignatius, he made d'Eguia
do penance publicly in the house on three successive evenings,
and recite three psalms which mention restraint of the tongue.
Diego still said all he dared to say, and they believed in the
house that Ignatius prayed to God to take him first, and

438 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

that in answer to this prayer Diego's death preceded that of
Ignatius by a short period.

As he approached the confines of the other world, and its
light seemed to stream upon him, his countenance appeared
like that of one already beyond mortality ; his sons said his
face was a face for Paradise. He prayed God sometimes to
arrest the overflow of consolations, that he might be more
careful and humble in His service, and then he thought God
continued them, that since he had grown so old and useless,
he might be at least fit for prayer.

In saying Mass, he was all his life interrupted by his
emotion; the part beginning ' Te igitur, clementissime Pater,'
particularly affected him. Once, at the ' Memento Domine,'
which follows, Father Nicholas Lanoy saw upon his head a
bright flame, and rushed up to put it out ; then the coun-
tenance of Ignatius showed him that he was witnessing a
prodigy. He was so attenuated by abstinence and fasting,
that his existence appeared a wonder ; the examination of
his body after death proved that he must have endured much
pain; he took little nourishment, sometimes during the
whole day only a few chestnuts — a remnant of his Spanish
tastes. He said once, ' If I lived on the strength of nature
alone, assuredly I should soon die.'

Cardinal Carpi was used to say, in allusion to his indo-
mitable spirit and perseverance, ' He has driven in the nail,
nothing can extract it.' Yet there was so little of an im-
perious nature in him, that when directing the persons who
were to hold offices of trust, he seldom gave a positive in-
junction ; his way was to explain his orders in such a manner
that obedience became the spontaneous choice of those who
heard him. Often when consulted by Superiors, in the
hope that he would give some special instructions, the answer
was only, ' Do your duty.' Those who failed in the missions
on which he sent them he consoled with a generous kindness ;
he never allowed them to be discouraged, or to feel that his
favour towards them was diminished. If he was obliged to
receive a complaint, or an unfavourable report of anyone, he
would have it made in writing ; ' For,' said he, ' the pen
writes more deliberately than the tongue speaks.' If he re-
fused a favour, those who asked it did not leave him discon-

THE FALLEN ROOF. 439

tented : he gave the reasons, if possible ; if not, his kindness
averted all resentment, and suggested compensations. He
was very solicitous for that part of Christian love among the
brethren which regarded their mutual edification and cor-
rection. When there was a ruling vice in one who consulted
him, he bade the person examine himself frequently, and
named another in the house who should, every day before
dinner and at night, ask him if he had done this, and
another who was to warn him when he fell into the fault.
Sometimes these admonitions were to be given in writing.

At the Gesu the fathers assembled every Friday to hear
or tell each other of their imperfections ; four were appointed
for this. Martin Olave, then head of the Koman College,
took the lead, and desired some of his companions to tell him
how often he had fallen into a particular fault which he was
trying to overcome.

The members of the Society were forbidden ever to visit a
woman alone ; some one was always to accompany the priest,
and remain within sight, though not within hearing. Once
an aged Father transgressed this rule ; he was an excellent
man, and Ignatius knew there was nothing to blame in his
intention ; nevertheless, he made the poor old priest beat
himself while eight of the Fathers recited the Penitential
Psalms, and this Ignatius considered an indulgent sentence.
After this occurrence, he wrote some rules for decorum and
modesty, which the Minister was to publish and enforce in
the house ; and Ignatius was little pleased when he found
this had not been done. He said to Eibadeneira, ' I framed
these rules with great consideration, but the Ministers do not
correspond by their own care. Yet I tell you the rules have
cost me much time and thought, and that I have made prayer
on this subject more than seven times, and shed many tears.'

He ordered Laynez to read these rules aloud in the refec-
tory, adding an exhortation ; he desired all the Fathers to be
present, even those of the original number who were now in
Rome, though these generally were exempted on such occa-
sions, on account of their many occupations. While they
listened, a loud crash was heard, reverberating through the
house ; when the discourse of Laynez was ended, and they
went to see what was the matter, they found that a roof had

440 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

fallen in the garden, over a place where they were accustomed
to assemble after supper, for it was August. It must have
crushed many or all of them, if it had not been for the dis-
course of Laynez. When Ignatius saw the ruins, he gave
thanks to God, and then said to Ribadeneira, ' It seems as if
our Lord designed to show that these rules are not displeas-
ing to Him.' The instructions of Ignatius descended even
to minute directions, for the head, the eye, and the voice.
A novice who was exemplary in his actions, looked about
him more than Ignatius approved ; he warned him by this
mild reproof: 'Brother Giovanni Domenico, why do you not
show by the modesty of your looks that modesty which God
has given to your soul ? '

But after this public exhortation, the rule of external de-
corum was very scrupulously kept ; so much so that one day
the Fathers told Ignatius of their being accused of hypocrisy.
' God grant such hypocrisy may increase among us,' said
Ignatius ; ( but I know no hypocrites in the Society, except
these two,' pointing to Salmeron and Bobadilla. He was
alluding to their being so much more holy than they ap-
peared externally.

His patience was suitable to one in whom nature was sub-
dued ; and he never moved hand or eye spontaneously, or
without a motive. The Infirmarian once, in sewing a bandage
round his throat, ran the needle through an ear. Ignatius
showed him the wound, and said, ' Look, brother, what you
have done,' as calmly as if he felt nothing. When he was
watching the building going on at Santa Balbina, from some
stairs in the vineyard,1 his lame leg failing him he fell from
the top to the bottom ; he appeared not to be hurt, and
certainly took not the least notice ; it seemed no way to dis-
compose him, though Diego di Guzman, his companion, was
persuaded that without a miracle he must have been killed.

One day, while he was discoursing in the house of some
friends on divine things, a brother from the Gesu entered,
and with a troubled countenance made him some communi-
cation ; he only answered, ' It is well,' and went on con-
versing. When he took leave he said, ' Do you know what
I have just heard ? We owe money for the repairs of our

1 Possibly the staircase still remaining on the north side of the

EXPULSIONS. 441

house, and the officers of justice have just come to seize our
furniture.' His friends were shocked. ' If they take away
our beds, we can sleep on the floor,' he said ; ' it is good
enough for poor men like us. I shall only make one request,
and that is for some writings of mine ; but if they choose to
take them, let them go, in God's name.'

But Girolamo Astalli, who heard this, became security for
the debt, and next day the worthy Arze, knowing nothing of
the matter, sent to Codace a gift of 200 scudi, which paid off
the whole. Arze had offered this sum for masses when he
was very ill ; Ignatius refused the money. Besides his own
rules on this point, he said it was wrong to undertake the
saying a large number of masses for a special object ; it
happened often that it was very burdensome, or almost im-
possible, to discharge the obligation. Arze now sent the 200
scudi as an alms, which arrived very opportunely. Then
Ignatius ordered much prayer for him in the Society, accord-
ing to the benefactor's wish.

As the Company of Jesus grew in importance and in the
Pope's favour, Loyola found excessive caution necessary to
exclude unsuitable persons, and no relationship, no interces-
sion of anyone availed in such cases.

Laynez had two brothers in the Society. One, Martin, was
exemplary ; the other, Christopher, incurred a summary dis-
missal. When Ribadeneira begged for a little money to
support him till he reached Spain, Ignatius answered, ' No,
Pedro ; if I had all the money in the world, I would not
give a farthing to one who is expelled from Religion for his
own fault.' A disposition to judge harshly of others was an
extreme offence in his sight ; he dismissed Marino Anda-
luzzo, a man of considerable learning, and highly useful as
Minister of the Professed House, because he persisted in
showing this propensity, even after going through the ' Ex-
ercises,' which, as Nadal had predicted, failed to soften him.
\Vhen Ignatius heard, in the usual nightly report, some in-
stances of this, he called up Andaluzzo, though he had
already gone to bed, and made him leave the house
instantly.

Another Marino, Doctor of the University of Paris, who Antonio
taught philosophy at the Eoman College, offended in some- Marmo-

442 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

thing of the same way, adhering to some notions of his own
respecting the Institute, which Ignatius failed to dislodge.
Marino was dismissed ; and it was very difficult in those
times to find anyone to take his place : the students did not
advance ; one professor after another was appointed and re-
moved. Luis Gonzalez lamented over the loss of Marino ;
Ignatius only said, ' Do you go and convert him.' For he
himself had found it impossible.

Before resolving on an expulsion, he always considered the
matter maturely, and usually consulted some of the other
Fathers ; but once decided, he was prompt and peremptory
in the act. A young man who was strongly tempted to with-
draw from the noviciate, appeared to him reclaimable, and
he had much patience with him ; but being told that to all
the persuasions of the elders to whom Ignatius had sent him
lie only answered that he would stay that night, but would go
in the morning, the Saint said, ' Will he go to-morrow ?
That shall not be, for he shall not sleep in the house to-
night.' And the young man was dismissed at that moment.
Leonard Kessel was fearful that he should be thought too
severe, when, having but fifteen subjects, he sent away half.
Ignatius answered that he had done right, and bade him send
away the others, and remain alone in Cologne, rather than
tolerate any infringement of the rule. If the Fathers inter-
ceded for the culprit he would say, * Would you have re-
ceived him as a member, if you had known him as we do
now? Certainly not: you must allow me then to send him
away. We must try those who are accepted, and if they
do not bear the test they must go. I will let you accept
subjects; do you let me dismiss them.' When he showed
the house to any stranger he sometimes said, f This is our
prison, and we leave the door unlocked that we may have no
prisoners.'

Nevertheless it was not always a great offence in the eyes
of Ignatius to wish to leave the Society ; he had patience
with that weakness of human nature upon which the devil
finds it easy to work till grace has taken full possession of
the soul. Andrea, a Flemish priest, persisted in his resolve
to return home ; Ignatius bade him go to Loreto on his w;i y,
and gave him eight pauls, a usual but very insufficient provi-

IGNATIUS' ASSUMED SEVERITY. 443

sion. When some of the brethren begged that he might
receive more, ' It is not well,' he said, ' to encourage tempta-
tions in those whose return we expect.' And Andrea actually
changed his mind at Loreto, and returned to ask his re-
admission at the Gesu.

If the fault committed was not very grave, nor publicly
known, Ignatius bade the Superiors be indulgent, and often
he inflicted no penalty beyond a reprimand. In all cases,
trivial or important, he showed the offender so clearly the
nature, degree, and consequences of his fault, that he was
touched to the heart. Maffei heard him once address a bro-
ther of distinguished talent, but a wilful character, on whom
remonstrances had long been wasted, with such energy, and
warn him of the Divine vengeance with such zeal and force,
that the offender fell at his feet. Those who stood around
called out for mercy ; the very walls of the room seemed to
tremble. But this, says Maffei, was an unusual occurrence.
For, his affection for all his brethren was so tender and
earnest, that he stood among them as a most kind father
among dutiful sons. Whenever he met them, his counte-
nance and words were full of love ; he never suffered any
opportunity to pass of giving them pleasure ; he watched
over them, and cared for all their wants like one who was
their servant as well as their master ; he anticipated their
requests, and made a note of what he thought would be
wanted.

But it seemed as if the resolve to quell all natural feelings
made him appear coldest to those whom he valued most.
When he had shown his recognition of their zeal and abili-
ties by the employments he gave them, he was more stern
in reproof, less expansive in the show of affection, with them
than with others. So it was with Laynez ; so with Nadal ;
so with Polanco, who was constantly about him, ' que era su
segretario, y sus pies, y sus manos ' — ' who was his secretary,
and his hands and his feet.' This Father told Ribadeneira
that till Ignatius' illness became dangerous he had not for
years spoken to him with any demonstrations of friendship.
Laynez said he sometimes lifted up his wounded heart to
Heaven, and said, 4 0 Lord, what have I done to harm the
Society, that El Sanio treats me with such severity?' And

444 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Nadal received sometimes 'terribles riprensiones ' in the
refectory, that even made him shed tears. Codace, the gene-
rous patron and benefactor, who had done so much for the
Company at its first starting, and was afterwards made
Minister of the house he himself had given them, was fre-
quently found offending, and reproved ; but he took it not at
all to heart, and still said, ' O soave Padre ! ' and declared
that even blows should not drive him out of the Society.

It was indeed only with advanced and nearly perfect cha-
racters that Ignatius compelled himself to this apparent
sternness; with the young or untried he showed almost
maternal indulgence.

There was a wall required on one side of the house, to
enclose it from the high road. Ignatius ordered that the
novices should take a part in this humble labour. One of
these, a youth of high birth and well known in Borne, was
ashamed of this occupation. Ignatius saw his downcast
looks, his endeavours to withdraw from observation, and
said to the master who was overlooking the work, ' Do you
not see, brother, that this novice is tempted by shame ? ' The
master said that he had been ordered to employ all the
novices on this work. 'When I give you an order,' said
Ignatius, ' do I deprive you of your charity and discretion ? '
Then, going up to the young man, he spoke to him as if he
saw that he was not strong enough for such labour : * Go
back to the house, and do not come here any more,' he said ;
' this is not employment for you.'

Upon this same work Lorenzo Tristano was employed;
he was a grave and mortified man, and so silent, that
Ignatius said words were heavier to him than stones. While
he was paving a platform on the terrace, Lorenzo let fall an
apple which had just been given him, and because he was
ashamed of being detected in such a luxury by Ignatius, he
pretended to take no notice ; but Ignatius rolled it towards
him with his stick, and whenever Lorenzo tried to escape by
turning away, the Saint rolled it again.

A lay-brother, named Giovanni Battista, very humble and
mortified, who was serving the kitchen one day, thinking as
he looked into the fire, of the pains of hell, which awaiiod
all mortal sin, and of his own offences, thrust his hand into

IGNATIUS' DISCRIMINATION. 445

the flames, and held it there till it was shockingly burnt ;
but when the stench of the scorched flesh brought the house-
steward into the kitchen, Giovanni, conscious that he had
done a foolish thing, threw himself on his knees and asked
pardon. The other brethren and the General hastened to the
place. Many thought that a man absurd enough to make
himself useless in this way ought to be expelled ; but Ignatius,
pitying his sufferings and the motive which had caused them,
prayed for him so earnestly all that night, that God was
merciful and sent him a speedy cure.

Ignatius would sometimes give orders which had no object
but to ascertain that the minds of his brethren were suffi-
ciently supple and docile : he would order the cook and the
Professor of Theology to change places ; he would summon
the priests who were about to say Mass, and bid them to take
off their vestments. Once he did this as the priest with the
chalice in his hands was just leaving the sacristy ; he bade
him put on his cloak to leave the house ; the priest without
a word did as he desired. * Were you disturbed at my orders ? '
said Ignatius. 'Not in the least.' * Know then,' was the
answer, ' that I do not want your services, but to establish
you in obedience, and be assured you have merited more by
leaving the Holy Sacrifice than if you had offered it; for
the Scriptures tell us that obedience is better than sacrifice.'

To one who had asked with more persistence than Ignatius
approved, for leave to go on a pilgrimage, he not only refused
the request, but imposed a penance on him instead. So, too,
when a priest once came with his cloak on to ask leave to go
out, he said, ' Go back to your room and take off your cloak,
and then corne back to me and ask leave.' If anyone threw
himself at his feet and did not rise at his bidding, Ignatius
went away and left him. He bade a lay-brother sit down,
which the man was ashamed to do, for there was a gentleman
present. Ignatius made him put the chair upon his head,
and remain in that way till the visitor went.

He dismissed an infirmarian who had led an exemplary
life, though all the Fathers pleaded his cause, only for an
unbecoming jest. The poor man was sent away without his
habit or money to travel 1,200 miles home.

It was a lesson constantly repeated by Ignatius that dis-

446 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

cretion is an excellent part of valour, and he perpetually
warned those who had a point to carry for the advantage of
the Society, that when gained, it might be of less value than
the goodwill which it would cost to an unguarded or impetu-
ous disputant. He said there were two sorts of labourers
in the Society : the first, those who built up and did not pull
down again ; the second, those that construct and destroy at
the same time, raising by their imprudence an opposition
more mischievous than their zeal could do good. He was so
afraid of making enemies by a too apparent victory, that
when Martin Olave had much perplexed some monks with
whom he disputed, Ignatius forbade his returning again to
the point of altercation. And he begged him to omit entirely
one question in a work he was going to publish, which was
likely to raise much irritation on the other side.

Father Reginald, a learned Dominican, who came to Eome
about 1553, told Ignatius wonderful stories of a nun belong-
ing to the Order, in a convent near Bologna, of which he
had change. She seems to have exhibited signs like those of
mesmerism — insensibility to pain, unconsciousness, obedience
to one voice or name, along with spiritual rapture, the
stigmata, or marks of thorns upon her forehead, whence the
blood flowed. Then he pressed Ignatius to say what he
thought of her. ' Of all your Reverence has told me,' said
Ignatius, ' that which appears to me most suspicious is her
readiness to obey.' When the monk left him, Eibadeiieira
begged Ignatius to explain his opinion. He answered, * God
works chiefly on the soul, sometimes so that His gifts flow-
over even upon the body, but this rarely and only in the case
of persons very precious to Him. The devil cannot work on
the soul ; but he often produces fictitious appearances on the
body, betraying the foolish into illusion and pride.'

And this proved to be the case of the Dominican nun.
Fiavia A Flemish priest, who came from France to seek admission

into the Gesu, thought doubtless to make himself more accept-
able by relating a wonderful vision, which he seems to have
sincerely believed in as a prodigy. Ignatius bade him submit
himself to the judgment of six learned doctors ; and when
these decided that he was deceived, though he entirely ac-
quiesced, Ignatius sent him to serve six months in a hospital,

DONA LOREX£A. 447

and tlien for some time made liirn snare the work of the lay
brothers at Eome. After this, Ignatius, fully satisfied, sent
him to France as rector of one of the houses there.

A hermit named Antonio da Majorica, renowned for his
severe life, came to Eome and talked much with Ignatius.
Nadal asked what he thought of him. * Before three years
are over,' said Ignatius, ' he will leave his hermitage and his
penitential life ;' and so it proved.

He would have given an opposite opinion of San Pedro di
Alcantara, whom he must certainly have seen in 1-554, when
Pedro came to Eome to ask the Pope's confirmation of his
Congregation of Eeformed Franciscans. For Pedro was
truly a saintly character, and did great service in the world
and in the Church.

The steadfast patron of the Society, Joam, King of Portu- Jan. 14.
gal, died in the year 1553. Ignatius bade all his people say
Masses or prayers for his soul, and for his Queen and children.
The Company of Jesus lost no worldly advantage in this
change ; it continued prosperous and highly valued in Por-
tugal and Spain, in spite of fierce hostilities, as long as it had
a legral existence.

The young heiress of Loyola, Dona Lorenca, was much Garcia,
sought in marriage, and the intercession of Ignatius was
asked by the Duke of Albuquerque, and the Duke of Najera,
his early friend ; he refused to interfere. But perhaps he
was pleased when after all she was betrothed to Juan, son of
Francis Borgia. Another Juan had asked the friendship of
Ignatius. He wrote to him : — ' I have no claim, on your
benevolence, except that I am the brother of Francis, and a
great sinner ; I do not know which of those recommendations
you will think the greater.'

Another time he answered the Duke of Xajera, on a D
matrimonial project, rather more at length. The young ones
concerned were a daughter of the house of Ozaete, which
was allied to that of Loyola, and Juan de Guevara, son or
grandson of the pious Maria de Guevara, who had taken
care of Ignatius during his childhood. This was his letter : —

May the sovereign grace and eternal love of Chri&t our Lord sa-
lute you, and visit you with His supreme gifts and spiritual graces.

448 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Juan de Guevara has given me your letter of February 21. I
will make this single excuse for not having answered it sooner ; it is
full and obvious. Those who have renounced the world to follow
Jesus Christ with more perfection, ought equally to renounce and
forget all worldly matters, that they may apply themselves with
more ardour to meditation and the pursuit of celestial things.
Therefore they shun all merely social duties, in order to expend a
greater zeal on the things of God ; but if any occasion were offered
me when I might serve you for the glory of God, I would seize it
eagerly, and in proportion to my insignificance I would show you
how much I think myself bound to you and all your family. You
would see too by what obligations I am indebted to your father.
The only thing I could do was to recommend you to our Lord ; I
have always done this, and will to the end. I will pray God to
give the greatest possible happiness to you and yours ; that He may
defend and direct you by a special protection of His grace, for the
glory of His name.

As for the marriage about which you write to me, it is in the
nature of things so foreign to my profession, that I must quite
abstain from it, all interest of this kind being too contrary and
opposed to my occupations and habits of life.

I can assure you in all truth that I have not written a single
letter to any of the Loyola family for ten or eleven years. I said
to myself, that since I had renounced all worldly things, absolutely
all, I had also quitted this family for Jesus Christ, and ought nc
longer to be attached to it, nor consider it as mine, having left it
with a determination so fixed and well considered. But if, never-
theless, you judge that it concerns the glory of God that these two
families and estates should be united, if you think that this would
serve both the end that we should always keep in view and the
interests of the two families, then I think you should summon the
lord of Ozaete, and Martin Garcia, my nephews, and come to an
understanding with them. From, both must come the decision, as
I have explained at length to Juan de Guevara ; therefore I leave all
the affair to your sagacious judgment.

I pray God to show us always the light of His will, and to grant
us, in His infinite goodness, the grace to accomplish it entirely.

IGNATIUS.
Eome, August 26, 1552.

The Congregation of SS. Paul and Barnabas, usually called
Barnabites, at Milan, had been most kind to Fra Miona

IIAMOXTAX. 449

when he fell sick there on his way to Eorae ; they continued
in friendly relations with Ignatius, and a few years after
desired to incorporate their Society with his. This, in the
year 1552, they requested of him, through Sauli, Archbishop
of Genoa, then Vice-Legate at Bologna ; he answered, as he Jeronymo
had done in similar cases before, that he highly esteemed b
the Barnabites, but that each Order had its own particular
character and aim, and that it was more for the glory of God
that they should pursue them independently. He could not
indeed have acceded to their wish, for he had twice rejected
the same proposal from the Theatines ; but it was obviously
impossible that the Jesuits, trained by long and strict
discipline and instruction to a distinct purpose, could pro-
fitably amalgamate with men accustomed to a different tone
of thought, many of them adyanced in years, and all formed
to other practices.

The prior of the Chartreuse, Gerard Hamontan, long con-
tinued to send donations to the Community, and these were
sometimes more acceptable than he was himself aware of.
Once, at a period of extreme necessity, Ignatius received
from him one hundred crowns : he thanked him in the
following letter : —

May the great grace and eternal love of God and our Lord Jesus
Christ enrich and prosper your Paternity and your holy Brotherhood
with a perpetual increase of spiritual gifts. Though we have seldom
written during these last years to your Paternity, yet our union
•with you in prayer has been frequent, so that on both sides we have
often in that lapse of time felt that our mutual love has not van-
ished, but increased. This, on our part, we find in our lively re-
membrance and daily growing inclination towards you ; and on
yours, not only by the letters of our people, which relate the con-
tinual benefits that they receive from your Paternity, but by our
own experience of your generosity, which reaches us even as far as
Rome, for which we give the greatest thanks to God, the cause of
all good, and to your Paternity. For your liberality came at the
right moment to help the necessities of this College, and this proof
of your great love has exceedingly strengthened the bond of our
reciprocal friendship. May the Lord Jesus graciously reward you,
in the riches of his great goodness, for these and all other kind-
nesses that you have shown His poor. The brethren in Rome are
well; myself the Lord has visited with a malady of six months'

G G

450 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

standing, but I am now a little better ; the rest your Paternity
will learn from our brothers, to whom we write more particulars.
We all desire humbly to recommend ourselves to the prayers
and sacrifices of your Paternity, and of your honourable brethren,
who are ours. Farewell in the Lord Jesus Christ, who is the
eternal salvation and life of all. Amen.
Home, Aug. 21, 1554.

The pious and liberal German deserves that we should
here add his answer : —

Fight tke good fight with the weapons of righteousness, to the
right and left, most worthy Father, whom I must ever embrace in
the arms of charity. I have received the letter of your honour, and
I see from it that your health is in some degree restored, and also
that you are so favourable as to admit me, an unworthy sinner, to
a partnership in prayer and sacrifice with your holy Company. I
humbly desire to recommend to you myself and my brethren. I
will never forget you, in the measure of that affection with which
the Lord has inspired me for you, long since, through Master Peter
Faber, of pious memory.

The small gift that I have sent you deserves no thanks. I wish
that the unquiet times allowed me to assist you as I should desire ;
I would find a sufficiently secure way to send to you, for I see the
increase and perseverance of the Community in good works begun.
But in order to do something and take advantage of this oppor-
tunity, I send 500 golden florins ; but I ask neither letter nor
thanks ; only prayer and silence, for I know the clerks (meaning
the Jesuits) live on the alms of the faithful, and that they are
bound to spend their superfluity on pious purposes ; as I intend to
do, by God's help, until I die, in order to satisfy my conscience, so
long as, against my will, I retain authority here. May I see before
I die a college of your brethren established in Cologne. I have said
much on this subject to the prelates and authorities of the town,
but the magistrates show themselves intractable. God pity us all,
and keep your Paternity, with your holy Community, as long as
possible in His holy work, which you have begun, for the welfare of
the afflicted Church.
Dec. 27, 1554.

The time had now arrived when, by Ignatius' decision,

Canisius and his companions were to remove to Vienna.

Duke Albert, the University, and the town of Tngoldstadt,

1552. all saw their departure with regret. The Fathers started on

their journey on foot, according to their custom ; they reached

THE GERMAN COLLEGE. 451

Vienna in March. Two others were there before them, sent
by Ignatius from Borne; they opened a numerous school
immediately, with excellent success. King Ferdirand
dreaded lest some of these useful labourers should be taken
from him : he begged Ignatius not to think of it. The an-
swer was, ' that he had indeed been advised to recall one at
least to send elsewhere, but that he was inclined rather to
increase than diminish the clerical staff of Vienna. The
Society was truly not numerous enough to supply the Col-
leges which asked for them, but he would set these aside
for awhile, and none should be withdrawn without Ferdi-
nand's consent.'

Canisius, moved by the woful condition of Germany, 1553.
where, over large districts, religion was well-nigh extinct, and
many knew nothing about the articles of their hereditary
faith, till they heard them attacked and misrepresented by
Protestants, asked Ignatius to order every priest in the
Society to offer Mass once a month, that God might turn the
light of Catholic truth towards this people, and all those
who were not priests to pray with the same intention.
Ignatius liked a request so accordant with the spirit of his
Company, and answered by an encyclical letter, to the effect
indicated by Canisius, concluding thus, * wherever the Com-
pany exists, no province shall be exempt from this charitable Rome, _
duty, even at the most distant limits of the Indies.' 1553.

!Next year Duke Albert again addressed himself to the
Pope and to Ignatius, asking for Canisius and some others of
the Society for the College which he was at last about to
commence. He referred Ignatius for all details to his
private secretary Schwickhard, whom he sent to Rome to
transact this affair. Ignatius gave him the Bull of Paul IH.
and the statutes of the German College in Home — flourish-
ing at that time, and successful in its training of young can-
didates for ordination. Yet it had recently seemed on the
verge of failure, and but for the great energy of Ignatius,
ever unsubdued in what he saw was a good cause, the house
would have been closed. In a year or two from its com-
mencement, this College, which had received such large
promises of assistance, and which had gone on hitherto with

452 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

excellent results to the young scholars, fell into great
poverty. Many Cardinals and others, who at first helped
liberally, now suspended their contributions ; for the state of
the Catholic world was more and more troubled, that of
Rome deplorable in a high degree; Pope Julius wondered
that God could permit him to be so afflicted. In the winter
of 1554 the College was desperatety poor ; Ignatius had been
frequently advised to close it. Otto Truchsez, its patron,
and the warm friend of Ignatius, told him it would be better
to cease the struggle against misfortune ; the war now fur-
nished him with an honourable opportunity of laying the
burden down. ' If any one is tired of it,' said Ignatius, ' I
will take his share upon myself ; I would sell myself, if I had
nothing else to dispose of, rather than desert these Germans.'
In a short time the aspect of affairs had brightened. King
Ferdinand, moved by such perseverance, promised 400 gulden
yearly, and other donations poured in.

All the histories of these times relate frequent instances of
the rapacity and violence of the pirates of the Mediterranean.
During the reign of Pope Julius II., the elder Barbarossa had
the incredible audacity to attack the castle of Fondi, in order
to carry off the beautiful Veronica, Lady of Correggio, whose
fame had reached the ears of Saladin. She only saved her-
self from being transported to the seraglio at Constantinople,
by mounting a swift horse which carried her into the interior
of the country, whither the pirates dared not follow. Forty
years had brought no relief to the Christians, and since the
sons of the Potter of Lesbos, in the early part of the century,
first established the supremacy of the Crescent over its
waters, till now, when the last Barbarossa triumphed merci-
lessly on all sides, and led numbers of helpless Christians
into slavery, no attempt to subdue the Turks had been of
much effect. The expedition of Juan de Vega had left a
fortress at Tunis in the possession of Spaniards, but it did
no other important good : piracy was hardly diminished,
commerce almost paralysed, and the coasts of Italy exposed
to the most daring attacks. They had small protection
from the Christian sovereigns.

BARBAROSSA AND THE TURKS. 453

Charles, intoxicated with authority, monarch of the most
powerful and most extensive kingdom that ever obeyed one
man, wasted his strength uselessly against France, which
was so limited in comparison ; became weaker for every
victory, and could not hinder Henry II. from conniving
with the Infidels who landed on his coasts, plundered his
subjects, and carried them into slavery, where they were
often driven to renounce their faith. While all this went on
from bad to worse, Ignatius set his mind to work, and
devised a plan which could not fail to reverse this deplorable
state of things ; one that seemed a reflex of the old crusad-
ing spirit, but guided now by experience and better know-
ledge, to measures which would have had almost the
certainty of success.

The state of affairs was very desperate ; for the Prince of
Salerno, leader and instigator of the Neapolitan revolts, had
recently fled into France, and there persuaded Henry II. to
march against Spain. As Henry was too feeble to do this
without assistance, he applied to his old ally Soliman, and
induced him to send Dragut with one hundred and fifty
galleys, who landed in Calabria, and carried off large booty.
But after long waiting in the gulf of Naples for the French
fleet, which arrived too late, Dragut retired without doing
anything further.

Loyola, before he communicated with the Emperor, desired
the opinion of Nadal, who was removed in 1552 from Sicily
to Spain and Portugal ; and Polanco wrote a long detail of
the scheme in the name of Ignatius, which he prefaces by
saying that he asks Nadal's advice, because he is not entirely
assured of his own judgment in the matter ; otherwise, he
would ask counsel from no one, but repair at once to the
Emperor, and devote the rest of his life, in spite of all im-
pediments, to the carrying out this great object.

Perhaps iSTadal discouraged the scheme at that moment.
Time proved that it was absolutely necessary, but the
accomplishment came too late for Ignatius to witness it.
Pope Pius Y. united at last with Spain and Venice; the
Mediterranean was made safe ; but Palestine remained in
the power of the Mussulman. Genelli believes that Ignatius
desisted because he became aware of the designs of Pro-

454 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

vidence on tliis wonderful country, and knew the hour of its
restoration to Christian masters was not yet at hand.

The evils of piracy were soon felt personally by Loyola
himself. In 1554, one of his Society, a Frenchman named
Jean Godan, was sent from Gandia to Italy, and near the
coast of Sicily his vessel, cast ashore in a storm, fell into the
hands of some Algerine pirates, who carried him with all the
crew into Africa. Ignatius seems to have been greatly dis-
tressed ; he applied to the Viceroy, Juan de Vega, to procure
a release ; he bade the Superiors of the Order who were in
Sicily to offer a ransom, and make the utmost exertions for
their brother's restoration ; they were desired every week to
inform him what was doing. Unluckily the Algerines be-
came aware of this great anxiety, and raised their demands
accordingly ; they negociated too long ; poor Godan died in
captivity.

That same year, Paul IV. granted permission for three
Colleges of the Company of Jesus to be established in the
East. An Archconfraternity of the Holy Sepulchre was to be
constituted at the same time. These powers were obtained
by the entreaties of a pious Spanish nobleman, Pedro de
Zarate, of Bermeo, Commander of the Military Order of the
Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem ; and the hopes of Loyola re-
vived. He never relinquished his strong solicitude for the
Holy Land, which had attracted him so forcibly in his early
years. Even when the will of Providence had shown him
that he must fix himself at Rome, he did not renounce the
cherished visions of his youth ; he longed now, with all his
former earnestness, for the conversion of the Infidels, the
liberation of the Sacred Places from Mahommedan rule, and
that union of all Christian sects in Palestine with the Chair
of St. Peter which was indispensable for their holding any
strong or dignified position in the presence of Islamism.

Polanco wrote about this time to Father Bernard at
Louvain : —

No one lias been sent yet to Jerusalem, but three colleges are to
be founded by authority of the Pope — one at Jerusalem, which is
to be the head, one in the island of Cyprus, and one at Constanti-
nople. Some of our Religious will be sent there when the time
conies ; many are asking earnestly to be dispatched on this mis-

ENGLAND'S RETURN TO THE CATHOLIC FAITH. 455

sion. During these last months the Pope has sent a Patriarch to
the Nestoriaus, and he declared in the Consistory on this occasion
that he wished also to send some of our Community. But since it
has been found that a communication between them and ourselves
can be made through India, it is resolved to succour them on that
side. It is probable that they, as well as other Eastern sects, will
fraternise with us more readily when we have a College at Jeru-
salem ; for these heretics come from all quarters to the tomb of our
Saviour.

Unfortunately, Zarate found little sympathy amongst the
wealthy and noble ; those who were willing and able to pro-
mote such works wanted a College for their own town or
country; but with little encouragement he proceeded to Spain,
carrying with him the powers of the Holy See, and letters
from Ignatius to Philip, then King of Naples, to the King
of Portugal, and to Francis Borgia, whose interest would be
useful at the Spanish Court.

Salmerou counselled his master to send Simon Rodriguez,
recently recalled from Portugal, to Jerusalem, whither he
had always longed to go : there he might wait the oppor-
tunity of establishing the College. It seems there was no
want of affection or confidence in Ignatius for his early
friend, since he agreed to this ; and Simon actually went
as far as Venice, where he became extremely ill, and relin-
quished his mission ; he recovered, however, and returned to
Portugal.

The subject of these establishments in the East was re-
vived before Ignatius' death ; but nothing was ever effected.

There was rejoicing in Home that winter; the English
Parliament had formally petitioned that the kingdom should
be again united to the Church of Kome, and Cardinal Pole,
the most dignified and conciliatory of ambassadors, was sent
to announce the ready affection with which Julius III.
accepted the return of his erring children. For a while
England was again Catholic, and but for the stern rule of
Mary, the hatred entertained for her husband, and the
doubtful birth of Elizabeth, which threw her on Protestant
support, this better state of things might have continued,
and the world would have seen, perhaps, the problem of
constitutional freedom and Catholic piety carried into ac-

456 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

tion, which is now only the distant hope and consolation of
generous minds.

Feb. 2, When Charles V., with Ferdinand, his brother, fulfilling

lOOe).

the treaty of Passau, had assembled another Diet of Augs-
burg, in the hope, perpetually reviving and disappointed, of
restoring peace, he did not at first convince Julius that he
ought to send a Nuncio thither. But at last Morone was
commissioned to go and enforce the observation of the de-
crees of the Council of Trent. He arrived towards the end
of February, and in March the news of the Pope's death
recalled him to Eonie.

The Diet, many months after, resulted in the ' Religions-
fried,' obtained by so many concessions to the Protestants,
that Ferdinand shuddered, it was said, in signing it, and
Paul IV., by that time seated on the throne, was highly dis-
pleased, and sent Delfini to remonstrate. But the Diet of
Ratisbon, which followed, only confirmed the Protestant
victory. It was only a promise of toleration after all ; but
toleration was a wisdom not understood in those days : the
faithful had not faith enough to believe in the ultimate
triumph of what was good and true, unless the powers of
doubt and darkness were repressed with a strong hand.

Julius died on the 23rd March. He had long ago retired
as much as possible from public affairs ; during the latter
part of his short reign, his time was chiefly spent in the
house and gardens still seen between Rome and the Ponte
Milvio ; the outer world was troubled, and he forgot it when-
ever it was not forced on him.

He was as a rule exceedingly kind to Ignatius ; his favour
only once appeared diminished, when the Spanish bishops
and priests, incensed at the decree of the Council of Trent,
which obliged them to reside near their churches, attributed
the measure to the Jesuits, and singled them out as the sub-
jects of their resentment. Julius, when he complained to
Charles that his privilege as Pope was intruded upon, re-
ceived for answer, ' that the decree was not the Emperor's,
but made by the Council which the Pope had sanctioned, and
therefore he was bound to enforce it.' The Jesuits were
known to approve the law of residence ; they were in favour

MARCELLO CERVIXI. 4'. 7

at the Court of Castille, and their enemies represented to
Julius that they had. partly influenced Charles to give this
reply. The Pope showed such extreme displeasure, that no
one dared remonstrate, not even Cardinal Carpi, till Ignatius
received from King Ferdinand a message to be delivered to
the Pope in person ; he was then admitted to an audience,
and turned it so well to account, that Julius restored him to
more than his former kindness. He called his Chamberlain,
when Ignatius took leave, and said, ' I desire that when the
Father Ignatius comes, he may be admitted immediately,
and I am to be informed, whoever may be with me at the
time.' And he sent next day an alms of 500 gold crowns
to the Professed House. He had the year before given a
revenue of 1 ,500 crowns to the Roman College ; at the peti-
tion of Borgia, he gave a vacant College at Saragossa to the
Society. Once, when Ignatius went, as he frequently did,
to ask some spiritual favour, Julius added, ' And have you
nothing to ask me for your temporal wants?' Ignatius
answered, 'No.' The Pope then commanded him, on his
obedience, always to apply to him for assistance when the
House of the Professed was in difficulties, and bade the
Father who accompanied Ignatius to remind him of this.

The Conclave which assembled after the death of Julius
could not give a more unquestionable proof of their desire to
see the Church piously reformed and wisely governed than
by electing Marcello Cervini for their new Pope. He had
always been exemplary in his clerical life ; he had sometimes
controlled and even reproved the late Pope, whose words
were not always guarded, nor his demeanour at all times
suited to his dignity ; he condemned his family partialities,
though these were moderate, and stopped short of scandal ;
and Marcello's own relations were not suffered even to enter
Rome. He promised an absolute neutrality in political
matters, and with this Charles V. was well satisfied ; he
made retrenchments, and caused a scheme to be drawn out
of many reforms; but he first set himself to restore the
solemn worship in the churches, which had but recently and
imperfectly recovered from a state of incredible neglect.
When Ignatius waited on Marcello to offer him the services
of his Order, the Pontiff received him with the utmost kind-

458 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

ness, embraced him, walked up and down the room with
him, and conversed earnestly on the best ways of spreading
the faith of the Church and restoring its discipline : he
wished for these purposes to have always some of the Society
near him, and desired that every member then at Rome
should be brought to him that he might personally know
each. He said to Ignatius, 'You are soldiers ready for
battle, and I mean to make use of you.' The rapid and
extraordinary success which had everywhere attended the
Society made great impression on Marcellus. He said, ' Since
the days of the Apostles, no man has lived to see so much
result of his exertions as Ignatius.' He particularly loved
Martin Olave and Laynez. Olave he had taken with him
the year before to his bishopric of Gubbio, and often called
him ' mio maestro.' Laynez had been his Confessor and
intimate ally at the Council of Trent, and now he asked that
these two should be allotted to him as Papal theologians.
Ignatius was well pleased, but would not confirm this choice
himself. He referred it to the decision of the majority of
the Fathers, as it was much his custom to do. In former
years, when Marcellus, then Cardinal of Sta. Croce, discussed
with Father Olave the best ways of reforming the Church,
he insisted that nothing could be so efficacious as to supply
it with bishops and pastors from the Society of Jesus, who
were so well trained in all the knowledge that perfects both
the intellect and the soul. Olave represented to him the
particular objects and system of Ignatius, whose heart was
entirely devoted to the Church, and who was persuaded that
he had restricted the Order in certain respects only to the
great increase of its utility in others. And this opinion was
so strong, he said, in Ignatius, that, after frequent contro-
versies, he maintained it as fully as ever. ' I yield then,' said
the Cardinal, 'to the judgment of Ignatius, for that has
more weight with me than any other argument.'

But time was not granted to Marcellus to do much. And
while all good men congratulated each other, and thanked
Heaven for a Pope so fitted to heal the wounds of the Church
and of Christendom, he was suddenly struck with apoplexy,
and died on the twenty-second day from his election. Of all
the reforms projected by him, that which alone survives was

GIOVAX MICHELE SARACEXI. 450

connected with the music sung at High Mass ; and this was
owing to the sublime genius of Palestrina, one of whose com-
positions, known as the ' Mass of Pope Marcellus,' is still
frequently performed.1

His successor Giani Petri Caraffa was a far more stern Bishop of
and hard character, but his election was again a proof of the
conscientious temper which now prevailed in the Consistory.
He was known to be an inflexible and peremptory reformer ;
he had been fervent and austere among the Theatines — and
when placed in the Papal Chair, he added to the Theatine spirit
that of a splendid and despotic sovereign. One of his first
acts was to erect Ireland into a kingdom, and declare Mary
and Philip its sovereigns : on the 21st of June their ambas-
sadors were received at Rome.2

The Fathers at the Gesu thought that misfortune was
impending over them when Caraffa became Pope. Ignatius
himself looked grave, which seldom happened to him ; but he
retired to pray, then assured them that they would still find
a protector on the throne. And so it proved. The new Pope
was crowned on June 5 ; he took the name of Paul IY.
He received the ceremonious visit of Ignatius and some of
his brethren, graciously, and some days after sent for him
again, and granted some requests which the Saint made for
the Society, and for Ferdinand, King of the Romans. He
even gave a singular mark of confidence in Loyola : the
Cardinal Saraceni, who was said to have managed everything Gioran
for the Pope during the first year of his reign, having come
to him with some petition, Paul referred him to Ignatius,
and confirmed his answer beforehand. Otto Truchsez said
he often heard Paul speak with such admiration of the
Jesuits, that he should desire for himself no other advocate
with the Pope than Ignatius.

It seems as if old hostilities must have been at work, when
any signs occurred of some diminution of this goodwill. The
fables related since of the concealed wealth of the Jesuits
perhaps already existed, for one of the Cardinals sent a poor

1 It \vas in great part a beautiful adaptation of some old Benedictine
chants. On the MS. was found written, ' Adjuva me, Domine.'

8 Ireland had also been given to England by Adrian IV., the English
Pope.

460 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

nobleman of Rome to the Gesii, desiring Ignatius to give him
money, as he much wanted it. Ignatius gave him all he had
in the house, which was a very small sum, and only said,
' The Illustrissiino who sent you must have supposed us much
richer than we are. I wish that I had more for you.' And
one cannot but think the sun of courtly favour did not shine
011 Ignatius, when he was once allowed to wait fourteen hours
in the ante-room of a Cardinal, or when the Gesu was
searched in 1556 by Papal authority for concealed arms.
Paul withdrew the yearly donation hitherto given to the
German College, and many Cardinals followed his example ;
but this was no proof of enmity. Rome was then poor and
harassed, the treasury exhausted, the war with Spain press-
ing, and full of terror to those who remembered the disasters
of Clement VII. But Philip preserved an outward semblance
of respect for the Chair of St. Peter, and ordered prayers to
be offered in all the churches, ' that the Pope might be vic-
torious over all his enemies,' while Philip's own army was
advancing to the gates of Rome.

Meanwhile, in the city, supplies began to fail. Ignatius
saw that he could not keep his beloved Germans near him
much longer; but he would not dismiss them — he dispersed
them among the residences and various friends of the So-
ciety in the neighbourhood, where famine was not yet im-
minent. All except himself now despaired of the College.
It turned out that while others wanted, the people belonging
to Ignatius always had enough. Luis Gonsalez said, ' This
seemed to be a miracle.' ' It would be miraculous indeed,'
said Ignatius, ' if God had failed to support those who trust
in Him. Is it the first time you have seen that our supplies
always equal our wants ? For my part, I would undertake
Mariani. as willingly to support a thousand as a hundred, for the one
is as easy to God as the other.' A Father said he could not
understand by what rule Ignatius was guided in this. * The
more hopeless matters are,' said Ignatius, ' the more we ought
to trust in God.' He explained his expectations of external
aid to Bobadilla. ' But,' said another, ' these are uncertain
resources, and even if not, they are insufficient.' ' And would
you have me not look to God for anything?' said Ignatius.
One day when the bell rang for dinner, there was not a morsel

PROVIDENTIAL CARE OF THE SOCIETY. 461

of bread left, or any food ; at that moment a supply was sent
for the whole house. Another evening their stores ran short
of firewood, wine, and bread. Next morning a pious matron
sent them a load of wood ; when this was taken in, the door
by accident was left open, and hastening to shut it, they
found that flour and wine had been left : who sent it they
never knew.

Brother Giovanni della Croce, who was charged with the
domestic expenses, going one day in a time of great need
from St. John Lateran, met a man as he passed the Coliseum,
who, without saying a word, came up to him and gave him
a hundred crowns of gold. And a second time, the steward
Giovanni received a mysterious donation as he went out early
in the morning to make purchases for the house. A man
came up and put into his hand a purse full of ducats : Gio-
vanni could not see who he was, for it was not yet daylight,
and he thought this might be some device of the evil spirit.
So he went into the Church of the Minerva to pray. But the
ducats proved to be gold and not ashes, as Giovanni feared.

The Spanish ambassador, Marquis de Sarria, showed dis-
pleasure because Ignatius had not appealed to him for relief.
The Saint said to Bibadeneira, ' I will open my mind to this
lord, and tell him how for thirty years God has taught me to
depend on Him alone. If the Marqiiis offers us aid, I will
accept it readily, but our trust is in God.'

His brethren believed it had pleased God to reward this
confidence by a glimpse into futurity. For he declared that
a Pope would one day be the patron of the German College,
and adopt it as his own. Gregory XIII. fulfilled this pro-
phecy. But Ignatius died while the war still lasted, and the
condition of his beloved Germans continued precarious and
disturbed.

All attacks personal to Ignatius himself had ceased long
before his death; but his Society, in accordance with his
prayer, was never to be at perfect peace.1 At Paris the
Sorbonne issued a complaint ; the bishop and the University

* Genelli remarks that in each country the hostility excited against the
Jesuits showed itself in the same manner, and formed a sort of historic tra-
dition, preserved even to our days.

40 2 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

furnished the matter of it, partly invented, partly inaccurate,
and perversely given. They published a decree which was
sent to Rome ; some of the most considerable Fathers of the
Society counselled Ignatius to answer it. But he, following
a higher guidance, said to them: 'My Brothers, remember
what Christ said to His disciples when He left the world, ' I
give you my peace, I leave you my peace.' Take this now
to yourselves. We must neither write nor do anything that
may create bitterness. There are cases in which it is better
to be silent than to speak. We need not use the pen to de-
fend ourselves, when truth will assert itself on our behalf.
The authority of the theologians of Paris is great certainly,
and we must respect it ; but it need not disturb us ; we shall
find means, if necessary (which I do not expect), to heal
this injury, milder and less dangerous than what you pro-
pose.' He comforted his distant and persecuted sons in
France with his letters, full of wisdom and paternal care ; he
gave them such courage that they all declared they would
die, if necessary, but never relinquish those labours for
the saving of souls which had drawn these attacks upon
them.

And what Ignatius foresaw happened. For when, in 1555,
the Cardinal of Lorraine came again to Borne, he was ac-
companied by four of the most distinguished theologians in
Paris — Sanchiere,1 afterwards made a Cardinal; Despence ;
Benoit ; and Brichanteau. On the petition of Ignatius a
conference was held in the palace of the Cardinal ; the Paris
Doctors were answered by Laynez, Olave, Polanco, and An-
drea Frusis, himself a Frenchman. Olave was a Doctor of
the Sorbonne ; he was the chief speaker on his own side.
Benoit was the accuser of the Company. The answers of
Olave are still extant ; they appeared conclusive to the audi-
tors; and when the Cardinal desired them to give their
opinion, they said the decree had been drawn up without
sufficient consideration. Benoit excused his conduct and his
decree on the ground of misinformation. The Jesuits passed
over his conduct, but showed that his decree was refuted by
the Institute itself. Benoit joined the others in commending

1 Jerome de la Sanchiere, a Cistercian ; Crispin de Brichanteau, a Religious
of St. Denis.

JEROXYMO PAPIXO. 463

Ignatius for not having appealed to the Pope or any Cardi-
nals; moreover, Ignatius obtained statements such as he
needed, from some of the sovereign personages who had been
friendly to his Society.

He wrote thus to the Duke of Ferrara : —

Since yOTir Excellency has been from the beginning so zealous a
protector of our small Society, you will not wonder that we hare
recourse to yon in a matter which concerns the obstacles that impede
us in our labours for God ; for even if we had not known by expe-
rience the goodwill of your Excellency, the interest you take in such
things, as becomes a truly Christian prince, would encourage us to
ask aid and protection from you, for the greater glory of the Divine
Majesty. Our brother, Master John Pelletier, is charged to com-
municate several things to you, on the subject of the hindrances
which have arisen at Paris against our Society, which has been in-
troduced and, till now, settled there for the glory of God and the
salvation of souls. TVe humbly, therefore, pray your Excellency to
take the trouble, if you think it suitable for the glory of God, which
is our object, of writing to the Most Christian King. Many seek by
evil reports to destroy his good will towards us; though I trust that,
in the Divine goodness, the hostility of this city will help to prove
the truth respecting this enterprise which God our Lord has Himself
begun by such feeble instruments, and that it -will happen to us as
formerly at Rome, when your Excellency deigned to add your help
to that of Divine Providence in our favour.

This is dated March 9, 1555.

He wrote also to all the superiors of the Company, to ask
the authorities of the places where they lived, or the princes,
ecclesiastical or secular, to give testimony of their lives,
doctrine, and Institute. In a short time, certificates poured
in on all sides, expressed in terms the most honourable to
the Society. At Ferrara the Inquisitor Papino attests jeronymo
* that the Rector Pelletier, as well as the Religious under paPmo-
him, have conducted themselves with so much piety and dis-
cretion, that not a single word against them has reached
him. and in the professorships and other public offices
have been so exemplary and so judicious that they have
greatly benefited the students of the University both as to
morals and learning.

A second testimony from that place came from the Rector March 21,
of the University of Ferrara and thirty -two professors ; it was

464 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

addressed directly to the University of Paris, and more ex-
pressly to the Superiors of the Faculty of Theology. After a
high eulogy of the Company, they say ' that the school and
Order of Jesus, like every other body, should be judged by
its works, and that these are worthy of all admiration. They
teach the humanities without payment, and at the same time
train their pupils in good principles ; they preach, they ex-
plain the sacred Scriptures, they neglect nothing that belongs
to our holy religion ; and all the while they visit the hospitals
and console the sick. For these reasons it would be better
to call them into places where they have never yet been, than
to expel them from any.'

Egidius, bishop of Modena, said that the Society of Jesus
had made such an impression on the inhabitants of Modena
and other towns, by their pure life, their Christian piety,
their lessons and their example, that all under their direc-
tion made daily advances in virtue. He declared that he did
not say this for the mere desire of giving praise, which was
far from him, but to bear witness for the glory of God to
what he had seen and proved.

Vicar- In a statement sent by the Archbishop of Florence, along

and Inqui- with his colleagues, he declared, among other subjects of

sitor. commendation, ' that the Jesuits are greatly disposed towards

all Orders recognised by holy Church, and strive, as far as

possible, to keep peace and true unity among them.'

We need not go into the testimony sent from Spain and
Portugal, particularly from the Universities of Valladolid,
Lisbon, and Coirnbra, nor of two letters from the King of
Portugal to the Pope. All speak of the Society with the
highest esteem. At Louvain the University also declared
for the Jesuits. So that the Sorbonne now stood entirely
alone, and those who had the right to give a judgment had,
almost all over Europe, decided against it. This must secretly
have been a triumph for Ignatius, but he said nothing.

He had no need to make any further use of these attesta-
tions ; for the intrigues of his enemies at Paris melted away
as he had foreseen. But the censures of the Sorbonne were
condemned in another quarter. The Inquisition at Saragossa
drew up an edict with all possible consideration for the
Parisians. ' Since some evil rumours had got abroad,' it

HERBERT LANGUET.— LUIS OF GRENADA. 465

said, ' that a foreign University had reported the Company
of Jesus to be dangerous to the faith, injurious to the peace
and tranquillity of the Church, and damaging to the spiritual
Orders previously existing, the Inquisition has declared these
rumours false, and offensive to the Apostolic Chair; and
ordered, on pain of excommunication, that all writings on
this subject should be given up, all ill-disposed persons re-
ported within three days to the Inquisition, and an absolute
silence has been enjoined for the future in this matter.'
Finally, the effects of the unwise attack of the Sorbonne
were the reverse of what they intended, for it hastened the
establishment of two Colleges of the Company in France.

The College in Paris prospered so remarkably that the
Protestant Languet, envoy of the Duke of Saxe, writing to
his Court in 1571, says 'the Jesuits throw all the other
professors into the shade, and are gradually bringing the
Sorbonnists into disrepute.'

And when the College of Billoin asked aid from the Cardi- Herbert
nals of Lorraine and Tournon, they added to their answer
these words l : ' O, fortunate that you are, whom the Divine
Majesty has allowed to live at the same time with these
men ! . . . Take hold of that which is granted you. Embrace
this Society of Jesus Christ, and adhere to its example and
its instructions. We will endeavour, both for your sake and
because it is our own duty, that France shall never lose
this precious gift of God.'

* The opposition of the University aided by the clergy of
Paris, the Mendicant Orders, and Eustache da Bellay, their
bishop, was to no effect,' says Du Boulay, writing on behalf
of the University ; ' for the Company of Jesus, one can hardly
describe how, flourished and increased so rapidly, that it
seemed all at once and everywhere to be received with almost
universal welcome.'

A few months before the death of Ignatius, Luis of Gra-
nada, defending the Company against Melchior Cano, wrote
to one of the Fathers : —

1 Words more complimentary than musical: '0 vos heatos, quos divina
Majestas, temporibus his, horum virorurn, dono di^nata e.st ! ' (Sacchini
relates thi.~. )

H H

466 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

I well know that it is the way of our Lord to sweeten the waters
with salt, restore sight to the eyes with, clay, increase the children
of Israel by the persecution of Pharaoh, and Christians by the
attacks of tyrants. And this new opposition, striving to destroy
the Company, is forced to become an occasion to exercise it in humi-
lity, make it more and more pious, exemplary, circumspect, devoted,
and thence rise to greater credit and higher favour with the world.
So the means invented by this monk to oppress your Reverences will
be used by God to lift you up ; and instead of proving, as he says,
that you are working for Antichrist, he will prove to have been
working for you.

1555. About this time, a scholar expelled from the German

College for misconduct revenged himself by representations
injurious to the house. The discipline, he said, was harsh and
the food insufficient. The enemies of Loyola took up these
statements and made the most of them. Canisius wrote to
Ignatius, who answered in a letter containing these words : —
Respecting the report that the German College has not been suc-
cessful, I do not know who, except the evil spirit, could have started
it ; the truth is, that by Divine help it has prospered to our wishes.
All through these unfortunate times the pupils want nothing that is
needful for their maintenance, or for their advance in virtue and
knowledge. There are now thirty scholars in the College, in dif-
ferent departments, according to their different studies, and they
give us cause to hope that they will distinguish themselves to the
glory of God. It is our most pressing wish to increase the number
of the good ones. A bad subject was received along with the others,
and has been dismissed. Tou will see to the finding and sending
us some promising scholars. They are treated here, we think, so
gently, that we are astonished that anyone should say the discipline
or the studies are too severe ; twice in the week they go for recre-
ation into the country; they are not educated with the smallest
harshness, but on the contrary, with much indulgence, if they will
only live in an edifying manner.

These country recreations were latterly always taken in a
vigna adjoining to the convent of Santa Balbina, and' belong-
ing to it.1 Two days every week the pupils of the German
College went there ; two other days those of the Eoman
College, whom the people called 'gamberi cotti,' 'boiled
lobsters,' because of their red cassocks ; the rest of the week
1 Nut far from the Porta Latina.

ROBERT DE CROY. 467

was for the novices and students of the Gesu. Once Biba-
deneira was the Father sent in charge of them, and he
incurred a grave reproof from Ignatius. They were playing
at a game common in all times, standing in a circle and
throwing an orange one to another ; whoever let the orange
fall was to pay a forfeit. Some one proposed that the forfeit
should be to say an Ave Maria ; this Ribadeneira might cer-
tainly have forbidden as savouring of irreverence ; but he did
not, and Ignatius was greatly displeased.

The Government of Belgium had frequently opposed ob-
stacles to the acquisition of land or funds by the Jesuit
Colleges, and the exercise of their priestly ministry, on the
pretence that they were a new Order, and could not be
admitted into Belgium without a special permission of the
King. Here, as elsewhere, many clergy were among their
enemies, who dreaded loss to themselves, because the Jesuits
taught and worked without payment. De Croy, bishop of Eobert
Cambrai, spoke for this party, and interdicted the disciples of
Ignatius all exercise of their ministry in his diocese. The
Nuncio in Brussels and Cardinal Pole both vainly tried to
persuade him to retract this prohibition, in which he clearly
exceeded his powers. Nevertheless, Ignatius ordered his
brethren not to enter the diocese without De Croy's leave.
They remained almost inactive at Tournai ; and this mode-
ration producing no effect, Ignatius addressed himself to
Philip, then just arrived in Flanders to take possession of
the States made over to him by his father, and sent Eiba-
deneira to the Court at Brussels, with a letter entreating
Philip's protection for 'this small Society,' but without a
•word of complaint. He prays the King to see and hear
Ribadeneira, who will explain their wants.'

Philip, so imperious in his cruelties, and well disposed
towards Loyola and his associates, nevertheless did not

1 The date, which is October 23, looo, has given rise to much discus-
sion, for the real date of Charles's abdication is not ascertained beyond
dispute : but Genelli, quoting a Spanish contemporary, gives October 28,
]•"••"», as the date when Charles resigned publicly the kingdom of the Low
Countries, and January 17, 1556, as that of the renunciation of his other
dominions.

H H 2

468 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

choose to oppose decisively liis Belgian counsellors and
clergy, whose opinions differed much from those of the
Spaniards. He would not insist on a recall of the interdict
of the Bishop of Cambrai, though the voluntary submission
of the Jesuits might have appeased his ecclesiastical jea-
lousies. Philip referred the matter to the Bishop of Arras,
and to the president of the Council, Viglius Zwicken, theii
avowed enemy. Eibadeneira relates that they made diffi-
culties, because all along neither bishops nor priests were
willing to let the Jesuits preach and confess, and even the
withdrawing for a time of their minister Kessel from Cologne,
had not sufficiently appeased their dread of encroachment.
Soon after this, on April 14, 1556, Polanco, in the name of
Ignatius, wrote again to Philip. He represented that the
Company had no interest to make them desire an establish-
ment in Belgium, for they were not numerous enough to
answer the demands made upon them; they only sought
admission there, because well-trained and thoroughly
Catholic teachers were needed in a land so overrun with
heresies. This touched not only the honour but the con-
science of those who were called on to govern. The objects
which the Society proposed to itself were so weighty and
extensive, that its members did not suffice to carry them
out ; its opponents were either persons already infected with
heresy, or else ecclesiastics who fancied their interests
threatened because the Jesuits complied with the precept
' freely ye have received, freely give.'

These remonstrances were enforced by Mary, sister of
Philip, and Antonio, Count of Feria, a natural son of
Charles V., who had joined the Society in 1552, at the
moment when the Emperor solicited a Cardinal's hat for
him.

Philip at last allowed the Jesuits to establish themselves
in Belgium, though with several restrictions, which he after-
wards removed. But Ignatius did not live to see the accom-
plishment of his earnest wishes with respect to the Low
Countries : the convention with Philip was not finally con-
cluded till three days after his death.

The mission of Eibadeneira included another object ; he
was charged to explain throughout the Colleges of Lower

SUCCESS OF IGNATIUS' PROJECTS. 469

Germany the exact meaning and application of the Consti-
tutions, which he had well learned from Ignatius himself.
He carried with him from Rome a letter addressed generally
to all the members of the Society in those countries. And
it is believed that he was instructed to watch for any oppor-
tunity that showed itself in the King or the Court for ob-
taining admission into England for the Society ; and to give
Ignatius immediate warning of a chance earnestly desired.
Both from Reginald Pole and King Philip he seems to have
entertained great hopes ; but perhaps some political compli-
cations interfered, for nothing was ever done in this direc-
tion. The story of Ignatius having asked to share the
spoils of the Benedictines banished by Henry VUL, is simply
absurd.

If we could judge Ignatius by any human standard, we
should say he had now attained a full and triumphant hap-
piness in the success of all the great objects of his life. The
' Spiritual Exercises ' had received the solemn sanction of
the Pope ; he had collected, formed, and consolidated the
Institute bearing the precious Name of Jesus ; he saw it in
action over almost all the known world, producing inesti-
mable fruits, and when it had too much of that prosperity
which he dreaded, he saw reverses borne with such meekness,
such self-renunciation, such resolute humility, that the lesson
of edification was never more forcible than when his brethren
were struggling against aggression or contempt. He had
heard that one of his Company in India had received the
honour of martyrdom : Father Antonio Criminali was killed
in defending his Christian converts against the Badages on
the Pearl Coast, off the Straits of Manaar. The number of
the Society amounted to about 2,000, although only thirty-
five had been added to the original ten of the Professed.

His two Colleges at Rome were now in full exercise. In
about five years a hundred priests had been formed in the
Roman College, and sent out to evangelize Europe; two
hundred came in their place. He had defied successfully the
difficulties that long impeded his German College, which
lay very near his heart. He saw other Colleges arising in
distant countries, patronised by kings and the highest

470

LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Sigismund
II.

John cle
Lasko.
Peter
Verger io.

Oct. 20.

Feb. 28.

persons in the Church. Three were flourishing in Lower
Germany ; two in France ; Portugal had seventeen institu-
tions belonging to the Jesuits ; Castille, ten ; Aragon and
Andalusia had each five ; Coimbra and Alcala were already
celebrated. Twenty- eight of the Order were employed in
Brazil ; one hundred in the East Indies. Italy alone had
three provinces — the northern contained ten Colleges, those
of Venice and Padua were become eminent. Ignatius re-
tained the Roman province, including Naples, for himself;
his friend Juan de Yega had introduced the Jesuits into
Sicily ; they were protected there by Charles V. and King
Philip. Messina, Palermo, and several other places had
asked to have colleges or missionaries. Even the unmanage-
able Corsicans were brought into a less savage state, and
petitioned that Landini and Montemayor might remain with
them. Of the two German Provinces, that which included
the Netherlands was not authorised by Philip II. till so
short a time before Ignatius died, that this new success was
never known to him. But at Vienna and Ingoldstadt he saw
his Company established, and exercising a beneficent influ-
ence. The Wayvode of Transylvania had asked that some
Jesuit missionaries might be sent him. They were invited
into Hungary and Silesia. Crommer, the historian, ambas-
sador of King Sigismund at Vienna, solicited priests for
Poland. This request gave much cause for thankfulness,
for at that Court the bishops most in favour were Lasko
and Vergerio, both apostates from the Church of Rome,
and married. Paul IV. sent Lippomani, Bishop of Verona.,
to strengthen the influence of Hosius, his Nuncio, with the
King.

And Ferdinand now prepared a last victory, ' desiring
earnestly/ he said, * to spread this holy Order over all his
States.' He had already, in 1554, asked Ignatius to send
twelve of his Company to found a College at Prague, and
promised ' to receive them with all his royal favour.' He
desired that two at least should be professors of theology.
He wrote again to Italy next year. In the November fol-
lowing, Ignatius said he had sent away so many of his Com-
pany that he could supply no more for a year, but he would
remember his Majesty's desire, as he was bound to do.

CAXISIUS. 471

"Whereupon Ferdinand writes, he felt no common joy, for he
now entertained considerable hope * that God had chosen
this admirable and blameless Order to work much good in
these last times, and show this mercy to Christendom.' He
adds that Canisius had recently gone to Prague, to examine
the locality and see in what way and manner the college
might best be founded and maintained. Canisius would in-
form Ignatius of the result ; and the King then hoped the
brethren might be soon sent.

In Prague there was a monastery nearly deserted, belong-
ing to some Dominican friars. The few Fathers who re-
mained there were willing to exchange it for a convent1 which
was then empty, and the Jesuits were put in possession of
the Dominican house. Ferdinand charged Ignatius to pur-
sue this affair ; Ignatius had chosen some of his Company,
and was about to send them, when for some unknown reason
an order given by the Pope forbade them to depart. It was
soon recalled, and they left Rome for Prague about the end
of January 1556. Paul IY. was fond of long allocutions,
and addressed them, when they went to take leave, with
much amplitude. As it was Lent, and they travelled the
greater part of the way on foot, they were quite exhausted
when they arrived at Prague. They gave Canisius, who was
waiting for them, the letter which named him Provincial.
He was surprised and distressed ; he wrote instantly to pray
Icnatius to remove this burden from him ; for he had no fit-

O *

ness, he said, to rule others. Ignatius answered that he
ought to bend his neck under the yoke of obedience, and
seek no escape ; he must trust to God, Who had chosen him
to do great things for His honour, and Who would help him
with His especial grace. Canisius represented that he had
long ago vowed never to choose any place or any object for
his own use ; and that this could hardly be made consistent
with these new functions. This objection also Ignatius set
aside. ' A Eeligious,' he said, 'can make no vow without the
assent of his Superior.' So Canisius exercised the duties of
Provincial at Prague till he went to Ingoldstadt, where
he opened a College, the last established during the lifetime
of Ignatius. It was prosperous from the beginning, and
1 Of Clares of St. Agnes.

472 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

none belonging to the Society better fulfilled their divine
mission.

But an act of liberality, which appeared remarkable in
those times, brought censure on Canisius, and perhaps re-
July, vived the old accusations of heresy. On the borders of the
Moldau were living many Jews, and many Christians sepa-
rated from the Catholic Church. These were chiefly of the
sect called Hussites. The Council of Constance was remem-
bered by these people with a bitterness that excited a pro-
portionate enmity against them among the Catholics, and the
city of Prague was astonished and wrathful when the chil-
dren of these unbelievers were admitted to the free instruc-
tion given at the Jesuit College. Some persons wrote
threatening letters to the Rector and professors, some at-
tempted to frighten away the pupils. But, like all former
hostilities to the Society, this passed away, and the wise
patience of Loyola, communicated to his companions, over-
came opposition with such forbearance and humility that no
trace of irritation was left behind.

It seemed at this time necessary to form a new Province
of the Order, now widely spreading in Lower Germany, of
which Belgium was part, and Ignatius named for its Supe-
rior Father Bernard Olivier. But he had chosen one who
Feb. 4, was already in Heaven. When Ignatius heard of the death
looo. Of j-^g fr{en(jj he seilt through Polanco instructions to the
three Colleges of Louvain, Cologne, and Tournai, to choose
two or three Religious suitable for this charge : their votes as
usual were to be given separately in writing, the Fathers not
consulting one with another ; then the result was to be sent
to Rome. Again death arrested the nomination : this time
Ignatius himself was called away, and the office remained
vacant for a long while.

Dec. 12, Canisius had been sent during the autumn of 1555 from

i ooo. Prague to Munich, and that winter carried to Rome a letter
to Ignatius from Duke Albert. He asks in it for the profes-
sors promised to him ; but he wishes to connect with the
College a seminary for secular priests, which was contrary to
the rules of the Society. Ignatius sent him a copy of that
part of the Constitutions which relates to the foundation of
Colleges, and said he referred all to the Duke's decision.

THE COLLEGES. 473

Albert, upon this, set himself to remove difficulties, and on
June 8 Ignatius writes to Counsellor Schwickhard : —

I have now remitted the Prince's letter to the Pope, by one of our
brethren whom he always receives with pleasure [this must be
La ynez]. He did not read it in his presence ; so we can say nothing
more on this subject, though we have, as we were bound to do,
spoken at a proper opportunity our opinion of a prince so pious and
so earnest in defence of the Catholic religion. Therefore we have
also hastened to send the College [meaning of course the professors
and a few pupils] before the heats of the season come on, moved
also by this reason among others — that an unfavourable report
which had begun to spread in Augsburg after the Diet, and the con-
jectures of some persons not among the least considerable, might be
silenced by opposite facts ; for all who learn that the illustrious
Duke has called members of our Company to Ingoldstadt, and
established a College for them there, will at once understand how
they have been mistaken in saying and supposing, I know not what.
I also procured that the College itself should be brought before the
Pope ; and while they kissed the foot of his Holiness, and received
the Apostolic benediction, two of our brothers, Diego Laynez and
Giovanni Polanco, who accompanied them, spoke much to his Holi-
ness of the pious desire of the illustrious Duke of Bavaria to protect
the Catholic religion, and for that purpose to form in Ingoldstadt a
permanent seminary of clergy faithful to the Apostolic Chair. All
this seemed very agreeable to the Pope, and when he had inquired a
good deal about those sent, and had given many counsels, he ordered
as he dismissed them that they should have money given them for
their journey. But when our people answered that they wanted
nothing besides the blessing of his Holiness, for the illustrious Duke
had provided for them liberally, he and those around him seemed
pleased and edified. Then they were taken to pay their respects to
some of the principal Cardinals: so that enough is known of the
departure of the College of Ingoldstadt, to the glory of God and
the tranquillising of those who hear of it. I have nothing more to
add, but that I recommend the new College to your charity and
friendship.

To the Duke Ignatius repeats nearly the same things ;
then he adds : —

Besides the Rector, Master Thomas [this was Lentulus, whom the
Germans called Lange], who is a Doctor of theology, there are two
professors. Among the others, some have taken their Master's
Degree, and commenced theology ; some will teach languages. Most

474 LIFE OF IGXATIUS LOYOLA.

of them are of Upper or Lower Germany. All have proved them-
selves zealous for the Catholic faith and the virtues of their Order.
I offer them to your Grace for your service, and for the glory of God,
in the same spirit that I would offer myself, if my health and the
necessary business of my charge would allow me. I have impressed
on them that they should devote themselves to what is contained in
the Articles, and moreover to exert themselves as far as possible even
without any obligation, and I am convinced that your Grace and
your illustrious successors will protect and favour your College (as
you write it) as long as these brethren prove themselves serviceable
for the general good. And I hope that not only their zeal will not
relax in this service, but that it will daily become greater according
to the custom of our Company. It was very agreeable to us that
Father Canisius, by the gracious permission of the illustrious King
of the Romans, should assist at the opening of the College, and I
have already written to him to be at Ingoldstadt as soon as possible.
And that he may be the more efficacious in promoting the success
of the new Colleges, I make him Provincial for Upper Germany,
Bohemia, and Austria.

Yet, after all, this project of a Bavarian College fell to the
ground, perhaps because it appeared less necessary when each
bishop had established a seminary in his own diocese.

Not long before his death Ignatius again recommended the
most strict fidelity in their engagements to his sons at In-
goldstadt, and his wishes on both sides were fulfilled. The
Dukes of Bavaria had never any cause of complaint; and
the Jesuits continued to live under their friendly protection
until the Order was suppressed.

1555. When Joam, King of Portugal, chose Mirone for his con-

fessor, he also proposed to place him, along with another of
the Company, at the head of the Inquisition. Mirone re-
ferred to Ignatius, who forbade them to accept such an office.
' For,' said he, ' the mission of our Society is to succour our
neighbour, in teaching and in confession ; but all conspicuous
offices and places, such as commonly lead to bishoprics, are
contrary to its object.' Moreover he would not let its mem-
bers have the power of putting heretics to death ; their busi-
ness was to console these unhappy people with Christian
tenderness ; and, in the spirit of humility, to prefer these
quiet duties to any that belonged to higher stations.

THE INQUISITION. 175

King Joam persisted, and renewed his request through
Mirone. Ignatius was then disposed to yield ; doubtless he
meant to make it a labour of charity rather than of terror,
and would have modelled the Inquisition of Lisbon after
that of Rome, by far the most just and most merciful of
any.

He wrote to Mirone, June 20, 1555 : —

I learn from your letter of May 4 the wish expressed by his High-
ness to have a person of our Company for Inquisitor at Lisbon,
. and your reply. This affair does indeed require much reflec-
tion, there are strong reasons for and against. So, after having well
considered and recommended the matter to God our Lord, I charged
six others — namely, Master Laynez, Master Salmeron, Master Boba-
dilla, the Doctors Olave and Madrid, and Master Polanco, to say
Mass three days with this intention, to consider, and consult to-
gether, having heard what Louis Gonsalez had to say, and marked
what you have yourself written to me from Portugal, and then give
me their opinion ia writing. We have at last decided, in our Lord,
to remit the affair to his Highness, and do what he may consider
useful to the service of God our Lord. For since this charge is not
forbidden by our Institute, we ought not to refuse to labour in a
matter which concerns so nearly the interests of religion in that
kingdom.

He then goes on to indicate the way of proceeding, so that
all should be done by order of the Pope : —

If we assume the office (he says) we will make some proposals to
the King, which, without any damage to the result he desires, will
place the Company in a position to fulfil this holy work in a more
beneficial and edifying manner..

Some unknown cause stopped the negociation, and the
Society remained exempt from any share in the power of the
Inquisition. ' Woriiber,' says Genelli, ' sie sich nur Gliick
wiinschen kann,' — ' Whereupon they cannot but congratulate
themselves.'

But since Ignatius approved the establishment of some
sort of Inquisition, it is fit to remind the reader that other
ideas than those commonly conjured up by that word, now
hateful to our ears, would have accompanied his suggestion
to Pope Julius ; the inquiry which it proposed was not
necessarily harsh, nor beyond legal control — it only meant

476 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

the investigation of certain actions, words or writings, which,
in Spain and Portugal, excited alarm, on account of the con-
spiracies perpetually suspected and often discovered among the
Jews and Moors ; in Italy, because the German innovations
had now penetrated everywhere. And let it be remembered
that the innovators were quite as intolerant as the Catholic
Church. Luther and Calvin,1 and their imitators, punished
and suppressed despotically wherever they dared ; there per-
haps was not anywhere so much freedom as in Rome itself —
certainly no other sovereign in Europe allowed such personal
attacks as we find against the Popes among the Italian poets,
after the revival of literature arid up to the 18th century.
The Inquisition of Spain, in its original state, was almost
wholly political ; an arbitrary and rigorous effort of self-pro-
tection on the part of Ferdinand and Isabella ; it was directed
by Philip against heresies, and doubtless often with excessive
cruelty ; but the times were cruel, and we cannot judge the
legislators of those days by any standard that would be ap-
plicable now. They knew no way of protecting their faith
and country without terror, and this was so entirely in ac-
cordance with the national mind, that the Inquisition was at
almost all times highly popular in the Peninsula. We know
really little of its history ; the relation of Llorente is said to
be unworthy of credit, and his unpardonable destruction of
its archives makes all investigation hopeless ; we can only
conclude, from other remains, that probably the number of
punishments was insignificant compared with what has
been stated, and the time short during which these terrible
laws were rigorously enforced. The despotic monarch was
then supported by a fierce and superstitious people; and
other jealousies than those of religion instigated the eager-
ness of the Spaniards to destroy or drive out the Jews and

1 The Protestant Eobertson observes : — ' Luther, Calvin, Cranmer, and
Knox inflicted, as far as they had power and opportunity, the same punish-
ments which were denounced against their own disciples by the Church of
Home.' Hallam is of the same opinion, except only &s to Luther, whom he
thinks less barbarous than the rest. Hut Calvin's cruelties were as atrocious
and intolerable as those attributed to any Catholic Inquisition, though they
have been smoothed over and almost concealed by nearly all his Protestant
biographers. Guizot, from whom we might have expected candour, has even
less than some Presbyterian writers.

THE INQUISITION. 477

Moors. During the war of the Comuneros, when the rebels
were asked what was their complaint against the nobles,
they answered, ' They outrage our wives and daughters, they
will not pay their debts, and they keep the Moors and Jews in
the country for their own convenience;1 and doubtless these
strangers were willing to buy from the grandees the liberty
to remain, with money extorted from the lower classes, who
struggled at disadvantage against the wealtlj. and commer-
cial adroitness of the Infidel. It was well known that the
Jews frequently passed themselves off as Christians, in order
to obtain the emoluments of office, even of offices in the
Church. Stories of bishops discovered to be secretly uncon-
verted Jews, even of an archbishop, crucifying in their hor-
rible orgies innocent children, and still worse atrocities, ex-
asperated the popular indignation into madness ; nor did the
Spaniards hesitate about inflicting death at the stake. When
the plague broke out at Valencia, while Ignatius was yet a
soldier, the townsmen believed certain sinners among them
had brought down a judgment on the city from Heaven ;
they clamoured round the courts of justice, that these men,
five in number, should be taken and burnt alive. The Alcalde
was forced to yield, and could only save the poor wretches
from the worst part of the sentence by secretly ordering that
they should be strangled before the fire was lighted. In
Spain the dread of heresy seems to have been perpetually
reviving, even to an extravagant excess. Francis Borgia,
who had given up so much that he might serve the Church,
and when his life had been witnessed in Spain for many
years, was accused after Ignatius' death of introducing
heresies into the kingdom, and it gave him some trouble to
procure a full vindication.

Gongora, the graceful poet, the generous and amiable
nobleman, laments in one of his sonnets that at an auto-da-
fe he had seen

Only one living man to feed the fire.

And when Archbishop Sandoval countermanded one of these
solemnities, the people of Seville, disappointed and angry,
made a disturbance in the streets.

The Inquisition was in fact accepted in the Peninsula as

478 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

a protection; the Popes always interfered to moderate its
judgments ; they had recommended greater leniency to Isa-
bella, Ferdinand, and Philip ; they demanded also that the
accused should be allowed to appeal to Rome, and there, it is
asserted, they invariably received a milder sentence than
had been given in Spain.1 But in Rome, if the compassion
was greater, the vigilance was certainly not less. Ignatius
himself was an instance of this, and his Order profited in no
small degree, and in many places, by the investigations some-
times forced on him, sometimes invited, which were carried
on by the Inquisition, and always ended honourably for the
Society. He had indeed reason to be grateful to the Inqui-
sition ; and his personal experience might have made him
willing to accept the direction King Joam proposed to him
as a means of doing good. It is somewhat surprising to find
that the three Cardinals who, by the Pope's order, examined
the ' Spiritual Exercises ' of Ignatius, before he gave his
sanction to their use, were afterwards summoned by Caraifa
before the Inquisition, and Cardinal Morone actually was for
a few days its prisoner ; a remarkable instance of the rapid
spread of liberal investigation, or of the alarm and jealousy
it excited. Whenever we see a government despotic and
irresponsible, we shall probably discover cruelty and lies ;
these belong to an arbitrary monarchy and a terrified people ;
they ought in no sense to be connected with the religion of
Christ, which even under distorted forms is in positive oppo-
sition to them; and this has not been sufficiently insisted on,
or we should not find honest and good hearts confounding as
cause and effect things the most antagonistic, and reviling
the gospel for crimes committed in its name.

In Rome, for obvious reasons, the Pope has never been an

1 Lacordaire says that no contradiction has been possible of Abbi: IVr-
^ier's statement, that 'there is no instance of a capital punishment for heresy
at Rome.' And the same Father thinks the Congregation of the Holy
Office at Rome the mildest Court of Justice that the world has ever seen,
the only tribunal which during .°>00 years has never probably shed a drop of
blood, and has saved thousands who would have perished by the ordinary
tribunals. At the time when Ignatius partly entertained the idea of direct-
ing the Inquisition of Lisbon, the atrocities of the auto-da-fe were yet
unknown ; the first of these monstrous spectacles occurred in 1559, three
years after his death.

FREDERIC SPEE. 479

absolute sovereign ; in the days of Ignatius, and, since then,
he has always been a good man. The Inquisitors of Eome
were a Court of learned divines, acute critics, high authori-
ties on literature, ready to allow tacitly a considerable license
to men of genius who did not infringe on certain points on
which the Pontiffs were susceptible. If their jurisdiction
was not what now appears to us humane and reasonable, it
was at least in accordance with the spirit and general opinion
of the times ; and we have the testimony of Abbe Bergier,
Balnies, and Lacordaire to support the assertion (which per-
haps is not wholly indisputable), that no instance of death
inflicted for heresy ever occurred at Rome. The prisoners of
the Holy Office, for a long time past at least, probably from
the beginning, were kindly treated. The revolutionists, who
in 1848 professed to throw open the Uffizi to a curious and
indignant world, were obliged to collect from cemeteries and
old iron shops the bones, chains, and instruments of torture
which many a traveller looked on with pious horror ; quite
forgetting that he might, if he were a Xorth Briton, have
seen similar and thoroughly genuine relics in his own
country not older than the time familiar to English imagina-
tions in the pages of Scott as ' Sixty Years Since.' And it is
wise to remember that the Duke of York of the last genera-
tion was the person who, as Bishop of Osnaburg, first caused
the use of torture to be made illegal in Hanover ; moreover,
that burning alive, and with all aggravations of cruelty, has
been practised, discussed, and approved by men speaking
the English language not unfrequently up to very recent
times.1

It is honourable to the sons of Ignatius that the first
Churchman (nearly the first writer)2 who dared to lift up a
voice against the burning of witches was the Jesuit Father
Frederic Spee, stationed in Franconia. He was the author
of some religious poems, printed with the title of *Trutz
Nachtigall," which were said to have initiated the modern
German literature, by showing to the nation the unsuspected
resources of its noble language. He had the miserable duty

1 It is said to be done in America now.

2 It is supposed that Weier, a German Protestant physician, preceded
Spee by a few months.

480 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

of preparing for their dreadful punishment the poor wretches
condemned to the stake ; some of these were children of six
years old, or even younger ! When the Archbishop of May-
ence asked him why his hair was grey while his face looked
not more than thirty years old, he answered, ' It is because
I have had to accompany two hundred unhappy creatures to
the stake in the few years I have lived here ; and I believe
they were all innocent ! ' Spee printed in 1631 his * Cautio
Criminalis,' urging greater precautions against condemning
suspected persons without proofs. Yet he dared neither
deny the crime nor protest against the capital punishment.
He did enough, however, to deserve that Gorres should call
him ' one of the greatest benefactors of humanity.' Another
Jesuit, Pere Adam, was for a long while almost the only per-
severing and successful protector of the Huguenots at Sedan.
None knew better than those humane and acute men the
two-sidedness of Christian charity, and that religious tolera-
tion, like all other liberty, never was, nor can be, other than
a compromise.1

If we thank God, as well we may, that the Inquisition of
Torquemada and Caraffa has passed away and its re-estab-
lishment become impossible, it is well also to remember that
the passions of men, excited by differences of creed or race,
are now, as ever, rampant and difficult to control ; and that
persecutions and cruel injustice may and do exist even in our
own times, among other than southern populations, and under
other systems than those of Rome.

The winter of 1555 was tempestuous. Nadal and Gonsalez
were wanted in Spain. Ignatius bade them embark without
fear, for they would have a fortunate voyage. It was noticed
that the weather, which was stormy when they sailed from
Genoa, cleared up, and remained propitious as long as they
were on the seas.

1 The wise and merciful instructions given, in 1657, by Pope Alexander
VII. to the Roman Inquisition, which make one shudder to see what
tyrannous cruelty had been once exercised against the unhappy women
accused of witchcraft, relate to that crime only, and make it almost evident
that mere heresy was not noticed.

COLLEGE OF LORETO. 481

The last College which Ignatius established in Italy was
that of Loreto ; he sent thither Olivier Manures with three
or four others in the same year. Before they set off they
made the usual pilgrimage of the Seven Churches ; several
students of the Roman College accompanied them, the Rector
Sebastian Rome allowed them, bread and wine for their long
walk, whereat Ignatius was greatly displeased. Sebastian
excused himself because others had done the same. Ignatius
answered, ' then he was wrong not to have put a stop to it.'
St. Philip Neri was less scrupulous, and would not withdraw
his permission to this effect, though some reproached him
for it. Perhaps it was partly because Ignatius feared lest
the extreme care he took of his subjects should degenerate
into effeminacy, that he was strict in these matters. Another
point that he adhered to particularly was, that they should
kneel in their church without support, and the Father
Minister was enjoined to observe that they did this.

At Loreto Manares was as successful as the Jesuits were
accustomed to be everywhere, but the house was at first
tormented by extraordinary noises, and marvellous signs of
being haunted by demons, who not only hindered the inhabit-
ants from sleeping, but pinched and beat them in their beds,
so that Manares or some other priest used to walk up and
down the corridor all through the night to comfort the
terrified men. The story resembles many told by Gorres,
and repeated up to our own times ; little novelty of invention
is shown by these malicious imps, and they were not dis-
persed, it seems, at Loreto by any prayers or conjurations,
till a letter came from Ignatius assuring his brethren their
torments would soon cease ; and this happened.

They combated more ordinary devils with less difficulty ;
taught in all the country round Loreto, and hearing that
at Macerata the Carnival was usually licentious, and the
people left in no state to profit by the prayers of Lent, they
went there, and preaching during the last few days, with
exposition of the Blessed Sacrament (as was the Jesuit
custom), they not only collected large congregations in the
churches, but persuaded the clergy to forbid the performance
of a very unedifying comedy, which was in preparation for
the last week.

i i

482 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Olivier Manares, when he was questioned by Lancizio as to
what he had known of Ignatius, sent thirty-seven answers,
some referring to matters already detailed. We give the
rest here : —

Mariani. < When I was on the point of leaving Borne to conduct
the new colony to Loreto, and going with my companions
to demand the blessing from our holy Father, who was ac-
companied by his secretary, Giovanni Polanco, I looked much
at him, thinking within myself that I might perhaps never
see his face again. He sent Father Polanco, desiring me to
remain to receive a message. " The holy Father has observed,"
said Polanco, "that in your last interview you kept your
eyes fixed upon him, which is contrary to humility ; he com-
mands as a penance that at least once every day in your
examination of conscience you take notice whether, in speak-
ing to any person to whom you owe reverence, you have
repeated this offence ; and after your examination you are to
say a Pater and an Ave, and in the weekly letter which you
are bound to send to him, you are to inform him whether or
no you have performed this." This penance he made me
persevere in for fifteen months.

' He used to permit me, or any other recently entered
novice, and even invite us, to sit down and discourse fami-
liarly with him, whenever he met us by chance in the garden
or elsewhere. When I was ill he deigned to visit me and
comfort me with paternal kindness, and he once gave me a
vessel full of manna, and said to me, " Look, Oliviero, I have
just received this manna from the Vice-Queen of Sicily, and
I make you a present of it, that you may use it under the
doctor's advice to strengthen you." Sometimes he sent for
me, and also for others, to his private table, and helped us to
pears or apples, peeling them for us with his own hands.
We used very often to hear him talking to himself and letting
fall expressions of great humility, as, " Pobre de mi ! " " Peca-
dor de mi ! " " Mi pobre alma ! " " Mi miserable alma ! " and
such like. In speaking of the Society, or in writing, he used
the same kind of phrases — as, "this poor little Society." He
never praised the Society, or praised it very sparingly. His
room, as well as its mean furniture, betokened great lowliness.
He cautiously concealed his own virtues, and did not rcv.al

EEMIXISCEXCES OF THE SATO1. 483

the secrets of his soul or his devotional exercises and practices
to anyone, and wished them to remain unknown. Thus
Father Diego d'Eguia, an aged and holy man, " de candidi-
simas costumbres," exclaimed more than once, " O, if I could
but tell you what I know of Ignatius ! O, if my lips were
not closed, what great things I could show you ! " for he had
a short time before been confessor to Ignatius, who had
commanded him, in virtue of holy obedience, never to reveal
a word on such subjects. Although he was so very weak,
and might have lived with greater comfort in the College, he
still chose to live by alms in the house of the Professed.

' I have heard from Father Luigi Gonsalez how, in the
time of Pope Julius HE., some of the elders went to visit
Ignatius when he was very ill, and as they were lamenting
that in case of his death the Society would be in danger of
perishing, he replied : " The first generation I hope are good,
the second will be better, and the third will be better still." :

' And so I trust it will be,' says Manares, ' for it is clear
that the Society is now better and more perfectly formed
than it ever was before.'1

4 His mass occupied rather more than an hour, because he
was impeded by frequent ecstasies and tears. On this account
he celebrated less frequently and seldom in public.

* I have never seen any picture of the holy Father which
much resembles him. The one which hangs in the refectory
where he used to dine is hardly like him at all : but the
statue in plaster which is exposed at the Roman College
when our vows are renewed is something like. One day at
the hour of recreation after supper, as I was with Father
Everard Mercurian and the assistant brothers, and some of
the elder Fathers, Brother Ludovico Jappi wished to see if I
remembered the features of Ignatius, and taking the statue
I have spoken of he dressed it up as much like the Saint as
possible, and disposed it on the bed as if he were lying down
to rest, with a cassock and a biretta on the head, and then
called to me that a gentleman was waiting to see me. I told
him to see what he wanted ; but he replied that he was veiy

1 Chateaubriand, writing in oar time, says, l Les Jesoites se soutinrent et
se perfectionnerent jusqu'a leur dernier moment,' — ' They went on improving
up to the last moment.'

484 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

weak, and was lying down in the room. I went in, and
when my eyes fell on the statue as I entered the door, I cried
out, " Father Ignatius ! Father Ignatius ! "

1 But the face of Ignatius, as Philip Neri of pious memory
observed to me, shone with a superhuman light, so that no
resemblance could approach to it.

' He was admirable in speech ; for it was grave, solid, and
efficacious. I never heard him say a word which seemed
spoken by chance. None ever left him without comfort,
instruction, and contentment, even if he failed in obtaining
the purpose for which he came ; such grace hung upon his
words.

' The same propriety and precision were equally con-
spicuous in his writings. This good breeding he desired
should also be attended to by his subjects. I recollect to
have seen a letter to one of us, in which he severely reproves
a slovenly writing. He says: — "I myself send off thirty
letters to-night, not one of which I have not twice looked
over ; and when I write with my own hand, which I often
do, to persons who are worthy of reverence from their posi-
tion, I write the letter twice, or even three times over, that
there may be no blots, erasures, nor other unseemly dis-
figurements.'"

[This fastidiousness is conformable to the principle Mal-
donat attributes to the Institute, which enjoins ' that every-
thing should be done as well as possible.' ' Faire tout en
son temps, et se livrer tout entier a la tache du moment, tel
etait le principe du Pere Maldonat,' says his biographer.
And St. Francis Xavier liked to repeat — * Be great in little
things.']

4 As he always resigned himself into God's hands with
great indifference of mind, so he desired greatly that his
subjects should in the same manner resign themselves into
the hands of their Superiors. An act of my own, as I under-
stood from Sebastian Rome, greatly pleased our bles;-'<l
Father. He sent for me in Rome in the year 1553, and
proposed to me three places, to one of which he purposed
sending me, and exhorted me to tell him candidly to which
of them I preferred going. I replied that I had no inclina-
tion except to obey. He turned the matter many ways, that

REMINISCENCES OF THE SAINT. 485

I might at least give him some hint of my inclination ; and
when I always answered that I could not in truth give any
other answer, but that I was ready to go to any place, and,
if necessary, to death, in obedience, he dismissed me kindly,
and afterwards said he had been gratified by my indifference.
Nevertheless, the holy Father used willingly to yield to the
wishes of his subjects, because he deemed that government
was better carried on, and made less onerous, by such con-
sideration.

' At the beginning of my government of the Roman Col-
lege, perceiving that the passion of anger, which -when I was
a subject I had considered to be subdued, was again rising,
I grieved at this, and went to Ignatius for counsel. He ex-
horted me to the contest, and told me that a moderate indig-
nation, guided by reason and the fear of God, is a great
assistance in good government : that I must therefore force
myself to prevent its breaking out, and, for the rest, need not
think much of it.

' I have more than once heard him say that he wished the
men of our Society to be like the Angels, who devote them-
selves wholly to the health and profit of mankind, yet at the
same time continue ever calm and serene. One whose name
I have forgotten, complained that he was frequently inter-
rupted in union with God, and distracted by being so often
called to the door ; to which Ignatius answered : — " Receive
those who come to you for spiritual advice with great charity,
and as soon as you are called to go to them, make some
ejaculatory petition, praying God to assist the soul of him
who sends for you ; then direct all your thoughts and words
to his case, and your interruption will be to the great ad-
vantage of your own soul. But if people come to bring you
news, or for useless conversation, speak to them of death or
sin, of offending God, of judgment and conscience, and repeat
this as often as they come ; those who want help will go away
with profit, and those who do not care about their own souls
will leave you in peace, and not return."

' Three things he used generally to recommend, which are
great helps to religious discipline — cleanliness in the house,
silence, and keeping inclosure — these, he said, were signs of
a healthy discipline. He was so particular about cleanliness,

4:86 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

that lie often visited the rooms himself, to see that the beds
were neatly made, the books arranged in order, and the floor
swept. He would not permit any talking, except at the hour
of recreation after meals ; when he heard any noise of voices
or of footsteps going up or down stairs, he immediately
opened the door and admonished the delinquent of his duty.
Frequent penances were on this account imposed on the
Minister because he spoke loud or walked noisily, or banged
the doors. Ignatius would not suffer the house-door to re-
main open for the smallest space of time, if not necessary,
nor the keys to be left hanging in the door.

' He was very attentive to order in the various offices, and
from his example the rule has been established that the Eector
sends for the Minister every day.

' He was strict about subordination. One day, being Eector
of the College, as I was arranging the students at the door
to go out in file to the sermon at the house of the Professed,
one of the Fathers who happened to be present, trusting to
his own authority and to his favour with Ignatius, ordered
one of the scholars to go and clean his shoes before he went
out. Pretending not to perceive this, I gave the order for
all to start. The Father in question reported the affair to
Ignatius, but the Saint kindly pointed out to him that he
ought to respect subordination, and allow the Rector of the
College to exercise his authority without interfering.

' He would not permit the introduction of any novelty, how-
ever good itself, without the sanction of authority. Martin
Clave, head of the College, who was a grave, pious and learned
man, as well as very dear to Ignatius, having given a new
order that the lesson from the Roman breviary (which had
been compiled by Cardinal Santa Croce, and was in general use
in the Society) should be read during meal-time — though,
moreover, the lesson only contained the history of the Saint
on that day commemorated — was publicly and severely cen-
sured by him at supper, for which purpose Brother Antonio
Rion was sent to administer a reproof.

' This had great effect in establishing good discipline, and
all of us who were present were greatly edified by the humility
and tranquillity of Father Olave, who was so distinguished
a man. It was not the thing in itself that was ivproved ;

REMINISCENCES OF THE SAINT. 487

for this Ignatius desired should be continued, and the lessons
were afterwards read till the Roman Martyrology was sub-
stituted for them, but he would not have a good thing done
iu a disorderly manner.

* When he sent me to govern the new College at Loreto,
he gave me hardly any instructions how I was to conduct
myself towards the Governor of the town, the Canons, and
others : and I enquired what rule I was to observe, because
the rules of the Roman College could not be acted on there,
on account of the holiness of the place, and the great con-
course of pilgrims, and in like manner it would be very diffi-
cult to observe the rules of the Professed House. He an-
swered, " Oliviero, do as you think best, and as God inspires
you. See and adapt the rules to the place as you best can."
I asked what offices I should appoint to the different subjects
whom he assigned to me. He answered briefly, " Cut accord-
ing to your cloth, only inform me of all your arrangements."

* It happened once that I did something contrary to the strict
meaning of the command I had received. I signified this to
him, and told him that I had imagined myself in his presence,
and had judged that he would say, " Do as you propose."
He answered me that I had proceeded according to his
wishes. " Man," he said, " gives you the office, but God
must give you prudence. It is my wish in future you act
thus, without scruple, and do what you judge to be expe-
dient tinder new circumstances, notwithstanding the letter of
the rule."

* He desired that the members of the Society should have
the same devotion in doing any work or office of charity that
they have in prayer and meditation ; this is the spirit which
becomes it best, for it is our duty to do nothing except in
God's service and for His honour and glory.

* He used often to say that an obedience which has only
the will to support it, and wants the submission and consent
of the judgment, is imperfect, and that any member of the
Society whose judgment was in opposition to his Superiors
stands on one foot only, and is near to a fall.

' He was so jealous of poverty in the house of the Professed,
that sometimes when the sick required a particular sort of
wine which he had at the College, he would not allow a

488 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

single flask to be brought without giving as much in ex-
change ; this 1 have seen several times.

* When he heard of persons of honourable condition being
in poverty, but ashamed to beg, he had regard both to their
necessities and their pride, and gave them things to do, for
which he might send them alms under the form of payment.
I know of two or three whom he so assisted, and of one who
received more than fifty gold ducats at once.

* Whilst I was Rector of the Roman College, and we num-
bered twenty-eight inmates, the holy Father ordered me to
prepare and furnish rooms for one hundred, a.nd this at a
time when all the money we possessed was five light gold
pieces, which were kept for that reason by Polanco. When
I thought of the buildings in progress at the house at St.
Balbina, and at the College itself, I was ashamed of accepting
them. However, we both determined to obey, he in collect-
ing money, and I in borrowing furniture, for the College. In
the midst of these proceedings Ignatius came to see what
preparations were made for those whom he purposed sending
to us. He found a great room in the roof filled with beds,
chairs, and tables. When he had looked at everything, he
turned to Polanco and said, " Alas ! are our brethren to be
lodged here ? Are they to be exposed here to all the inclem-
encies of the winter ? Where is the ceiling? Are they to
have nothing but the tiles of the roof above them ? " " But,
Reverend Father," said Polanco, " we have no money, and we
could not borrow more." " Let the ceiling be made, Polanco,"
he replied, " and do not suffer our brethren to sleep thus ;
God will provide for his servants." It was a hired house,
but Polanco obeyed, for the command was positive, and he
had often experienced that the holy Father never did any-
thing imprudently. The next day, as Polanco was setting
out to borrow of friends, or of the bankers, he was met by
the Archdeacon of Navarre, a Spaniard, by name Mondra-
gone, well known to me, who begged Polanco to accept of
500 gold crowns, and return them by instalments as he was
able. Besides this, a Portuguese, who was Procurator of
the Order of St. Girolamo, brought a much larger sum, with
the same conditions. Not long afterwards these sums were
repaid out of the alms of devout persons.

REMINISCENCES OF THE S.VEsT. 489

c About the same time Father Guido Eoilezio,1 Rector of the
German College, being greatly burdened by debt, went to the
holy Father to ask assistance. It was near Christmas time,
and Ignatius, after listening to the sorrowful tale, asked him
with a smile if he had anything for the students to make
merry with at the feast. Guido replied, " O Father, we have
barely bread, for the baker says he will not let us have any
more." "Away with you," said the Saint, "be of good heart,
God will assist you. Master Guido, do you provide some
kids and other things for the young men to feast upon, and
leave the care of all to God." Thus he dismissed him com-
forted and cheerful, and on the day following Pope Julian
sent 500 gold ducats to Ignatius, to be divided between the
Roman and German Colleges,

' I have often heard, especially from Father Laynez, of his
great diligence in examination of conscience, and how he
used to compare one time with another, and one week with
another. His heart was almost always fixed on God, even
when his attention seemed otherwise directed. Very often as
he was walking in the garden I have seen him stop a little
while, and raise his eyes in contemplation.

' When the offices for Holy Week were celebrated in our
church, he was anxious that they should be done as well as
possible ; he therefore used to send for these who were to take
part in them, and make them, rehearse several times in his
presence.

' When he was going to send any Fathers to a distance, he
used to make them come to him the day before they started,
equipped for their journey, with their hats and staves and
cloaks, to see if anything was wanting. This I have seen
several times.'

In the autumn of 1554, the health of Ignatius, which had
always been variable, began to give much cause for disquiet ;
his occupations were now too onerous for him ; those about
him advised him to take some companion to help him in the
business of his charge. He had been formerly so earnest in
asking to be dismissed, that they wondered when he refused ;

1 Or Roilet.

490 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

probably he considered it more trouble to direct another
person than to act himself. Soon after he recalled this
Nov. 13, refusal. Polanco wrote in November to Domenech, then
Provincial of Sicily :—

Father Nadal is anxiously waited for by our Father, and by us
more particularly, who belong to the members of the Council for
the general business of the Society ; because on one hand the multi-
plicity of aifairs, from the increase of our Society, and on the other,
the many and, so to speak, constant sufferings of our Father, which
keep him almost always in his bed, and this last year particularly,
make us want more help and relief for him than he has yet had.
Therefore we represented to him that it seemed desirable he should
choose some one who would assume his place and powers in our
Society ; and he bade all of us priests who were now in Borne to
assemble, so that each might offer the Mass for three days, and
pray and receive information one from another, if they required
it, and then should write the name of the person chosen by them on
a slip of paper. And the lay brothers also assembled, and chose
among the priests four who should vote for them. On All- Saints
Day we met, thirty-four in number, and found that thirty-one or
thirty-two voted for Father Master Nadal, and our Father confirmed
the choice. And the Father Nadal entered excellently well on his
functions, and lightened much the burden which our Father had to
bear.

Nadal rejected all honours or title when he became the
Father's substitute, and in a few months Ignatius was so far
recovered that he could dispense with his Assistant's services
at home, and sent him back to Spain. It was said that an-
other motive was Ignatius' displeasure at Nadal's proposing
alterations in the rules for the Colleges ; he thought enough
time was not given for prayer, and wished an additional hour
daily allotted for that purpose. This was so far from un-
reasonable, that Aquaviva afterwards made the innovation ;
but to Ignatius novelties were intolerable, and he thought,
moreover, that tenderness to the weak was not Nadal's cha-
racteristic. In March following he named Father Pezzano
to be Procurator of the Professed House in Rome, where, for
all temporal matters, he supplied the place of the General.

It was one of the favours granted to Ignatius towards the
1555. close of his life, that he saw and knew intimately that suc-
cessor of the enemy of the Society at Toledo, who was to do

ALESSANDRO PETROXIO. 491

them as much good as the last archbishop had done harm.
The Cardinal-archbishop Gaspar di Quiroga came to Borne.
' I was united in the closest friendship with Father Ignatius,'
said he afterwards ; *I have ever found him most truly humble,
gentle and patient, full of charity and of zeal for the glory
of God and the good of men's souls, and under all circum-
stances, pleasant or grievous, fortunate or adverse, I have
always seen the same cheerful and pious gravity of demean-
our, so that the habitual peace and calmness of his mind was
manifest on his features.'

Quiroga, in speaking of his appearance, said that his
countenance seemed radiant with a divine beauty, as of
one inspired, so that he never was satisfied with gazing
on him.

His Religious describe him at this time as emaciated in
body, but his face retaining the remarkable expression and
brightness of earlier life ; his body not bent, nor walking
with more difficulty than formerly, though his weakness
obliged him frequently to transact business while lying on his
bed ; his head very bald, his hair and beard still black, but
slightly streaked with grey; his aspect benign and dignified.1

In spite of his great debility, he wished not to be spared
in any way not absolutely indispensable. Once a Father,
seeing him much fatigued by a visit to the Pope, would not
speak to him on some affairs of the Society till next day.
Ignatius was displeased, and reproved him so sternly, that
the poor priest did not venture into his presence for a
week.

During these last months Alessandro Petronio, his friend
and skilful physician, was very ill. Ignatius went to his
house, and found him. asleep. He went softly to his bedside,
stayed but a minute, and then left the room without speak-
ing. As he shut the door, the invalid woke up, and calling
to his wife Felieita, asked her, ' What was that bright light
which had filled the room ? ' When she told him there was
no light, only the presence of Ignatius, he was greatly
rejoiced. Shortly after he recovered.

This, the last supernatural incident related in the life of
Ignatius, reminds us to recall what has been said before, that
1 Grato et pleno ciguitatis a^pectu.

492 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

his children never then claimed for him a power of working
prodigies ; and he would certainly have greatly resented such
an attribute. All the remarkable circumstances of this kind
that it has been thought right to detail, may be set aside,
if the reader so pleases ; the true and only miracle that it is
necessary to show and to appreciate is that of a most noble,
extraordinary, and original character, and of an admirable
work. It would have been as well to omit such incidents,
perhaps better, but for one reason, — that they help to form
a picture of the times, which would be very incomplete with-
out them, and to realise that ' communion of Saints,' that
familiar and frequent mingling, so to speak, of the material
and spiritual world, which makes the incomparable happi-
ness of those who are in the Catholic Church. But it is an
entirely sober and reasoning happiness, and such manifesta-
tions as have been here described form no necessary part of
her faith. We have the authority of a Jesuit of our day for
this assurance. ' The Church seems to act fearlessly on the
principle that these things are to be mistrusted until they
are proved to be from God ; they are disregarded, discour-
aged, made light of, hindered, forbidden, without scruple ;
and then, when they prove themselves, by their effects, to be
genuine and divine, they are not, after all, to be made much
of.' And this was the rule of Ignatius himself.

About a year before he died Ignatius called one day a
brother named Giovanni Filippo Vite, companion to Polanco,
and said, ( Write, that I wish to leave in writing for the
Society my ideas on obedience ; ' and he dictated these
sentences : —

1. On my first entrance into Religion, and at all times
after, I ought to resign myself into the hands of the Lord
niy God and of him who governs me.

2. I ought to desire to be ruled by a Superior who endea-
vours to subjugate my judgment and subdue my under-
standing.

3. In all things except sin I ought to do the will of my
Superior, a,nd not my own.

4. There are three sorts of obedience: the first, when a
strict obligation is imposed upon me — and this is good ; the

RULES FOR OBEDIENCE IX THE ORDER. 493

second, when the simple command of the Superior, without
any addition, suffices for me — and this is better; the third,
when I do a thing without waiting for an express com-
mand, because I know that it will please him — and this is
best of all.

5. I ought not to regard him who gives the order, whether
he be the Superior, or the deputy, or a subordinate, but God
alone, in Whose place he stands ; otherwise the merit of
obedience is diminished.

6. When it seems to me that I am commanded bj my
Superior to do a thing against which my conscience revolts
as sinful, and my Superior judges otherwise, it is my duty to
yield my doubts to him, unless I am otherwise constrained
by evident reasons. If submission does not appease my con-
science, I must impart my doubts to two or three persons of
discretion, and abide by their decision. If this does not
content me, I am very far from having attained the perfec-
tion required by a Eeligious Life.

7. lu a word, I ought not to be my own, but His who
created me, and his too by whose means God governs me,
yielding myself to be moulded in his hands like so much
wax ; and whether in writing and receiving letters, con-
versing with one person or another, and such like things,
I should place all my devotion in doing whatever is required
of me.

8. I ought to be like a corpse, which has neither will nor
understanding; or like a little crucifix, which is turned about
at the will of him who holds it ; or like a staif in the hands
of an old man, who uses it as may best assist or please him.
Such ought I to be under my religious rule, doing whatever
service is judged best.

9. I must not petition the Superior to send me to any
place, or appoint me to any office. I am permitted to ac-
quaint him with my intentions or desires, but with entire
abandonment of myself to him, and a disposition to approve
whatever he determines.

10. Nevertheless, in unimportant matters, such as going
to the Stations, or saying prayers for any particular grace,
and the like, it is well not to ask permission, if only I am
ready to consider it best whether I am permitted or refused.

494 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

11. So, with regard to poverty, I must depend on my
Superior, and possess nothing which I esteem as my own.
I should be like a statue, which makes no resistance to
him who takes aught away from it, whatever the occasion
may be.

These rules, which have been so often quoted and reviled,
describe only what is required in all religious associations.
The sixth is a full answer to the assertion that the Jesuits
bind themselves to commit any crime at the bidding of their
Superior. It is a parallel to the third rule, 'He must obey
in everything except sin.' The rules of obedience are not
more strict here than those of other Eeligious Orders ; the
figures used, of an old man's stick, a corpse, a statue, are
all applied by saints who founded other Communities ; Ig-
natiiis only borrowed them. But this precept is remark-
able in his rule — ' Preserve your freedom of 'mind, and
do not relinquish it by the authority of any person, or
under any circumstances whatever; ' as we have quoted
already from the instructions given at the beginning of the
* Exercises.'

Ignatius was still solicitous about the establishment of his
Order in Belgium. The illustrious Louis de Blois had paid
a signal compliment to the Jesuits by asking them to assist
1553. him in reforming his abbey of Liessies. Father Goisson,
Golsson. afterwards Rector of the Seminaiy at Rome, was sent to give
the ' Exercises ' there. Louis de Blois, whose character,
birth, and interest with Charles V. gave him great weight ;
King Ferdinand, Cardinal Pole, and Dominic Soto, united
their efforts to those of the Jesuits themselves to obtain for
them a legal settlement in Flanders. The Regent, still
guided by Zwichem and hostile interests, referred their appli-
cation to the University of Louvain. Louis wrote a long
and very laudatory letter to Zwichem, concerning the Society.
'Would to Heaven,' said he, 'that these Fathers might
found Colleges in Belgium, as they have done in other parts
of the Christian world ! . . . . but I fear we are yet unworthy
of this blessing from the Lord.'

The abdication of Charles V. had now removed all autho-

RIBADENEIRA AT LOU VAIN. 405

ritj from the Queen Regent, and Philip was known to incline
to the Order of Ignatius ; but Zwichem still held a high place
in the Royal council. Ignatius resolved to send Ribadeneira
into Belgium. He was now twenty-seven years of age ; he
had not taken the vows of the Professed, but he was an
extraordinary preacher ; and Ignatius hoped that the repu-
tation of his great talents would excite a wish to hear him
in the Court of Brussels ; all which happened as he had Oct. 22,
expected. 1555-

Pedro and a companion started in October, 1555. He
writes to Ignatius six weeks later : —

My very reverend Father in Jesus Christ, — May the infinite grace
and everlasting love of Jesus Christ for ever be our aid. Amen.

Last Saturday, the 7th of this month, we arrived at Louvain, by
our Lord's goodness, brother Geraldo and I, in good health, though
somewhat tired by the journey, during which our Lord, ever good
and merciful to us, because we were fulfilling your paternal orders,
treated us like spoiled children ; for we had fine weather, good roads,
and companions when we wanted them. We escaped many dangers
and some unpleasant encounters. God be for ever praised and
blessed : to Him we owe these mercies.

At Louvain we had much consolation in the society of our
brethren, especially of Father Bernard Olivier, who expected us im-
patiently. The following Sunday he preached in French extremely
well before a large audience in the church of St. Michel. I was
much pleased with his sermon. The same day I went to hear a
Latin discourse by an important personage, but all I brought away
with me was an idea that it would need much patience to <ro a
second time; yet there is so much devotion in this place, so manv
sermons and preachers, that it is astonishing, and makes one thank
God. Last Sunday, the Feast of the Immaculate Conception, at
least five or six hundred persons approached the holy table, in the
principal church alone, and there were more than thirty sermons
in Flemish, French, or Latin. So I am told it will surprise people
less to hear me preach in Latin than in the days of Strada, for then

no one preached in that language Yesterday we consulted

with M. Bernard and M. Adrian on the orders you had given me,
and we agreed that M. Adrian should speak to the Rector of the
University, who is full of goodwill to the Company, and to some
other friends, so that I may be invited to preach next Sunday. .
I am told the Spaniards who are studying at the University want
me to preach in our own language. If I am asked, I shall not

496 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA. .

refuse; for I should like to practise speaking in Castilian, and I
may thus attract the attention of the Spaniards at Brussels.

At Louvain, Father Master Bernard tells me that' the Senor
Pedro de Zarate thinks we had better do nothing till the Emperor
is gone, and Father Araoz, or some other Spanish Father, has
arrived here ; .... but we agreed, Master Bernai'd, Master Adrian,
and myself, that I should return with Master Bernard to Brussels,
to lay the matter before the Lords Pedro de Zarate and Alexis
Fontana, .... and then return to Louvain. So yesterday even-
ing we repaired to Brussels. We went directly to the Lord Alexis
Fontana, and asked three things : if the Emperor was returning to
Spain ? if the King of England was going to that country ? and
how we could obtain leave to preach in some church, as your Pater-
nity desires, seeing that this city is in the jurisdiction of the Bishop
of Cambray ? . . . He answered, that he thought the Emperor would
go, that he had even said he expected to keep Christmas in Spain,
but no one could tell the exact time ; . . . . the Queen of England
had countermanded the fleet which she had made ready to escort
the Emperor.

He told us, secondly, that it was believed the King would go to
England, but not to stay long, because, having to govern Flanders,
he could not absent himself so soon.

The question of the preaching was postponed till next day,
when he and Bernard were to meet the Serior Zarate at Fon-
tana's house.

Then the letter gives the result of this second meeting.
Zarate and Fontana think no advance can be made while the
Emperor remains, as Philip, though nominally sovereign in
Flanders, can do nothing without his assent ; and as to the
permission to preach, they dread the Bishop of Cambray,
and still more the Emperor's sister, Maria, on whose mind
the old arguments of Viglius Zwichem had left a strong
impression.

It is thought certain that in a few days (the Emperor) will give
Spain and Sicily to his son Philip, as he has already given him
Flanders ; and then the King, being master of everything, will do

as he thinks proper We have detei'mined, therefore, to return

to Louvain, Master Bernard and I, and, when the time is come,
these Lords will give us warning.

There seems to be much agitation in the Court, and discussion of
grave matters ; so that we had better follow the instructions you
gave me, to be guided by our friends who know the Court.

SUCCESS OF RIBADEXEIEA'S PREACHING. 497

We recommend ourselves to the prayers of the Fathers Laynez,
Polanco, Madrid, and all the rest.

The unworthy son in our Lord of your Paternity,
PEDRO DE RIBADEXEERA.

From Brussels, December 11, 1555.

Ignatius depended much on the effect which Kibadeneira's
eloquence and his elegant Latinity would produce at Louvain
and at Brussels. Bernard Olivier related to him how his
wishes were completely satisfied : —

From the first a larger audience collected round his pulpit than
any Latin sermon had ever attracted before ; the second and third
time it was larger still. The old preachers themselves were among
the most eager to hear him ; a famous Doctor, named Amerot, who
also preaches in Latin with great success, always comes with his
pupils. He made a formal visit to our preacher along with his
cortege.

A. worthy Spanish monk of the Order of St. Dominic, lately
giving a sermon, in another church, an hour before Father Ribade-
neira commenced his own, made, as he ended, a eulogy on the Latin
orations of his colleague, and invited all his auditors to accompany
him to hear him, which they did.

The same monk, and several of different Orders, and several
Spanish Lords, have visited him here. A theologian has asked us
two or three times, on behalf of the Faculty, for a copy of his ser-
mons. Some wish they should be printed ; some earnestly beg me
to explain to them in writing the art with which he composes and
recites his discourses ; many observe him with the utmost attention,
in order to imitate him.

Another letter says : —

His reputation is greater than I can describe. . . . The Regent of
the Falcon invited the Father to his table, where were the principal
masters of the Colleges, all eager to exchange a few words with him,
so that if one wanted to speak to him separately the others com-
plained. ... In short, they give him such marks of honour, good-
will, and friendship, that Father Ribadeneira and his companion
Master Adrian were astonished. The same Regent offered to re-
ceive gratis as many young men as we wished to send to the schools
of Louvain, adding that he did not consider this doing us a favour,
but rather asking one. He insisted on giving Master Ribadeneira
the key of his College, and of his own apartments, so that he might
visit him as often as he pleased. After supper almost all the masters
accompanied him home, carrying torches in their hands. . . . To-

K K

408 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Prat. day a bachelor in theology told me that all the University was

talking of these discourses ; all, down to the youngest scholar, spoke
of them with enthusiasm ; the learned praised him, etiam usque ad
miraculum.

But precious, far beyond praises, were the results that
followed in the lives of many of his hearers. The Chancellor
Uuard more than once thanked him for the spirit of piety
thus kindled and the reforms accomplished. And, as Igna-
tius hoped, the report of his wonderful eloquence reached
Brussels, and the Imperial secretary was desired to invite
him, through Zarate, to preach before the Court.

Bernard Oliver comforted the last months of Ignatius' life
by this account of Pedro's continued success :—

He preached (at Brussels) on the Epiphany, in one of the
churches which the Spaniards commonly attend. The great Lords
of the Court, all the King's council, and many more were there ;
and, if we may believe Zarate, even the Bishop of Trieste, the most
famous of the Court preachers, never had so large and brilliant an
audience. All were pleased with the substance and style of the
sermon, and the utterance, action, and dignity of the preacher. The
King's Confessor could not praise the doctrine enough. Zarate and
Fontana stayed after the service to speak of the sermon, and told us
everybody had been charmed with it and greatly edified. Now,
Sefior Zarate had before been mortally alarmed lest Father Kibade-
neira should not answer the general expectation ; he had told us
anxiously and several times over that he must prepare himself well,
for he would be heard by fastidious ears. He afterwards told me
the discourse was every way excellent; so also said these Lords
when we went to wait on them as yon desired. The Father has
received numberless marks of esteem and friendship from them. . . .
Of your reverend Paternity the useless servant,

BERNARD.
Lou vain, January 11, 1556.

The Count of Figueroa and Cordova, afterwards Duke of
Feria, the most powerful nobleman at Court, offered Pedro a
lodging in his house, treated him as a son, and assisted his
efforts to procure an establishment of the Order as a personal
affair.

Don Lopez d'Alvarado wrote, some months later: — 'As for
the goodness, piety, zeal, and good example of Father Master
Ribadeneira, it is better to say nothing than say too little

SUCCESS OF RIBADEXEIEA. 499

upon such an extraordinary subject. The King loves him
much, and Euj Gomez, and others of the Council ; but the
Count de Feria, and Don Alonzo d'Aguilar, his brother, can-
not exist an hour out of his sight.' l This letter was sent
from Pisa on November 10, 1556.

Ruy Gomez, Canieraro Mayor and confidential friend of
King Philip, was the husband of the Princess of Eboli, well
remembered by the readers of Schiller.

Figueroa was brother to Antonio de Cordova, who had
already entered the Society; his mother, Marchioness del
Priego, protected it in Spain. He procured for Pedro an
audience of the Kin£. Pedro delivered a letter from Igna-
tius ; the King received it graciously, and promised an
answer.

But Zwichem was still influential, and he dreaded an Order
expressly devoted to the Pope, for the war between Philip
and Paul IV. still seemed unappeasable. Ribadeneira, doubt-
less counselled by Figueroa, sent a memorial declaring that
the Society of Jesus was wholly unconnected with politics.

The King fell ill ; Pedro returned to Louvain and resumed
his Latin orations ; Bernard Olivier went to Tournay, where
Quintin Ciarlat and Bouclet were greatly esteemed. The
plague broke out in Tournay ; the Jesuits, after their custom,
attended the sick, gave the Sacraments to the dying, and
Quintin soon caught the disease and died. Bernard replaced
him ; he also caught the plague and died. The Fathers of 1556.
the Chartreux took the utmost care of him during his illness ;
they were in all times and places the faithful friends of the
Society.

Ribadeneira, after the departure of Bernard for Tournay, June 21,
writes to Ignatius, 'that remembering all Father Bernard
had done, he had preached twice again at Louvain, before a
larger audience than ever, and including the principal per-
sons in the University.' He says some have told him that
the last sermon particularly has done great good, and that
many of the hearers have resolved to confess and communi-
cate every week. * I have been asked to teach the theolo-
gians how to preach, and to print ruy sermons.' But as he
is obliged to remain chiefly at Brussels, to push on this affair
1 ' L'hora che non lo veggono non stanno in se.'
K K 2

500 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

of the Colleges, he fears the impression will not last long.
'At Louvain there are some very learned Spaniards, who
have taken such an affection for the Company that they wish
to enter it ; ... one particularly, Master Ledesma, has sur-
prising merit. . . . Meanwhile he entreats me to recommend
him to your prayers, for he has so great an esteem for your
Paternity, that he never ceases thanking God for having sent
such a man into the world.'

Diego de Ledesma was a remarkable person ; he was accounted one
of the glories of the University of Louvain ; he had seen the
lives of many Jesuits, their zeal, humility and charity — he
was witness of the holiness of their conversation. When
Pedro arrived, he sought him immediately, and asked end-
less questions concerning Ignatius. They were answered in
the spirit of loving admiration which overflowed in the heart
of Bibadeneira towards his Father ; but when Ledesma saw
the Constitutions, he was impressed with deep reverence for
the sagacity, genius, and piety contained in them, and gave
thanks to God. He was withheld for some time from enter-
ing the Society by the fear of being controlled in the labours
of his pen, for he meditated a great work on science and
theology. Pedro showed him that in the Order of Jesus all
talents were cherished and employed, and Ledesma entered
the noviciate at Rome a few months later.

Even then he was not quite satisfied that he should be
able to persevere; he had doubts about the vow of celibacy;
he thought obedience too difficult; and till he thoroughly
learned its application in the rule of Ignatius, he frequently
relapsed into hesitation. But when once entered, he became
as eminent for piety as he was for learning. The Fathers
called him, * II maestro de' maestri,' and Laynez thought him
superior to all the other professors in the Roman college ;
yet he was remarkable for his attachment to the small devo-
tions, commonly esteemed chiefly as aids to the ignorant —
short prayers, ejaculations, pious pictures, and the like. He
would look on nothing as insignificant that concerned the
worship of the Creator ; and in composing he wrote at the
top of every page the names of Jesus and Mary. His admi-
ration was great of Ignatius and of the Order. ' I revere
in it,' he said, ' not a few miracles, but many ; not particular,

DIEGO DE LEDESMA. 501

but general ; not of some, but of all ; not occasional, but
continued.' For he thought miraculous the charity that
united all as in one family ; the blameless and pure lives of
so many men, some very young ; the devotion that seemed
to be inspired by the mere entering into the Society, so that
even the novices are sent on pilgrimages; the eminent
humility of many among them who were noble, learned,
highly honoured in the world ; their gift of moving hearts,
even by the countenance, and not by the voice only; the
wonderful conversions that followed the use of the ' Spiritual
Exercises,' and the fact that these had been composed by
Ignatius when he was yet a new and untrained man; the
fervour and copiousness of the young Jesuits in their domestic
sermons, often preached extempore.

When Ledesma was placed over the Roman College, he
said he cared little for any scholars who were lukewarm in
Religion, whatever their attainments might be ; and no books,
even purely scientific, pleased him, if wanting wholly in the
leaven of piety. He took pains to discourage all particular
friendships among the students, thinking these impeded the
flow of a general charity and goodwill ; he condescended to
the youngest scholars, and composed for them books suited
to children; he cared also for the young men sent to the
College as professors, and so directed them, that each was Prat
under the guidance of some older and experienced Father,
and their instructions were so timed as to leave them at
leisure for the fulfilment of all the obligations of their rule.
And so great was the veneration all felt for him, that he
rarely had need to exercise his authority. He acted out the
principles of Ignatius with supreme success until his death,
during the Jubilee of Gregory XIII., in 1575.

Ribadeneira at Brussels was constantly employed in ex-
horting and conversing with the nobles of Philip's Court,
explaining the constitutions of the Society and Jesuit ways
of life. For then, as ever since, misrepresentations were at
work. Many did not know, and some refused to know, what
the Jesuits were, what they aimed at, what they did. It
was often a pleasant thing to make these explanations in the

502 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Spanish Court, for Spain was a religious nation, willing to
be moved and convinced. Among the Flemings there was
more disposition to the new doctrines. Zwichem, the most
important of all Pedro's opponents, had no leaning to these,
but dreaded in the Jesuits a political engine of which the
Pope might hereafter make use against King Philip, and a
source of jealous discontent among the clergy at home.

But when Ribadeneira could persuade any to examine and
understand the Institute of Ignatius, they were sure to pass
from inquiry to admiration.

Those who saw clearly the lives of the Jesuits; their
simple and self-denying habits, their energy in doing good,
their cheerful patience in bearing wrong; the clear and
prompt intelligence, the decision and perseverance with
which they worked out their aims, — the highest that can be
proposed for any human aspiration, ' CE SENTIMENT EXQTJIS
POUR TOUT CE QU'ILS APPELLENT HONNEUE," — needed no vin-
dication of their motives.

But there was still some political doubt, and both Igna-
tius and Ribadeneira took pains to explain how the Jesuits
are everywhere obliged to keep aloof from party contests,
decline all secular interference, and, as true patriots, transfer
their interests to the country they are placed in. This part
of their rule was of frequent application, for many princes
and magistrates desired to profit by their sagacity and in-
fluence. They were enjoined always to adopt as true sons
the State which then gave them shelter ; and in the last
year of Ignatius' life, when another siege of Rome was ex-
pected, the Jesuits, Fathers and Novices, assisted with their
hands in fortifying the city against King Philip. Salmeron
was one of the first to carry his pickaxe and mattock to the
walls.

When Ribadeneira was sent to Belgium, Ignatius bade
him avoid complaining of the Pope, Paul I.V., and to speak
only of the good dispositions he had shown on some occa-
sions. Ribadeneira answered, ' He did not see how he could
put a favourable interpretation on some of his actions.'
( Then,' said Ignatius, * you must say nothing at all, and

1 Montesquieu.

COLLEGE AT JERUSALEM. 503

speak only of Pope Marcellus, who showed us so much
affection.'

In the spring of 1556 Ignatius wrote to Ribadeneira, then April 3.
at the Court of Philip at Brussels : —

From Cologne we are asked with much importunity to send
persons who will aid the common good of that city, in preaching
and explaining the Holy Scriptures, and in other literature. For
although it remains firm in the Catholic religion, it contains many
who sow evil doctrines, and few good ; for they write to us, there is
none who teaches anything of theology. And though I think of
sending a good many persons to make a beginning of the College
which they desire to have, in the meanwhile I wish that, having
read this, within three or four days you should go to Cologne, unless
his Majesty or the Conde Ruy Gomez order otherwise, and that
there you will employ yourself in preaching in Latin, or explaining
something from the Sacred Scriptures, as seems most advisable for
the edification of the town.

The project of Zarate for Jerusalem still occupied him. A
letter from Ignatius shows that King Philip charged some
commissioners to examine the proposal, and Ignatius be-
lieved he was inclined to favour it. But the affair draped

OO

on. When Philip went to Flanders, the idefatigable Zarate
followed him. Ignatius was then very ill. Only a few weeks
before his death he wrote to Zarate that some monks June 9.
(Franciscans) had asked him to renounce formally the right
given him by Pope Julius III. to found a College at Jeru-
salem. But a person had left by will a rent of five hundred
ducats yearly for the College in Jerusalem, and he did not
think that this renunciation could be reasonably asked.
* Besides,' continues Ignatius, ' as no one knows what God
our Lord may work by the unworthy means of this small
Company, it appears not consistent either with reason or the
will of God if we allow the door to be shut against a College
in the Holy Land. And if I were to make the renunciation
desired, this would not, as it appears to me, bind the Com-
pany hereafter. But I think I could not do it with a safe
conscience, though I see small prospect now that a College
will be founded there during my life. And it may more
easily happen that such a one should never exist than that I
should bind myself by a promise not to allow it.'

The last words were prophetic. His successors made no

504 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

use of the Papal grant. And a few days after he wrote
them, he exchanged his longing for that earthly Jerusalem
which his soul ever yearned after for the full enjoyment of
the City of the Lamb.

March 22, Ruy Gomez continued to befriend the Society, and after
Ignatius' death he wrote to Eibadeneira from Greenwich
(whither he had come on a mission from Philip, the un-
gracious bridegroom, who constantly made excuses for defer-
ring his return to England), ( that he was always watching
an opportunity, but could not yet persuade the Queen or
Cardinal Pole that the wisest thing they could do would be
to summon the new Order to the help of religion in England
and Ireland.' * I shall pursue this business,' says Ruy Gomez,
' as long as I have any hopes of the Cardinal. He is a
worthy man, but too moderate, and I do not believe that mode-
ration, though it is said to resemble temperance, will carry us
to Paradise. Pedro de Zarate will tell you the same thing.'
He recommends Eibadeneira still to wait at Brussels, * and,'

Prat. he writes, ' if you cannot endure this, buy two pounds weight
of patience in the shop of Pedro de Zarate.' !

Zarate indeed must have needed all he had, for the long
efforts with which he pursued his favourite object ended in
nothing but the good done, let us hope, to his own soul.

As the summer of 1556 advanced, the maladies of Igna-
tius became so much worse that those about him saw he had
not long to live. He himself knew it, and wrote to Dona
Eleanor Mascarenhas, who had asked him to pray for her
foster-son Philip II., that he had always remembered Philip
daily in his prayers, but twice a day since he became
King, adding, ' This is the last letter I shall write to you ; I
shall soon pray the Lord for you in Heaven.'

He said once to the priests near him : — ' Three things I
have especially desired, and, thanks be to God, I have seen
them all granted to me : that the Society should be esta-

Nov 17 ' Ribadeneira at last visited England, when the Duke de Feria was sent

1558. ' by Philip to the Queen, then dangerously ill. She died a few days after

their arrival. The opinions of Elizabeth were not yet declared, and Kiba-

deneira preached and taught without impediment, except from his own

I.-)*)!), health, during the winter. He returned to Brussels in March.

LAST MOMENTS OF IGNATIUS. 505

Wished by the Pope's confirmation; that the book of the
" Spiritual Exercises " should receive the approbation of the
Holy See ; and that the Constitutions should be completed,
and observed by the Order everywhere.' Those who listened
understood what this meant. He would not allow Father
Viuk, who had been very zealous in the settling of Colleges
in Sicily, to come to Eome to be received among the Pro-
fessed, though it was unusual for those vows to be made any-
where but at the Gesu. Ignatius charged the Provincial
Domenech to receive the vows from Yink, in order, he said,
that he might not be long absent from Catania. But others
had come from greater distances, and it was believed that
Ignatius knew that there would not be time for the journey
before his own death.

Some time after this he transferred the functions of his
office to Polanco ; to Christopher Madrid, who though not
Professed, nor hardly more than a Scholastic, yet had great
weight in the Society ; and to Nadal recently recalled. He
himself retired to the country house he had bought near
the convent of Santa Balbina. It was newly repaired, and
the walls not yet dry. The heats of summer were excessive
that year ; Ignatius became worse, and after two or three days
of fever he caused himself to be carried back to Rome. He
wished doubtless to be again near his brethren and his be-
loved scholars ; it would not signify much to him that Rome
was full of distress and terror, the people anticipating that
their city would be again taken and sacked. But Philip,
while he made war on the Pope, professed a humble rever-
ence for him, and waited till Paul saw that his situation was
desperate, and proposed terms of peace.

Polanco describes the last moments of Ignatius in a Cir-
cular Letter, addressed to the Provincials, dated August 6,
1556 : —

The peace of Christ. I announce hereby to your Reverence, and
to all the brethren who are under you, that it has pleased God to
call to Himself our blessed Father Master Ignatius, early on Friday,
the last day of July. On the eve of St. Peter's chains, those chains
were broken wliich bound him in the flesh, and he was placed in the
liberty of the elect.

God has heard at last the longings of His holy servant. For

506 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

though lie bore his pilgrimage and the trials it brought upon him
with great patience and fortitude, yet he desired for many years
past to see and praise his Creator and Lord in the heavenly country,
whose Divine providence has left him to us hitherto, that his work
in this small Society, which had begun through him, might better
progress by his example, wisdom, prudence, and prayers.

Since your Reverence will wish to hear something more of the
death of our Father, now in glory, you must know that it was very
easy, and it was almost an hour before we perceived that he had
ceased to live. We had many sick in the house, and among them
Father Master Laynez and Juan de Mendoza, and some more, who
were dangerously ill. Our Father also had a trifling illness, and
suffered four or five days from a fever, but very slightly ; it was
even doubtful if there were still any fever or not, though he was
then, as at former times, extremely weak. In this condition he sent
for me on Wednesday, and desired me to tell Dr. Torres to attend
him as he did the other patients ; for as we had not thought his in-
disposition considerable, the others were taken more care of than
himself. Torres therefore watched him, as well as another famous
physician, a friend of ours, Master Alessandro, who visited him
every day. The next day (Thursday) he asked for me about two
o'clock [this answers to four in- the afternoon], and when he had sent
the attendant out of the room, said it was time now that I should
go to the Vatican, to inform his Holiness that he was near the end,
and had no longer any hope of temporal life ; that he asked the
blessing of his Holiness for himself and Master Laynez, who was
also in danger, and that if God our Lord granted them the mercy
of being taken into Heaven, they would there pray for his Holiness,
as they had done daily on earth.

The mention of Laynez is a mistake of Polanco's. Father
Ignatius said only ' Colui,' and Polanco supposed he meant
Laynez, who was apparently in extremity, but two days
afterwards recovered. Ignatius spoke, it was afterwards
thought, of Father Olave, who was not ill then, but died
soon after.

I answered him, ' Father, the physicians see no danger in this ill-
ness, and I myself hope that God will preserve your Reverence yet
some years for His service. Do you find yourself as ill as the other ? '
He answered me, ' So ill that nothing remains for me but to give up
my soul.' Then I expressed the hope I really had that he would
live longer, but also I said I would do what he desired, and asked
him if the matter might wait till Friday, because I wanted to send

HIS DEATH. 507

letters that evening to Spain, by Genoa, and the post went on
Thursday. He answered, ' I had rather it were done to-day, or the
sooner the better ; but do what you think best : I leave it entirely
to you.' In order to learn from the judgment of the physicians if
he was in danger, 1 that evening begged the principal of them,
Master Alessandro, to tell me candidly if our Father were in danger,
because he had charged me to announce this to the Pope. He an-
swered me, ' To-day I can say nothing about his danger ; that must
be to-morrow.'

Under these circumstances, and as the Father had left it to me, I
thought it best in human prudence to wait till the Friday, and then
obtain the opinion of the physician. On that same Thursday, at one
in the evening \_eigld of our time~\, Dr. Madrid and I were at the
supper of our Father, who ate as well as he usually did, and he
conversed with us, so that I went to my room without thinking of
any danger from this illness. In the morning, at sunrise, we found
our Father was dying, and immediately I went to the Vatican. The
Pope showed sincere sympathy, and gave him the fullest benedic-
tion that he could.

And so he gave up his soul most peacefully to its Creator, in the
presence of Father Doctor Madrid and of Master Andreas Frusins,
before the second hour after sunrise.

When our Father was dead, we proceeded to embalm him as well
as we could, . . . and this caused greater wonder and edification ;
for his stomach and abdomen were empty and shrivelled up, whence
the physicians judged his abstinence to have been great in former
times, and his fortitude also, since in so much weakness he went
about his laborious duties with such constant serenity. When they
examined the liver, they found three small stones, which testified how
true was what the good old man Diego d'Eguia said, that certainly
our Father for long time past was kept in life by a miracle. I, at
least, cannot guess how, with a liver so diseased, he could have lived
in a natural way, if God our Lord had not provided for this organic
disease, and kept him in life while he was necessary to our Society.

We deferred the interment of his holy remains till Saturday after
Vespers. The concourse of the pious, and their devotion was very
great, though he remained in the room where he had died ; some
kissed his hands, some his feet, or touched his body with their
chaplets, along with our own Fathers. We did all we could to
keep off those who wanted to carry off a piece of his cap or clothes.
Some painters made likenesses of him, which he had never permitted
during his lifetime, though many had asked leave. In the large
chapel, on the Gospel side in our own Church, we made a little

508 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

grave, in which his body, placed in a sarcophagus, after we had
said the office as customary, was deposited, and a great stone placed
on it, which can be removed whenever it is necessary. There he
will remain, in some sense as if waiting till another destination
shall seem proper for him.

The Doctor Olave went to the Pope to announce the decease, and
his Holiness showed him much favour, expressing his liking for the
Society, which he had entertained through all its stages of pro-
gress. Some of the most influential Cardinals did the same, as well
as many other friends who offered themselves liberally to the Society.
Praised be God our Lord, for He is our strength and hope. We
have all offered the Sacrifice three days for our Father, though some
of us were impelled by a pious wish to ask his prayers, rather than
pray for him to God our Lord. Nevertheless, all that reason
counsels ought to be done everywhere, both with regard to the three
days' Masses, and to the prayers of our brethren who are not priests.
He has left thirteen Provinces.
Eome, August 6, 1556.

Tommaso Cannicari, the infirmarian who attended on
Ignatius, told Lancizio that when the Fathers saw that the
Saint was dying, they sent for Pietro Biera, who had latterly
been his Confessor, to anoint him. But Riera could not be
found, and Ignatius never received Extreme Unction. Be-
sides Madrid and Frusis, it seems that Cardinal Tarugi, who
was in the house at the time, witnessed his last moments ;
they put a blessed candle into his hand; he said softly,
* Jesus, Jesus ! ' and died about an hour after sunrise, in
great tranquillity. Fra Tommaso said that until midnight
he talked much to himself, as he had done during all his
illness ; then he became more quiet, and did not call to him
so often ; he only sometimes whispered, ' Ay Dios ! '

The Fathers wept for him with a tender reverence, and a
regret for the delightful intercourse which was ever full of
charity and edification ; but they fully believed that his race
was run, his mission accomplished, and that he was hence-
forward to guide and intercede for his Company in Heaven.

Five of the first associates of Ignatius survived him ; of
Paschase Brouet and of Eodriguez we have spoken already ;
Salmeron and Bobadilla were absent from Eome when he
died ; Laynez, at the Gesii, was himself very ill, and did not
see Ignatius during the last days of his life. He was chosen

LAYNEZ.— SALMEROX. 509

by the unanimous voice of the Society to take the place of
Vicar-General until another General could be named ; and
this, from the troubled state of Some, was deferred for two
years. Laynez then became the second General. Profoundly
learned, marvellous for his memory and his eloquence, < quieto
di natura, ardente di zelo,' and long living in the closest
intimacy with Ignatius, he was his worthy successor and
carried on the Order of Jesus in the fall aim and spirit of its
founder. He was again papal theologian at the Council of
Trent, and spread his brilliant reputation for argument and
oratory in France at the conference of Passy, where Theo-
dore Beza disputed with him in the presence of Catherine de'
Medicis and all the French court ; and if he convinced few
who were not of his own opinion already, it was much that
he made no new enemies, and parted courteously from Beza
and the Protestants who accompanied him.

Paul IV., renewing the attempt to make Laynez Cardinal,
and desirous to attach him closely to his own person, ordered
him to take up his residence in the Vatican. Laynez obeyed
for one night, and then returned to the Gesu ; and Paul then
desisted from imposing upon him these unwelcome honours.
Laynez died in 1565, during the papacy of Pius IV. Sal-
meron continued to reside at Naples, eminently successful,
esteemed, and persecuted ; and it is odd to see how the type
of persecution is carried on in Jesuit history from the begin-
ning. Salmeron was accused of causing an old lady to leave
the Company a large fortune ; then a song was sung about
the streets —

Che il Padre Salmerone

fl davvero un gran briccone.

And it came out after a time that the whole story and its
details were alike an invention of the enemy. Then he
became, by report, one of the Illuminati ; then a disciple of
Bernard Ochino, and a declared heretic. He lived down all
these calumnies, but they must have sometimes harassed him.
In old age he was summoned to Rome to preach in Advent
before Pope Gregory XIII. ; and this was his last absence
from Naples, and his last appearance in the pulpit. He
died soon after, uttering the words, ' Laetatur anima mea,'
thankful doubtless to escape from the opposition which he

510 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

knew must follow the Society through all time. Bobadilla,
the youngest of the ten, and surviving the others, lived on in
Sicily and Naples, useful and judicious in directing the esta-
blishments there ; but he fell away strangely from the spirit
and rules of the Order,, and murmured because Laynez did
not appoint him to higher places in the Society. Probably
Laynez had reason to dread the ' spirito infocato,' the fiery
temper which had done so much excellent work in subordi-
nate positions ; and the result justified him. Bobadilla died
at Loreto in 1580.

We are unwilling to close these few words respecting the
earliest companions of Ignatius without some mention of
Bibadeneira, long the torment and the favourite of the Com-
munity, then one of its most brilliant and useful members,
treated by Ignatius with an indulgence that makes one think
the master was thankful for a pupil towards whom he could
relax something of his habitual self-repression without re-
proach. When Pedro came to Borne, two years after his
beloved patron's death, having entirely failed in the attempt
to obtain an introduction for the Jesuits into England, he
was sent to Palermo, received there with the love and rever-
ence he had deserved in former times, and witnessed the
murder of the Jesuit Father, Venusti, whose assassin took
refuge in the College of the Jesuits, and was helped by them
to fly into some foreign country, where it was said he ended
his days in true repentance. In 1565 the death of Laynez
summoned all the Provincials and Assistants to Rome. His
successor, Borgia, made Ribadeneira Rector of the Roman
College. When he entered on his office, he made, in the
presence of all the inmates assembled in the refectory, a
humble acknowledgment of his own unfaithfulness to the
graces bestowed upon him. He kissed the feet of all ; and
then kneeling down before the Crucifix and throwing back
his mantle, he scourged himself during many minutes. After
this extremely uncomfortable inauguration, we can well un-
derstand that the energy and devotedness of the teachers
were responded to by the docility of the scholars ; and it was
not unintelligible praise that Lord Bacon bestowed when he
said some years later, 'As FOE EDUCATION, LOOK AT THE
JEST-ITS, THERE is NO TRAINING BEYOND THAT.'

RIBADENEIRA. 511

When Pedro's health obliged him to obey the order of
Mercurian, and return to his native country, he had a
mother longing to see him once more. The day when he
landed at Barcelona she expired at Seville. He had still
relations living, from whom he had not, like Francis Xavier,
thought it necessary to estrange himself; Alonzo, a younger
brother, and two sisters. Isabella, a nun at St. Clement's in
Toledo, seems to have been an unhappy person. Her brother
consoled her with pious affection. There were lawsuits and
money difficulties in the family, and Pedro, as the eldest son,
did what he could to remove them. But the unfailing
destiny of persecution and trouble kept the Society in Spain
then, as elsewhere and always, meeting malicious attacks,
and warding them off with charity. Denys Vasquez, who
had broken Pedro's leg when they were both children, and
since entered the Society, endeavoured now to- divide the
Spanish Colleges from Borne; Melchior Cano renewed his
old hostility ; the ' Inigistes ' were again called Alumbrados,
concealed heretics and enemies of the King of Spain ; even
Cardinal Quiroga, who seemed personally as much attached
to Ribadeneira as he had been to Ignatius, allowed three
Jesuits to be imprisoned by the Inquisition. The determina-
tion to separate the Company in Spain from the jurisdiction
of the General in Rome, was almost declared by the Court,
the Inquisition, and a small and turbulent party among the
Jesuits themselves. Sixtus V. was not a pope to tolerate
dictation or encroachment ; and Aquaviva showed him good
reasons why he should insist on the cause of the Society
being judged by the Vatican itself. The General bade his
subjects submit themselves personally to the Inquisition, but
not their Constitutions and Rules. The prisoners were at last
liberated ; still the King was bent on reducing the Jesuits
under his sole authority. The Inquisition interfered with
their writings and their missions in foreign countries, but
Ribadeneira said that no persecution they had ever suffered
so much alarmed him as when Philip prevailed on Clement
VIII. to make Francis Tolet a Cardinal. He was every way
worthy, but the precedent was only the more dangerous.
Then came the courtly favour shown to Herman de Mendoza,
who at last procured for himself the bishopric of Cuzquo, in

512 LIFE OF IGNATIUS LOYOLA.

Peru : but there returning to the Order from which he had
shaken himself free, became again a fervent Jesuit, living in
their house and conforming to their rules. Then followed
the book of Molina, on * free will and grace,' which was the
pretence or cause of such long and bitter controversy, not
quelled by the Congregations ' De Auxiliis' held at Rome
during five years, and concluded without any conclusion by
Paul V., who left both parties free to maintain their own
opinions. Then, finally, the life of his dear Father, which
Ribadeiieira had written, was attacked by Litho1 Misenus
with true Calvinistic virulence ; and after this came repose
and consolation. The latter part of Pedro's career was made
delightful by the canonisation of St. Ignatius, which he saw
nearly completed ; and he closed his literary labours by the
' Flos Sanctorum,' which was everywhere welcomed and ap-
plauded, and his l Confessions,' not printed till after his
death in 1611. He was the last survivor of those who were
contemporaries of the Saint.

1 Stenius or Stein.

If any readers, interested by the history of this sin-
gular community, desire to know something of its
further development and its present state, they may be
satisfied upon testimony the most acceptable, because
beyond all suspicion of partiality, from writers of other
and hostile sects, some of whom not only did not share,
but could not even understand, the impulse by which
the Jesuits acted, or the sources of the heroism which
they described.

L L

CONCLUSION.

LORD MACAULAT says : — * That Order possessed itself at once
of all the strongholds which command the pnblic mind, of
the pulpit, the press, the confessional, the academies. Where-
ever the Jesuits preached the church was too small for the
audience. The name of Jesuit on a title- page secured the
circulation of a book. Literature and science, lately asso-
ciated with infidelity or heresy, now became the allies of
orthodoxy. Dominant in the South of Europe, the great
Order now went forth conquering and to conquer, in spite of
oceans and deserts, hunger and pestilence, spies and penal
laws, dungeons and racks, gibbets and quartering blocks
.... arguing, instructing, consoling, stealing away the
hearts of the young, animating the courage of the timid,
holding up the crucifix before the eyes of the dying ....
the Old World was not wide enough for THIS STRANGE
ACTIVITY ! ! They made converts in regions where neither
avarice nor curiosity had tempted any of their countrymen
to enter, and preached in tongues of which no other native
of the West understood a word.'

Grotius, a Calvinist, admits their extraordinary merit ;
they were the first, he says, to bring to the Papal cause
' the advantage of their amazing succour, helping it on with
what had been hitherto neglected, irreproachable morals
and cultivated understandings. . . . Great is the influence of
the Order" with the public, both on account of its holiness,
and because, without receiving pay, they instruct youth in
the principles of learning and wisdom. Their members
have authority both in cities and in the country ; they are
wise rulers, faithful subjects . . . ; they have learned to
cast off" the fear of death and bid farewell to all human
affections.'

i.x.2

516 CONCLUSION.

He speaks of the * laudable management wherewith they
find in royal palaces the golden mean between servility and
arrogance ; they neither fly from the vices of men nor sanc-
tion them.'

The Scotch historian Robertson says : — ' Brit it is in the
New World that the Jesuits have exhibited the most won-
derful display of their abilities, and have contributed most

effectually to the benefit of the human species The

Jesuits alone made humanity the object of their settling
there. . . . These Jesuits set themselves to instruct and to

civilise the savages These people became the subjects

of their benefactors, who have governed them with a tender
attention, resembling that with which a father directs his
children. Respected and beloved almost to adoration, a few
Jesuits presided over some hundred thousand Indians.'

Montesquieu, who had no religion, speaking of Paraguay,
says : — ' It is a glory to the Society that they have been the
first to show in those countries religion and philanthropy
acting together; they have commenced the cure of one of
the greatest wounds that the human race has yet sustained.
Their exquisite sense of what they consider honour, their zeal
for Christianity, has made them undertake great things, and
they have succeeded.'

Sismondi says : — ' The Jesuits had succeeded in collecting
these wild people of South America into villages, who had
before been always wandering in the forests ; had taught
them religion and civilisation together, made them build
houses and churches, cultivate the fields, accumulate wealth ;
had solved in short the problems, which they alone under-
stood, of helping men to pass from a savage state to a civil-
ised one. And the longer our experience the greater
becomes our admiration for these missionaries; they em-
ployed only charity, patience, and a paternal care. Other
people have endeavoured to raise the savages by instruction,
emulation, commerce, and industry ; and over all the globe
the contact of the English, Dutch, and French with savages
has caused them to melt away like wax before the fire. In
the American missions, on the contrary, the Red men in-
creased rapidly under Jesuit direction. These Indians, it
was said, were only grown children after all. But since the

CONCLUSION. 517

Jesuits were expelled, the Portuguese, English, and French
have made them tigers.'

Bancroft's ' History of the United States ' does eminent
justice to the virtues of the Northern missionaries : —

* The horrors of a Canadian life in the wilderness were re-
sisted by an invincible passive courage and a deep internal
tranquillity. Away from the amenities of Iif6j from the
opportunities of vain glory, they became dead to the world
and possessed their souls in unalterable peace. The few who
lived to grow old still kindled with the fervour of apostolic
zeal. The history of their labours is connected with the
origin of every celebrated town in the annals of French
America ; not a cape was turned nor a river entered but a
Jesuit led the way.' And he describes very touchingly the
horrible martyrdom of Brebceuf, Daniel, and the excellent
Lallemant.

These are the words of Buffon in his ' Yarietes de TEspeee
Humaine ' : — ' Les missions ont forme plus d'honimes dans
ces nations barbares que les armees victorieuses des princes
qui les ont subjuguees. Le Paraguai n'a ete conquis que de
cette facoii. La douceur, le bon exemple, la charite, et
1'exercice de la vertu, coiistarnment pratiques par les mis-
sionnaires, ont touche ces sauvages, et vaincu leur defiance et
leur ferocite ; ils sont venus souveut d'eux-niemesdemandera
connaitre la loi qui rendait les hommes si parfaits ; ils se
sont soumis a cette loi et reunis en societe. Eien ne fait plus
d'honneur a la religion que d'avoir civilise ces nations et
jete les fondements d'un empire, sans autres arrnes que celles
de la vertu.'

In Dr. Lardner's * History of Portugal ' it is related that
' Joain III. employed the Jesuits as his missionaries through
his vast colonial empire, and nobly did they justify his
choice. With their lives in' their hands, these men of God
traversed regions unknown, plunged into deserts, exhibited
an activity in their missions unexampled since the days of
the primitive apostles ; patient under suffering, meek under
persecution, they submitted without a murmur to privation,
bonds, and death.'

And while this work was going on in the New "World, the
University of Paris said the College of the Jesuits in the

518 CONCLUSION.

Rue St. Jacques was ' un repaire de tigres et une caverne
de tyranneaux.' Passerat, one of the most eloquent of its
professors, called the Jesuits ' Harpies,' ' Scythian vaga-
bonds,' ' Ucalegons,' ' Poltroons,' ' Glowworms hiding them-
selves in the bushes.' Their retrenchments from the classic
authors, for the sa,ke of morality, were especially ridiculous
and odious to Passerat ; yet the University was obliged
afterwards to adopt them. Its organs said, ' Les Jesuites
mena9aient de devaster 1'Universite et la reduire en solitude ;'
which seems to explain their animosity. And they actually
succeeded in procuring the expulsion of the whole body from
the diocese of Paris ; nevertheless, Henry IV. recalled them,
in spite of the remonstrances of the President Du Harlay
and other magistrates. He even wrote to Du Harlay an
energetic letter in their defence : —

' And I wonder,' said he, ' on what grounds you suppose
ambition in persons who refuse dignities and bishoprics
when they are offered to them, and swear before God never
to desire them : and who aim at nothing in this world, but
to serve without any reward all who are willing to accept
their assistance

' The University has repulsed them because they have done
better than others

' As for the wealth you say they had, it is a calumny and
an imposture ; . . . . their patience is great ; and I admire
them for it ; for, with patience and good life, they accom-
plish everything.'

' From all time past,' adds the King, ' ignorance has borne
a grudge against science.'

Until the suppression of the Order they continued to
justify the protection of Henry. He gave them his own
house of La Fleche for a College. Nearly all who were
worthy, pious, or honourable in the French nation came
from their schools.

One of its illustrious pupils, Descartes, says, ' There is no
place in the world where philosophy is better taught.' And
then he mentions the advantages to young men of mixing
with companions from all countries, and adds, what may
serve to answer some ideas suggested by the enemies of the
Society, ' Enfin Pe*galite que les Jesuites mettent entre eux,

CONCLUSION. 519

en ne traitant guere d'autre maniere ceux qui sont les plus
distingues que ceux qui le sont moins, est une invention ex-
tremement bonne : ' as if it were a new idea.

Montaigne, when he was at Rome, visited the Jesuits'
college.

'C'est merveille,' says he, 'combien de part ce College
tient en la chretiente, et crois qu'il ne fat jamais confrerie et
corps parmi nous qui tint un tel rang, ny qui produisit en
fin des effets tels que fairont ceus ici, si leurs desseins conti-
nuent. Us possedent tantost toute la chretiente, c'est une
pepiniere de grands hommes et en toute sorte de grandeur.3

In 1 746 Voltaire, who will hardly be suspected of excess
on behalf of a Eeligious Order, wrote to Father de la Tour,
Principal of the College of Louis le Grand in Paris. . . .
* Nothing will efface from my heart the remembrance of
Pere Poree, which is equally dear to all who were under him.
Xever did any man render study and virtue more lovable.
His hours of instruction were delightful to us ; I wished I
could have attended them at a more advanced age, I should
have returned to hear him frequently. During the seven
years that I lived in the house of the Jesuits, what did I
see there ? A life the most laborious and frugal, their whole
time divided between the pains they took with us and the
exercises of their austere vocation. I call thousands who
were educated like myself to bear witness of this.' Then,
alluding to the book which De Eavignan has called 'Le
Dictionnaire de la Calomnie,' l he adds, ' They, like all other
Eeligious Orders, have had in darker times, casuists, who
have treated questions for and against, which are now
cleared away or forgotten.' .... And, in conclusion, he
asserts, ' That nothing can be more unreasonable, more
shameful to humanity, than this accusation of a relaxed
morality in men who are leading the most rigorous life
possible, in Europe, and seeking death at the extremities
of the eastern and western world.' The letter is dated
January 7.

Sismondi, writing of the Jesuit system of morals, says,
' They have made great advances in this noble science, and
we owe to them, PEBHAPS, MOEE THAN TO THE BIBLE ITSELF,

1 Pascal.

520 CONCLUSION.

the establishment of that system we now possess of Christian
morality.'

Chateaubriand thought that the banishment of the Jesuits
was an irreparable loss to cultivated and learned Europe : —
* Us etaient singulierement agreables a la jeunesse ; leurs
manieres polies otaient a leurs Ie9ons ce ton pedantesque qui
rebute 1'enfance. Comme la plupart de leurs professeurs
etaient des hommes de lettres recherche's dans le monde, les
jeunes gens ne se croyaient avec eux que dans une illustre
academic. Hs avaient su etablir entre leurs ecoliers de diffe-
rentes fortunes une sorte de patronage qui tournait au profit
des sciences ; ces liens, formes dans I'age ou le cceur s'ouvre
aux sentimens genereux, ne se brisaient plus dans la suite,
et etablissaient entre le prince et l'homme de lettres ces an-
tiques et nobles amities qui vivaient entre les Scipion et les
Lelius.' l Lally-Tolendal, writing in the early years of the
first French Empire, said : * The suppression of the Order
was the most arbitrary and tyrannical act that could have
been committed ; its results were all the disorders that follow
a great iniquity ; and especially an incurable injury done to
public education.'

If you ask now in Paris for the poetry of Gresset, you
will probably receive a copy in which his * Adieux aux
Jesuites ' are omitted. He had been educated by them ;
even entered on his noviciate, and did not finally free him-
self till he was five-and-twenty. For the charming story
of ' Yer Vert,' which has made its author immortal, gave
such offence to the Abbess of the Visitation Convent at
Nevers, that she appealed to her relations at Paris to
procure some reparation from the Jesuits; and they, for
peace sake, sent him from Tours to la Fleche; there, he
asked and obtained his dismissal from the Order ; and
writing to the Abbe Marquet, who had long prophesied that
Gresset would find the restraints of a religious house in-
supportable, he thus expresses his reverence for the friends
of his childhood and youth, under whose protection ' Ver
Vert' and the ' Voyage a La Fleche' were written; a rather
remarkable proof of their indulgent liberality—

1 G6nie du Christianisme.

COXCLUSIOX. 521

Oni, meme en la brisant j'ai regrette ma cliaine,
Et je Be me snis vu libre qu'en soupirant.
Je dois tous mes regrets aux sages que je quitte,
J'en perds avec douleur 1'entretien vertuenx,
Et si dans leurs foyers desormais je n'habite,
Mon cceur me survit aupres d'eux.

Qu'il m'est doux de pouvoir leur rendre un temoignage

Dont 1'interet, la crainte, 1'espoir sont exclus !

A leur sort le mien ne tient plus,

Et 1'impartialite peut tracer leur image ;

Oui, j'ai vu des mortels, j'en dois ici 1'aveu,

Trop combattus, et connus trop pen ;

J'ai vu des esprits vrais, des cceurs incorruptibles,

Youes a la patrie, a leur roi, a leur Dieu ;

A leurs propres maux insensibles ;

Prodigues de leurs jours tendres et parfaits amis,

Et souvent bienfaiteurs paisibles

De leurs plus fougueux ennemis ;

Trap estimes enfin pour etre mains hais.

We have evidence that the spirit and character of the
Jesuits have not degenerated in modern times.

Larnartine speaks thus of his residence with the Jesuits at
Bellay:-

* I found in a few days the prodigious difference between
a purchased education and one inspired by a pious devoted-
ness of which heaven is the sole reward. ... I found
the Divine Spirit there, purity, prayer, charity, a gentle and
parental watchfulness, the genial tone of domestic life,
children affectionate and loved, with happy countenances
. . . I had been made hard and bitter, I was now
touched and attached ; I bent willingly to the yoke which
these excellent masters made pleasant and light. All their
art consisted in creating within ourselves an interest in the
success of the house, and in leading us by our own will
and energy. A Divine Spirit seemed to animate alike the
masters and the pupils ; . . . our souls aspired as by
their natural instinct towards the good and beautiful ; the
most rebellious were borne away by the general enthusiasm.
It was there I learned how men can be governed without

522 CONCLUSION.

constraint and by inspiration. The religious sentiments of
our masters were shared bj us all; they HAD THE AET OP

CHEATING IN US A PASSIONATE LOVE OF GOD : with this

lever in our hearts they could move us in any direction . . .
And they not only seemed to love us, but they loved us in
reality as saints love their duties. . . . They began by
making me happy, they soon made me good; religion re-
vived in my soul, and became the motive of my perseverance
in study. . . .

' I took leave gratefully,' he says, ' of these excellent
masters who had moulded at once my soul and my under-
standing ; who had made their love of God overflow in love
and zeal for his children ; ' . . . and he names some of
them who were ' friends rather than masters, who have ever
remained in my memory as models of holiness, vigilance,
paternal tenderness, and indulgence towards their pupils
. . . THEIR ZEAL WAS TOO ARDENT TO HAVE ANT BUT A
SUPERNATURAL AND DIVINE PRINCIPLE ; their faith was sin-
cere, their life blameless, hard, renouncing themselves at
every moment, and to the end, for the sake of duty and of
God.'

He wrote, on leaving Bellay, some melodious lines marking
his affectionate regrets : —

Asile vertueux, qui forma mon enfance

A 1'amour des humains, a la crainte de Dieu,
Oii je sauvai la fleur de ma tendre innocence,
mes pleurs et mes adieux.

0 vous dont les Ie9ons, les soins, et la tendresse
Guidaient mes faibles pas an sentier des vertus,

Aimables sectatenrs d'nne aimable sagesse,
Bientdt je ne vous verrai plus !

Non, vous ne pourrez plus condescendre et sourire
A ces plaisirs si purs pleins d'innocens appas,

Sous le poids des chagrins si mon ame soupire,
Vous ne la consolerez pas !

En butte aux passions, au fort de la tourmente,
Si leur fougue un instant m'ecartait de vos loix,

Puisse au fond de mon creur votre image vivante
Me tenir lieu de votre voix.

CONCLUSION. 523

Qn'elle alltune en mon cceur nn remords salntaire,
Qn'elle fasse conler les pleurs du repentir ;

Et que des passions 1'ivresse temeraire
Se calme a votre souvenir.

These Fathers, who had renounced mundane love for
themselves, taught it to their young pupils —

Je venx que le devoir puisse approuver ma flarame.
Je ne veux aimer qu'une fois ;

Ainsi dans la vertn ma jeunesse formee
Trouvera toujours un appui tout nouveau,
Sur 1' ocean du monde tine route assuree
Et son esperance an tombeau.

A son dernier soupir, mon ame defaillante
Benira les mortels qni firent mon bonhenr ;

On entendra redire a ma bouche mourante
Leurs noms si cheris de mon cceur.

An English clergyman,1 who recently went to Rome
'with feelings of extreme and intense distaste for the
Jesuits ' . . . . which only f became more rooted and invete-
rate,' nevertheless declares, * I am bound in all candour
and honesty to say that I found them polished, refined, well-
informed, learned, .... courteous, obliging, zealous ; and,
while I feel tJiey are utterly in error in all their principles,' he
writes, he closed his intercourse with them, * with many
regrets at parting with men whose talent and zeal com-
manded my respect, and whose character had won my
regard.' And he goes on to speak of their * greatly exalted
character for science, theology, and literature, .... zeal for
religion, unimpeached morality, .... pre-eminence in in-
fluence and respectability, .... extraordinary ability, zeal,
and learning.' ' However prejudiced against them,' he adds,
* still one is constrained in spite of all to yield respect to the

Order "Wide extent and range of learning, large

amount of talent, zeal for religion (as before) ; and there is
the appearance of the strictest morality in their lives.' He
thinks it impossible for any observing man at Eome not to
be impressed with the high position of the Order, and, in
despite of all, to respect a Society which yet he considers so
1 The Rev. Hobart Sevraour.

524 CONCLUSION.

' utterly erroneous in all its principles ' — a rather singular
instance of persistency in believing that these excellent figs
are gathered from mere thistles.1

A Protestant gentleman (Charles Macfarlane) travelling in
Italy in 1849, describes the regrets of his Roman landlord,
and two or three other Trasteverini, at the banishment of
the Jesuits. ' Let them say what they will of the Padri
Gesuiti, they were the friends of the poor, the best friends
we ever had. Who took our children out of the streets, and
clothed them and taught them ? Who always gave us good
advice when we were in trouble ? Who attended the sick,
and gave us medicines, when the hospitals were all full and
we could get nothing? When the cholera was here, who
came among us, stood at the bedside of the sick, and com-
forted the dying, and said the prayers for the dead ? The
Gesuiti — ' e sieno benedetti dapertutto si trovano ' — ' and
God bless them wherever they are ! '

The Rev. Percival Ward, who witnessed the expulsion of
the Jesuits from Naples in 1848, says, that when he left
England he was as prejudiced as any of his countrymen
against them. * Many things in the Roman system I
admired, but the Jesuits I thoroughly detested.' In travel-
ling slowly through Europe, Mr. Ward observed that they
seemed the favourite Confessors and teachers of the poor ;
good men spoke well of them, bad men spoke ill ; and he
was told by k' a good and sensible Protestant ' at Berne,
* The cry against the Jesuits is a cry against the Christian
religion and all order.' At Naples ' their very great in-
tellectual superiority ' made him seek the conversation of

1 Carlyle puts these words into the mouth of Frederick the Great, who
protected and sheltered the Society when the Brief of Clement XIV. had
banished it from most of the Catholic countries: — 'Why have they de-
stroyed the depositaries of the graces of Rome and Athens, those excellent
Professors of the Humanities, and perhaps of Humanity, the ex-Jesuit
Fathers? Education will be the loser by it. But as my brothers, the
kings most Catholic, most Christian, most Faithful and Apostolic, have
tumbled them out, I, most heretical, pick up as many as I can. " Perhaps
one day I shall be courted for the sake of them, by those who want some."
. . . . I said, counting my stock the other day, " a Rector like you, my
Father, I could easily sell for 300 thalers; you, reverend Father Provincial,
for 600 ; and so the rest in proportion. When one is not rich, one makes
speculations !'

CONCLUSION. 525

the Jesuits ; he became familiarised in their convent, he
saw their way of life, system of education, clear-sighted
patriotism; and the result is, that he describes them as
' men of high thoughts and humble toil ; of lofty intellect
and patient labour ; of noble courage and gentle charity ;
faithful priests, who, having taken up their cross daily, and
followed Christ strictly, have shared with him the world's
despite and scorn; patient and loving instructors of youth,
champions of Christendom, noble bearers of the standard of
the cross through an age of self-indulgence, lax morals, and
wavering faith.'

And he, this Church of England clergyman, concludes
with words like those repeated by Mr. Macfarlane : l —

' Wherever they go God's blessing will go with them :
the blessings of the poor, who were fed daily at their gates ;
of the prisoners, whom they daily visited ; of the young,
whom they instructed for this world, and guided to happi-
ness in the next ; of all that vast multitude which had heard
from them the soundest and most glorious gospel truth.'

Very easy it would be, and very pleasant to add many more
such loving expressions as these ; but it is time to make an
end. Those who have dwelt longest on the noble character
and achievements of Ignatius will probably admire them
most. Those who best know his living disciples will be the
most ready to revere their predecessors, as amongst the
greatest benefactors and highest examples of humanity that
the world has yet seen.

1 I -wish that I could give the whole of Mr. Ward's pamphlet ; it is
exceedingly interesting, and might help to form the judgment of some
doubters respecting the tyranny of liberalism, the cruelty of philanthropists,
and the bigotry of men who profess to despise religion altogether.

INDEX.

ABY

A BYSSIXIA, mission to, 330-332

Jj_ Achille, Paolo, received into the
Society, 292. Founds and guides the
college of Palermo, 292

Achille, Paul, studies at Paris, 315

Acquiglieres, Gonsalvo, merchant of
Bruges, his kindness to Ignatius. 117

Adam, Pere, a Jesuit, protects the Hu-
guenots, 480

Adam, Villiers de 1'Isle, surrenders
Ehodes to the Turks, 51

Adrian, Cardinal, made regent of Spain,
10. His measures in the war of the
Comuneros, 10. Makes Valladolid
the seat of his goTernment, 1 1 . De-
posed by the insurgent towns. 11.
Elected Pope as Adrian VL, 23. His
history and character, 23. His epi-
taph, 23

Adrian VI., Pope, his desire for reform
in morals, 209, 210

Adriani, Adrian, his successes in Lou-
vain, 280. Becomes a member of the
Society, 308. Blamed by Ignatius,
and ordered to do penance, 420, 421

Africa, work of the Jesuits in, 376

Aguilar, Marquis d', Imperial ambassa-
dor to Eome, 196. His reception of
Loyola, 196

Alarzia, Martin, brought when a boy to
Ignatius, 160. The saint's prophecy
respecting him, 160

Albert, Archbishop of Mayence, and
Cardinal of Brandenburg, sends for
Faber, who restores peace, 303, 304.
His gratitude, 306

Albert, Duke of Bavaria, parts with
Canisius and his companions with re-
gret, 450. His college at Munich,
451, 472, 473

Albigenses, the, hunted out and exter-
minated in Calabria, 22o

Albret, Jean d', King of Navarre, loses
and endeavours to recover his king-
dom, 9

Alcala, University of, founded by Car-
dinal Ximenes, 80. Ignatius Loyola
at, 80. Francis I. at, 80. Founda-
tion of the college of, 322. Enemies

ABA

of the Order at, 323. Account of the
college of, 389. The Archbishop of
Toledo's hostility to the Jesuits of,
389

Alirto, Ignatius' mission of charity to,
262

Allen, Cardinal, his remarks on the
Jesuits, 247

Almara, Francis d', brought when a boy
to Ignatius, 160. The saint's pro-
phecy, 160

Alumbrados, Los, the sect called, 88.
Their doctrinal errors, 88

Alzaga, Simona, attends Ignatius in his
illness, 163

Amadores, a student at Paris, becomes
a disciple of Ignatius, 113

Amigante, Andres, his kindness and
hospitality to Loyola, 48, 49

Anabaptists, their excesses in West-
phalia, 155. Take Miinster, 155

Andaluzzo, Marino, dismissed from the
Society, 441

Andrea, the Flemish priest, leaves the
Gesu, but returns, 442, 443

Ante^ana, Ignatius Loyola taken to the
hospital of, 82

Antonio, the Hermit, Rodriguez, and Le
Jay at his hermitage of St. Vito, 187.
His want of esteem for Ignatius, 187,
188. His piety and self-denial, 188.
His sayings, 188. His death, 188
note

Antonio of Cordova, joins the Societv,
407

Antonio da Majorca, Ignatius' opinion
of him, 447

Antonio, Count of Feria, joins the So-
ciety, 468

Antony, the Hermit, of Majorca, his re-
commendation to Nadal, 415

Antwerp, residence of Ignatius at, 1 1 9

Aquaviva, his obedience to Pope Sixtus
V.. 227 note

Araoz, Dona Magdalena de, marries Don
Martin Garcia de Loyola, 16

Araoz, Antonio, nephew of Ignatius, his
visit to Barcelona, 81. His rules of
holy living, 81. Devoted to Ignatius,

528

INDEX.

ARC

157. Joins the Society, 236. Notice
of him, 237. His successes, 237.
Ignatius' recommendation to him, 273.
Ordered by Ignatius to wear his dress
of velvet and gold, 280. His sermons
at Valencia, 324. Sets off with
Faber for Spain, 324. Receives Bor-
gia's vows at Gandia, 364

Arce, Andres de, lodges two of the com-
panions of Ignatius, 82

Ardebalo, Geronimo, his kindness to Ig-
natius Loyola, 68

Arragona, Pedro, joins the Society, 322

Arrovira, Michele, in favour at the court
of Philip II., 209. Loyola's remark
to him, 209.

Artiaga, one of the first companions of
Ignatius Loyola, 77- His subsequent
life, and reverence for Ignatius, 141

Auger, Emond, his character, 279. Igna-
tius' treatment of him, 279

Augsburg, Diet of, 456

Augustin, the Piedmontese monk, causes
an attack on the company, 202. His
adoption of the heresies of Luther,
202. His sermons and accusations,
202, 203. His end, 207

Aupolino, Filippo, his testimony to the
influence of Ignatius, 301

Avila, convention of the revolted towns
at, 11

Avila, Father Juan d', his admiration
for the Society, 285. His character,
285. Ignatius' remark respecting
him, 285

Azpeytia, Ignatius at, on his return to
Spain, 157. Founds the Confrater-
nity of the Holy Sacrament at, 162.
His acts at the Hospital of, 162

BADIA, Tommaso, afterwards Car-
dinal San Silvestro, favours the es-
tablishment of the Order, 213

Bajados, Isabel de, a friend of Ignatius
Loyola, 73

Balda, house of, at Azcoytia, 2

Balda, Marina Saenz di Licona y, mother
of Ignatius Loyola, 2. Her family,
2. Her piety, 3

Baldovino ab Angelo, his desire to re-
turn to the world, 277

Balnereggia, a discord between the
clergy and people of, allayed by Le
Jay, 222

Barbarossa, plunders the Mediterranean
by sea and land, 166. The Empe-
ror's attempt against him and failure,
297. Continues to ravage the Medi-
terranean, 297, 304. Takes Nice,
and winters at Toulon, 304 Jlis
audacity, 452

Barberan. his attack on the Sorir-ty,

BOL

338. His abusive letter to Ignatius,
and answer of Ignatius, 338

Barcelona, residence of Ignatius at, 52,
53. Jesuit college at, 237. Reform
of the nunneries at, 347

Barello, Stefano, his illness and reco-
very, 2? 4

Barnabites, at Milan, and their kind-
ness to Fra Miona, and friendly rela-
tions with Ignatius, 449

Barnez, Pere, his defence of the Jesuits
of Clermont, 110

Barrera, his heresy, 203. Declares Ig-
natius innocent of charges brought
against him, 207

Bassano, success of Laynez at, 292

Bastid.,, an epileptic, cured by the
prayers of Ignatius, 162

Battista, Giovanni, his burnt hand, 445

Bayard, the Chevalier, drives away the
Imperialists at Mezieres, 22

Belgium, opposition to the Jesuits in,
467. But allowed to establish them-
selves there, 468. State of the Order
in, in 1555, 494, 495

Bellay, Eustace de, Archbishop of Paris,
his hostility to the Jesuits in Paris,
398, 399. His opinion, 398

Benedictine Convent of Monserrato, 31.
Loyola at, 47

Benevente, Mencia de, his kindness to
Ignatius, 388. Assisted by the col-
lege at Alcala, 388

Benoit, a Paris theologian, goes to
Rome, 462

Bermudes, John, assumes the title and
authority of Patriarch of Ethiopia,
431

Bernard, a Japanese Christian, treat-
ment of, by Ignatius, 275

Bertano, Bishop of Fano, made Nuncio
to the Imperial Court, 359. His
powers, 359

Beyra, Juan, Canon of La Carogna,
joins the Society, 324

Bobadilla, Nicholas Alphonso, his friend-
ship with Ignatius, 144. Goes with
Brouet to Verona, 184 ; and to Bologna
with Xavier, 1 89. Engages to go to
the Indies, but unable to proceed, 218,
219. At Naples, 223. Goes to Ra-
fis'on, 297. At Vienna, 298. At
Nuremberg, 298. His ' De Christiana
Conscientia," 298. Refuses the see of
Ingoldstadt, 339. Present at the battle
of Muhlberg, where he is woun<le<l,
356. Ordered to leave the court, 357-
Preaches at Passau, 356. His oppo-
sition to the Emperor, 357

Bologna. Ignatius at, 166. Xavier at,
219, 220. The Society of Jesus in-
vited to, 220. The (Ecumenic Coun-
oil of Trent removed to, 354

INDEX.

529

BOR

Borelli, Brother, his offence, 285

Borgia, Francis, Marquis de Lambay,
visits the castle of Loyola, 3. Meets
Ignatius Loyola a prisoner in the
streets of Alcala, 89. His life, 80,
90. Marries Eleanora de Castro, 90.
Made viceroy of Catalonia, 90. Death
of his wife, 91. Becomes in heart a
Jesuit, 91. His advic« to the Duke
of Lerma, 91. Loyola's prophecy
respecting him, 209. Protects the
Jesuits in Spain, 238. Joins the
Society, 238. Designs a general re-
form of all nunneries in Catalonia,
34". Joins the Society, 363. Igna-
tius' advice to him, 363-365. Goes
to Ignatius at Rome, 401. His
menial employment there, 401. Joins
the Society, 401. Goes to the Basque
Provinces, 401. A cardinal's hat
asked by the Emperor and King
Philip II. for him, 401, 404. Letter
from Polanco to him, 401. Resides
at Onate, 403. Bidden by Ignatius
to evangelise Spain. 403. Becomes
Provincial, 403. Erects houses in
various places, 403 note. His suc-
cess all over Spain, 405. His gift to
the college at Rome, 417. Becomes
the third General of the Order, 510

Borgia, Juan, betrothed to Dona Lo-
ren9a of Loyola, 447

Boulay, Du, his hostility to the Jesuits
in Paris, 398

Bourbon, Duke of, commands the
Spaniards and Italians at the sack of
Rome. 97. His death, 97

Brama, Father, Superior of the Society
at Saragossa. 403

Brescia, Claude le Jay at, 222

Brichanteau, Crispin de, goes to Rome,
462

Bridget, St., miraculous crucifix •which
spoke to, at Rome, 232

Brouet, Paschasius. becomes a disciple
of Ignatius Loyola, 151. His sweet
nature, 151. Goes with Bobadillato
Verona, 184. Joins LP Jay at Faenza,
222. His journey with Salmeron to
Ireland, 251. Ordered by the Pope
to return, 255. Imprisoned as a spy,
255. Sent to Foligno, 2oS. His
work there, 256. His work at Faenza,
258. And at Sienna, 258, 259. Takes
charge of the scholars in Pari*, 316.
Goes to France, 379. Takes refuge
with the Abbot of St. Germain des
Pres, 399. Opens a school at Ferrara,
400. Recalled to Rome, 411. Sees
five colleges founded in France, 411.
His death from plague, 411

Brugelman, Cornelius, cured by Igr.a.-
tius of unreasonable scruple?. . ]

M

CAN

Bruges, Ignatius' residence at, 117,
118

Bruslart, his hostility to the Jesuits in
Paris, 397

Burer, at the Diet of Ratisbon, 295.
His efforts at Cologne, 307. Refuses
to sign the Interim, 357

Budaeus, his Greek learning, 110. His
' Commentaries,' 110

Busleiden, his system of study at Lou-
vain, 320

/\<ESAR, Octavius, enters the Society,

\J and gives rise to an inquiry at
Rome, 421

Cajetan de Thienne, St., founds the
Theatines, 167

Cajetan, Cardinal, becomes a member of
the ' Oratory of Divine Love,' 177

Calisto, one of the first companions of
Ignatius Loyola, 77. Visited by
Ignatius when ill, 89. Accompanies
Ignatius to be examined by the Domi-
nicans at Salamanca, 100. Where
they are imprisoned, 100—102. Pur-
sues earthly riches and returns to
Salamanca, 141

Calvin, makes converts to his heresif-s
in Paris, 150. Takes refuge with a,
vine dresser, 150. Welcomed at
Ferrara, 190

Calvinists. their account of the power of
the Jesuits, 318

Cambilone, a false brother, his slander
of the ' Monita Secreta,' 319. His
probable descent, 319, note

Canisius, his work at Cologne, 309. His
embassy to the Bishop of Liege and
to the Emperor, 310, 311. Sent to
Bavaria with Le Jay and Salmero: ,
367, 369. Prediction of Rainolda of
Arnheim respecting, 149. His family
and education, 304. Death of his
father, whose soul is saved by the
son's prayers, 304, 305. His com-
panions to Cologne, 305. Joins the
Society of Jesus, S05. Desire of King
Ferdinand to have him for the see
of Vienna, 406. Leaves Ingoldstadt
and goes with his companions to
Vienna, 450, 451. Goes to Prague,
and opens a college, 471. Made
Provincial, 471. Opens a college at
Ingoldstadf, 471. Goes to Munich,
472

Cauisius, Theodore, asks to enter the
Society, 281, 305

Cano, Melchior, attacks the Society, 323.
His declamation against the Jesuit
Fathers, 326. Visit of Torrez and
his companions to him, 326. Refuses
the bishopric of the Canary Islands,
M

530

JNDEX.

CAP

326. His view of communicating in
both kinds, 385

Capella joins the Society, 307

Caracciolo, Galeazzo, his friendship with
Vittoria Colonna, 224

Caraffa, Cardinal, belief in his per-
sonal hostility to Ignatius, 175. But
proved not to be unfriendly, 176. His
merits, 177. His decision respecting
Octavius Csesar reversed by the Pope,
421. Chosen Pope as Paul IV., 459.
Erects Ireland into a kingdom, and
declares Mary and Philip its sove-
reigns, 459

Carasco, Don Michel, one of the judges
to examine into the conduct of Igna-
tius and his companions, 88

Carclena, Dona Teresa de, offers her ser-
vices to Ignatius, 92

Cardona, Bishop of Vigue, his inscrip-
tion at Manresa, 51. Gives the
Hospital of St. Lucy to the Society
of Jesus, 51

Carlostadt, challenges the companions
to controversy, 173

Carnerio goes as coadjutor to Ethiopia,
431

Caraero, admitted to the Society,
324

Carogna, La, the Jesuits at, 323. The
pesca delle sardelle under their pro-
tection at, 324

Carpi, Cardinal Ridolpho Pio, his kind-
ness to Loyola, and to the Society,
196. Patron of the 'Di Sta. Maria
della Grazia," at Rome. 301

Carthusians, their hospitality to the
Jesuits at Cologne, 309, 310. Their
fraternal alliance with the Jesuits,
313. Monastic relations of Igna-
tius with the, 347

Casa, Doctor of Divinity at Alcala, his
enmity to the Order, 323. His
danger, 323.

Casalina, Isabella, recognises the in-
spiration of Francis Xavier, 195

Casalina, Don, of Forli, receives Fran-
cis Xavier into his house, 195

Castello, Lorenzo di, his advice and aid
to Ignatius, 300

Castel Madama, quarrel of, with Tivoli,
Ignatius at, and Irs settlement of
the dispute, 261, 262

Castillo, insurrections in, suppressed
by Ignatius Loyola, 9. Lar^o sub-
sidy from, demanded by Charles
V., 10. War of the Comuneros in,

10. Confederation of the towns of,

11. End of the war, 13

Castro, Eleanora de, marries Francis
Borgia, 90. Her death, 91

Castro, De, becomes a disciple of Igna-
tius at Paris, 113. Dragged back to

CHA

his former abode, 117. Becomes a
Carthusian monk, 117

Catalina, kindness of her brother
Charles V. to her, 165

Catalonia, reform of the convents of,
347

Catharin, at the Council of Trent,
348. Notice of him, 348 note

Catherine, Princess, 4

Cava, Bishop of, his conduct at the
Council of Trent, 352. Excommu-
nicated, 352

Cavalla, his kindness to Loyola, 51

Cazador, Archdeason (afterwards Bi-
shop) of Barcelona, letter from Igna-
tius to, 166

Cazares, Diego de, one of the first com-
panions of Ignatius Loyola, 77. His
subsequent life, 141

Cerda, Ferdinand de la, listens to Faber
at Ratisbon, 297

Ceri, R_,nze di, entrusted by the Pope
with the defence of Rome, 97

Cervini, Cardinal Marcello (afterwards
Ma~"cellus II.), at the Council of
Trent, 348. Elected Pope, 457

Chanones, Juan, 32. His conversations
with Ignatius Loyola, 33, 48

Charles V., becomes King of Spain. 9.
His treatment of Spain, 9, 10. Be-
comes Emperor of Germany, and de-
mands a large subsidy from Castillo,
10. Leaves Spain, without attending
to complaints, 10. War of the Co-
muneros, 10. His concessions to the
insurgents, 11. End of the war, 13.
Eludes the performance of the treaty
of Noyon, 14. War with the French
in consequence, 14. His war with
Francis I. of France, 65-68, 106.
Orders prayers for the imprisoned
Pope, Clement VII., 97. Signs the
peace of Nuremberg, 151. His good
nature and sympathy, 165. His in-
terview witli Pope Paul III. at Rome,
169. Renews war with France, but
concludes a short truce, 170. His
arbitrary and audacious control of
conscience, 289. Sends Ortiz to the
Diet at Worms, 292. At the Diet at
Ratisbon, 294. Wants peace at any
price, 295. Fails with the heretics
of Germany, and with the Turks in
Africa, 297. At war again with
France, 304. Not disposed to run
the risk of losing Germany, 310.
Receives Canisius at Worms, 311.
Meets the Pope at Bitsaco, and goes
to the Netherlands, 312. Si^us tho
peace of Chateau de Cressy, Miis.
Charges tho 1'ope with double d"al-
ing, 328. Joins the Papal fore. *
ugainst tho Protestants, ;!'_'<>. Ills

INDEX.

531

CHA

disgnst at the withdrawal of the
Pope's troops, 329. Gains the
battle of Muhlberg, 354, 356.
Publishes the Interim, 357. Plans
a Crusade against the Turks, 377.
Covets Parma, 382. Attacked by
Maurice of Saxony, and hurries away
from Innspruck, 386. Again at war
with France, 453. Abdicates, 494.

Charterhouse in London, Carthusian
monks of the, 125. Their martyrdom,
125. Bedyll's report to Cromwell
respecting them, 125 note.

Ciariat, Father Quintin, at the College
at Eome, 418. Goes to Tonrnai, 419.
His character, 419. His death, 419,
499.

Cisneros, work of, 139.

Clement VII., Pope, imprisoned in
Sant' Angelo and his city of Rome
sacked, 97-99. His interview with
Francis I., loo. His death and its
causes, 15-5.

Clergy, their dissolateness attacked by
Ignatius, 161. Their vices in Loy-
ola's time, 2(19. Their demoralisa-
tion in the kingdom of Naples,
222. Faber's account of German
clergy, 293. His work among them,
303.

Codace, the first Roman who joins the
company, 197. Provides Loyola and
the companions with a house, 19".
Becomes patron and minister of the
house at Rome. 26". Gives a build-
ing and garden to the Society, 267.
Sells some relics of ancient Rome,
and buys some ground for an asylum
for women, 301. His death. 375.

Codretti, AnnibaL, becomes a member
of the Society, 335.

Codure, John, becomes a disciple of
Ignatius Loyola, 151. On the journey
to Rome from Venice, 1 76. Goes with
Hosez toTreviso, 184. Rejoins Igna-
tius, 185. Goes with Hosez to Padua,
189. His work there, 193. Falls
ill at Padua, 194. Becomes confes-
sor to Margaret of Austria, 208. His
vote for Ignatius as Superior, 229.
His illness and death, 233. Named
for the mission to Ireland, 2o2.

Cogordan, Ponte, ordered to Portugal
from Paris, 316. His ability as a
negotiator, 316 note. Finds Brouet
and a lay brother dead of plague,
411.

Coiiubra, Jesuit college of, founded, 259.
Visit of Aracz and his friends to the
college of, 324. Godin becomes
rector of the college, 396.

Cologne, efforts of the Lutherans at,
307. Faber's work, 3»7. Protestant

CON

teaching of, banished, 307. A Jesuit
college established at, 309. The
Jesuits' house in, closed by the magis-
trates, 310. The house again occu-
pied, 310. Power of the Protestants
at, 416

Colonna family, their liberality to talent
in all its forms, 224. Friends of the
Society, 430

Colonna, Ascanio, reconciled to his wife
by Ignatius, 262

Colonna, Pompeo, his government of
Naples, 223

Colonna, Vittoria, places herself under
the direction of the Society, 191. In-
troduces some of the companions to
the court of Ferrara, 191. Her ad-
miration for th« preaching of Bernard
Ochino, 192. Her widowhood and
friends, 224, 225

Companions of Ignatius, their journey
from Paris to Venice, 171. Incidents
of the way, 171-175. Reach Venice,
and go to Rome, 1 75. The journey,
176. And arrival at Rome, 183.
Presented to Pope Paul III., 182.
Ordained priests, 182, 183. Re-
tarn to Venice, 183. Dispersed into
different parts of the Republic, 184.
F>ach to be superior for a week, 184.
Their addresses to the passers-by,
186. Go to university cities, 18'J.
Then- rules, 189, 190. "Separate for
their respective missions, 190. First
death among them, 193, 194. Join
Loyola in Rome, 197. Attack on the
compiny caused by the monk Augus-
tin, 198-202

Corauneros, War of the, breaks out, 10.
End of the war, 13

Confraternity of the Holy Sacrament
established by Ignatius at Azpeytia,
162

Conscience, scruples of, Loyola's, 41.
His rules respecting, 43

Constance, the companions at. 174

Contarina, Gaspar, Cardinal, 177. His
treatise on justification, 178. Attacks
the abuses of the Curia at Rome, 178.
His letter to Pope Paul III., 178,

1 79. His journey with the Pope, 1 79.
His character and accomplishments,

180, 181. Helps to make peace be-
tween the Pope and the Emperor, 181.
Favours the establishment of the
Order, 213. His letter to Ignatius,
213. His friendship with Vittoria
Colonna, 224. Sent as papal legate to
the Diet of Ratisbon, 294. His cha-
racter and talents, 294. Returns to
Italy defeated and misrepresented,
296. His death, 312

Contarini, Marco Antonio, his account

532

INDEX.

CON

of the Papal Court in the time of
Paul III., 177

Contarini, Pietro, afterwards Bishop of
Baffo (Paphos), his friendship with
Ignatius, 169. Letter from Ignatius
to, 184, 185. Thanked by Ignatius
for his assistance in establishing the
Order, 211

Conversing Benedetto, Bishop of Beti-
noro, and Governor of Rome, Igna-
tius tried before, and acquitted by,
205

Cop, Rector, lectures on the doctrine of
justification, but leaves Paris, 150

Cordova, Gonsalvo de, commands the
army of Naples, 7- Meets King
Ferdinand off Genoa, 7. Returns his
estates to the King, 8. His death, 9

Cordova, Raymond de, commands the
royal fleet escorting the King to
Naples, 7

Cornibus, Maitre a, becomes a friend
and patron of the Society, 315

Corsica, Jesuit work in, 432. Condi-
tion of the inhabitants of, 432

Credulity discouraged by Ignatius, 272

Crescenzi, Cardinal, appointed presi-
dent of the second meeting of the
Council of Trent, 381. His illness
and death, 386

Crescenzi, Giacomo da, his advice and
aid to Ignatius, 300

Criminali, Antonio, goes to Paris,
314

Croce, Macldalena della, found to be an
impostor, and silenced, 272

Croce, Brother Giovanni della, receives
a gift of money for the Gesu, 461

Croci, Jacopo, Ignatius' treatment of,
282

Cromwell, Thomas, his advice to the
King respecting his divorce, 124.
Bedyll's report to him as to the
monks of the Charterhouse, 125 note

Croy, Robert de, Bishop of Cambrai,
his opposition to the Jesuits, 467

Cruglies, Francesca, her vows received
by Ignatius, 343. But afterwards
remitted by the Pope, 314

Cuellar, Johann, his hospitality to Igna-
tius at Antwerp, 119

Cupis, Cardinal de, his suspicions re-
specting Loyola and his companions,
204. His interview with Ignatius,
and his contrition, 204

DELIS, MARGARITA, appearance
of the glorified spirit of Ignatius
to, 347 note

Debs, Laurent, leaves Paris, 316. Joins
Domenech on his journey to Rome,
320, 321

EEA

Despence goes from Paris to Rome,
462

Diana, Princess, daughter of Henry II.
of France, affianced and married to
Orazio Farneso, 354

Diaz sent by Ignatius to study in Paris,
314. Becomes a soldier, and is killed
in a duel, 316.

Dillingen, Le Jay's work at, 299

Diploma, Ignatius', preserved at Rome,
130

Doces, Gaspar de, his testimony in
favour of Ignatius, 206

Domenech, Jerome, enters the Company
of Jesus, 315. Made rector of the
scholars at Paris, 315. Union of his
and Eguia's scholars, 315. Ordered
to leave Paris, 316. His journey,
316. Goes to Louvain with his com-
panions, 320. Ordered to Rome with
his companions, 320. Taken ill at
Ravenna, 321. Becomes Juan de
Vega's confessor, 374. His work at
Palermo, 37 1. Begins tho college
of Bologna, 335

Dragut, sweeps the Mediterranean. 377,
453

Dramatic representations introduced
into Naples, 224. Generally encou-
raged by the Society, 429

Dramatic performances, passion of the
Siennese for, 258

Dunes, Pierre, present at the Council
of Treut, 348

ECK, at the Diet of Ratisbon, 295
Egidius, bishop of Modena, his
testimony to the piety and learning
of the Jesuits, 464

Eguia, Father Diego d', becomes con-
fessor to the 'Di Sta. Maria della
Grazia,' at Rome, 301. Joins the
Society, 169. Placed over the scho-
lars of the Society in Paris, 314.
Union of his scholars in Paris, 315.
His penance imposed by Ignatius,
437

Eguia, Estcban d', Ignatius' throe
companions at the house of, 82.
Joins tho Society, 169

Elia, a young Jew, converted at Venice,
292

Emiliano, joins the Society, 157

England, Ignatius in, petition of Par-
liament to return to the faith, -155

Enrujuez, Don Fabriijue, High Admiral,
becomes coadjutor to Cardinal Adrian,
12

Enzyma, James de, put to death for
heresy, 400

Erasmus, his work, ' De Milite Chris-
tiano,' disapproved of by Ignatius

INDEX.

533

ERS

Loyola, 71. His works burned in

Naplbs, 224
Ernest of Brunswick, taken prisoner at

Muhlberg, 356
Esquibar, Juan, recognises Ignatius on

his return to Azpeytia, 157
Este, Leonora d', 430
Ethiopia, departure of Nunez and the

Fathers for, 431
'Exercises, Spiritual,' of St. Ignatius,

their use and importance, 137-139.

Origin of, 139

FABER, Peter, or Lefevre, dis-
cussions of Ignatius with, 119.
With whom he shares his room, 134.
His learning, 134, 135. Receives the
Doctors degree at Paris, 135. His
worldliness and indecision, 135. Joins
Ignatius, 136. His mode of life in
Paris, 140. Becomes a priest, 140.
A remarkable instance of the power
of the Society of Jesus over its mem-
bers, 140. Pledges himself to follow
Ignatius, 146. His account of the
first meeting of Ignatius' companions,
146. Leaves Paris, 170; 171. Ob-
tains ordination for the companions
at Rome, 182, 183. Goes to Venice,
183. And with Ignatius and Laynez
to Viccnza, 184. His journey to
Rome with them, 192. Desired by
the Pope to lecture on the Scriptures,
195. Draws up a form of obedience
for each member of the Order, 212.
Accompanies Laynez and the Cardinal
Angelo to Parma, 221. Beloved
by his companions, 232. Sent to the
Diet at Worms, 293. The first Je-
suit in Germany, 293. His account
of the clergy there, 293. At Ratisbon,
294. His disappointment and work,
2? 6. The Duke of Savoy placed un-
der his direction, 296. At Nurem-
burg, 297. Goes to Spain, 297. At-
tends Ortiz there, 302. Taken pri-
soner by the French, 302. His work,
302, 303. Presented to the daughter
of Charles V. at Ocana, 303. Returns
to Germany, 303. His adventures on
the way, 303. His work among the
German clergy, 303. Ordered to
Mayence, 303. Gratitude of the
Archbishop to him, 306. Goes to
Cologne, 306. Ordered to accompany
Prince Philip into Castille, 306. Ta-
ken ill at Louvain, 306. Returns to
Cologne, and combats the Lutherans,
307. His description of the mode of
proceeding with the Lutherans, 307.
Sails from Antwerp, 308. Receives
Domenech and his companions at

FIQ

Mayence, 320. Received by King
Joam of Portugal, 323. Goes to
Spain, 324. Invited by the Emperor'a
daughters to Madrid, 324. His ill-
ness and death, 334. His character,
335

Faenza, Claude le Jay at, 222, 257. Who
is joined by Brouet, 222, 257. Hostile
influence of Ochino at, 257

Famine in Rome, 207

Fannio, Faventino, of Faenza, put to
death for heresy, 400

Farnese, Cardinal Alessandro, urges
active measures against the German
Protestants, 310. Made bishop of
Visienx, 311. His mission to the
Emperor at Worms, 328. Reproached
by the Pope with treachery, 360

Farnese, Ottavio, marries Margaret,
daughter of Charles Y., 328. Made
gonfaloniere of the Italian army, 329.
Commands the Italian army, 356.
His audacious treatment of the Pope,
360

Farnese, Orazio, Diana, daughter of
King Henry II. of France, affianced
and married to, 354. Parma de-
manded for him by Henry II., 382

Farnese, Pier Luigi, 328. Killed, 359

Ferdinand, King of Arragon, his mar-
riage to Germaine de Foix, offers the
Princess Juana to the Duke of Cala-
bria, 4. His voyage to Kaples. 7.
Feted in the city, 8. Sails for Savona,
and returns to Spain, 8. Disturbances
in his kingdom, 8. His death, 9

Ferdinand, King of the Romans, at
Innspruck, 298. Takes Bobadilla
with him to Vienna, 298. Offers the
see of Ingoldstadt to Bobadilla, who
declines it, 339. Requests teachers
for Vienna and Augsburg, 370.
Wishes to have Canisius for the see
of Vienna, 406

Ferdinand, King of the Romans, de-
sires to spread the order over all his
kingdom, 4«8

Feirar, Doctor Francis, his hostility to
the Society, 345, 346. Punished,
346

Ferrara, Ignatius Loyola at, 65. Some
of the companions at, 189-191. The
Duke Ercole and the Duchess Renee,
191, 192. Her sorrows, 191, 192.
Calvin and Ochino at, 191, 192

Ferrer, St. Vincent, his picture of the
Jesuits, 235

Ferri, Pietro, seized with a fever, but
recovers. 358

Figueroa, Antonio de, joins the Society,
407

Figueroa, Juan Rodrigues de, examines
Ignatius and his companions, 88.

534

INDEX.

FIG

Arranges the mode of dress they
should wear, 88. Again examines
and acquits him, 93. His testimony
in favour of Ignatius in Rome, 206

Figueroa, Count of, his kindness to
Ribadeneira, 499

Foix de 1'Esparre, Andre" de, sent to
assist Henri d'Albret, 14. Defeated
and taken prisoner, 14.

Foix, Germaine de, queen of King Ferdi-
nand, 4. Her marriage, 4. Her French
manners and tastes, 5. Goes to Na-
ples with the King, 7. Left regent
of Arragon at the King's death, 8.
Removed by Charles V. from the con-
vent of Abrox90, 165.

Foligno, work of Paschase Brouet at,
256.

Fonseca, Antonio, sent to besiega Se-
govia, 11. Sets fire to Medina del
Campo, 11.

Fonseca, Don Alonso, Archbishop of
Toledo, his kindness to Ignatius, 96.

Francis I., King of France, assists
Henri d'Albret to recover Navarre,
14. At war with Charles V., 65, 68.
Met by 7,000 students at Aleala, 80.
His wars with Charles V., 106.
Founds the College Royal in Paris,
109. His zeal for learning, but
horror of heresy, 150. His interview
with the Pope, 155. Renews the
war with Charles V., but concludes
a short truce, 1 70. Becomes ' more
earnest about Church matters,' 295.
Invites Melanchthon to Paris, 296.
But forbids his coming, 296. Mur-
der of his ambassadors near Casale,
304. At war again with the Emperor,
304. Signs the peace of Chateau de
Cressy, 328. His illness and death,
354.

Frederic, Count Palatine, induces the
Protestants to reduce their claims,
153. At the Diet of Ratisbon, 294.

Fregoso, Archbishop of Salerno, at the
court of Pope Paul III., 177.

Frias, the Grand Vicar, imprisons Ig-
natius and his companions, 102, 103.
Examines them apart, 103. Acquits
them, 105.

Fronsberg, Count of, commands the
Germans at the sack of Rome, 97.
His death, 97.

Frusis, or Fruste, Andrea, his dress
during his noviciate, 280. At Padua,

291. His talents and learning, 291.
Helps to establish the college of Mes-
sina, 291. Made superior of the
college at Venice, 291. Converts Elia,
a young Jew, 291, 292. His success,

292. Named rector of the German
college at Rome, 425.

n AETA, Ignatius at, 65

VJ Gaming, inveterate custom of, in
Spain, 161

Garzonio, Quirino, lends a hotise to
Loyola and his two companions at
Rome, 197. Defends them against
charges of wickedness, 204

Gaudan, Dr., sent to Ingoldstadt, 369

George, Bishop of Liege, embassy of
Canisius to, 310, 311

Germany, effect of the innovations in
upon Paris, 110. Religious feeling
in, compared with that of Spain, 310.
Almost all the north of, reduced by
the Papal and Imperial forces, 329.
State of learning in, 370. Founda-
tion of the German college at Rome,
423-425

Ghiberti, Bishop of Verona, at the court
of Pope Paul III., 177, 179

Giron, Pedro de, joins the Castillian in-
surgents, 11

Giudiccioni, Cardinal Bartolomeo, op-
poses the formation of the Order, 213.
But subsequently approves of tho
constitutions, 214. His ability and
piety, 214. His death, and the
Pope's remarks upon the event, 214.

Goa, the seminary of, in charge of the
Jesuits, 329, 330

Godan, Jean, captured by pirates, and
dies in captivity, 454

Godin, Emmanuel, becomes rector of the
college of Coimbra, 396. His acts,
396. Navarro's account, 397, note

Gomez, Father, his proceedings at court,
393

Gomez, Ruy, his love of Ribadeneira,
499. Befriends the Society, 504

Gonsalez, Louis, minister of the house
at Rome, his account of the radiance
of the countenance of Loyola, 262.
His severity, 281. His work in
Africa, 376. Refuses to become
spiritual director of Joam III. of
Portugal, 405

Gonzagua, Giulia, her friendship with
Vittoria Colonna, 224

Gove"a, Diego, rector of the college of St.
Barbara, his indignation with Igna-
tius, 121. Which changes to respect,
122. Instrumental in sending Xaviur
to the Indies, 218, 219

Gralla, Guionar, a friend of Ignatius
Loyola, 73

Grana, Do, admitted to the Society, 324

Granada, Luis of, defends the Jesuits,
465

Granvelle, Cardinal, at the Diet of
Ratisbon, 294

Gratitude of Ignatius to benefactors.
270

Greek, Budacus' knowledge of, 110.

INDEX.

535

GRE

Ignorance of, by Frenchmen, in the

reign of Francis I., 1 50
Gregory XIV., Pope, settles the name

of the Society of Jesus in a Bull, 227

note
Gropelli, Gasper, disciple of Antonio

the Hermit, 188

Gropper, Archdeacon, his work at Co-
logne, 309. Assembles the clergy,

310.

Gruet. Jacques, put to death, 400
Guerillos, Don Pedro, causes Ignatius

to be arrested and imprisoned, 92
Guesto, Del, his murder of two French

ambassadors, 304.

Guevara, Juan de, Ignatius' letter re-
specting, 448
Guipuscoa, castles of, demolished by

Henry of Castille, 1
Guise, Cardinal of Lorraine, goes to

Rome, 397. Converses with Ignatius,

397

HAMONTAN, Gerard, his kindness
to the Jesuits and correspon •
dence with Ignatius, 309, 313. His
acceptable donations to the Society,
449. Ignatius' letter to, 449. Ha-
montan's answer, 450

Haro, Conde de, captures Tordesillas
and recovers the Queen of Castille, 12.
Puts an end to the insurrection, 12

Haunted room in the Hospital of Ante-
9:1113, 83

Henry II.. King of France, comes to the
throne, 354. His reverence for the
Pope, 354. Consents to affiance his
daughter Diana to Orazio Farnese,
354. Authorises a Jesuits' college
in Paris, 397. His commands to ex-
amine the Constitutions and Bulls
legalising the Society of Jesus, 398.
Opposition of the Parliament, 398.
Marches against Spain, and allies
himself with the Turks, 453

Henry VIII. of England,, his title of
Defender of the Faith, 22. Agitation
throughout Europe caused by the
question of his divorce, 123. The
Pope's answer to him, 123. Crom-
well's advice, 124. His apostasy. 124.
His cruelty and tyranny in Ireland,
254

Henry of Castille demolishes all the
castles of Guipuscoa, 1

Hermann, Archbishop of Cologne, shocks
the faithful of his diocese, 305. U^es
Bucer's moral influence at Mayence,
306. Receives Faber there, 306.
Deposed, and Protestant teachers
banished, 307. Retires into "Weiden.
308. Excommunicated and dies, 308

JAY

Hermit, sanctity and repose of the life

of a, 188
Hosez, or Hoyes, Diego, 168. Joins the

Society, 168, 169. Goes with Codure

to Treviso, 184, and to Padua, 189.

His work and death, 1 93
Humility, saving of Ignatius respecting,

270
Hussites, near Sloldau, 472

"pIMACULATE Conception of tie

-L Holy Virgin defended by the Jesuits

at the Council of Trent, 351, 352
i Imperfect, Ignatius' treatment of the,
277

Ingoldstadt, offer of the see of, to Le
Jay, but declined, 339. Three of the
companions sent to the University of,
367, 369. Canisius and his com-
panions leave, 450. A college opened
at, 471

' Inigas, Las,' of Manresa, 49

Inquisition, Ignatius Loyola and his
companions denounced to the, 87,
88. Established at Naples, 225.
Established in Portugal, 330. Nego-
tiations respecting the establishment
of, in Portugal, 475. The Inquisition
of Spain, 476-478.

Institute of Loyola, details of the, 242-
250.

Interim, the, of Charles V., 357.

Ireland, mission of Brouet to, 222.
Journey of Salmeron and Brouet to,
251. Their arrival at. 2o4. Perse-
cutions of Henry VIII. in, 254.
Erected into a kingdom by Pope Paul
IV., 459.

Isabella, the Empress, news of the cam-
paign of Charles V. brought to, 90.
Her sudden illness and death, 90.

Italy, war between the Emperor and
Francis I. in Northern, 65. The
coasts of, plundered by the Turks,
155. A battle-field for France and
Austria, 373. The first victim to re-
ligious intolerance in, 400. Violence
of the pirates on the coasts of, 452.

TAMES V., King of Scotland, his
tl promise to Salmeron and Brouet,

254.

i Jay, Claude le, becomes a disciple of
Ignatius Loyola, 151. Allays a dis-
cord at Balnereggia, 222. Goes to
Brescia and Faenza, 222. Joined by
Brouet, 222. Goes with Rodriguez
to Bassano, 184. And to Ferrara,
189. Introduced to the Court by
VittoriaColonna, 191. Becomes con-
fessor to the Duke Ercoler, 191.

536

INDEX.

JJBA

Refused permission by Ignatius to
remain there, 191. Goes to Eatisbon,
297. His work there, 297, 298. His
diligence and charity, 298. Violent
deaths of his opponents, 299. Ordered
to Ingoldstadt, 299. At Dillingen
and Salzburg, 299. His opinion of
the mode of treating Lutheranism,
309,310. Sent to Bavaria, 367. De-
clines the see of Ingoldstadt, 339.
But appointed, and the appointment
afterwards cancelled, 340, 341. Pre-
sent at the Council of Trent, 348.
Called the ' Pharos of the Society,'
349. Goes to Vienna with Schorich,
370. His death, 425.

Jean, the French page, becomes Ignatius'
fourth companion, 81. Retires into
a convent, and dies, 141.

Jean -pied -de -port, St., besieged by
King Jean d'Albret, but driven out,
9.

Jerusalem, pilgrims to, 59. Ignatius
Loyola at, 60. College proposed to
be established at, 454.

Jesuits. See Society of Jesus.

Jews' House, at Rome, founded, 301

Joachim, Elector of Brandenburg, at
the Diet of Ratisbon, 294

John Frederic, Duke of Saxony, taken
prisoner at Muhlberg, 356

John of the Cross, St., a pupil at the
college at Rome, 420

Joam III., King of Portugal, sends
Xavier to the Indies, 218, 219. Be-
comes a friend to the company, 218.
His reception of Xavier and Rodri-
guez, 221. Founds a college at
Coimbra, 259. His quarrel with the
Pope, 311. Ignatius mediates be-
tween them, 311. Employs the
Jesuits at Goa, 329, 330. Stops
duelling, 330. Requests the Pope's
authority to establish the Inquisition,
330. His letter to Rodriguez re-
specting a mission to Abyssinia, 331.
Prevents a schism in the Society,
392, 393. His death, 447

Joanna, Queen of Castille, her hus-
band, 4. Their daughter Juana, 4.
Loses her husband, 7- Captured by
insurgents at Tordesillas, 11. Re-
covered by the Royalists, 12

Joanna, daughter of Charles V., re-
ceives Faber at Ocana, 303. Affi-
anced to Don John of Portugal, 303.
Is repent of Spain during her brother
Philip's absence in England, 404.
Declares herself protectress of the
Society, 40 1

Joanna, Dona, of the Cardona family,
Murder of her husband, 342. Mak>-.s
over her property and retires into a

LAY

hospital, 342. Her letter to Igna-
tius, 342. Her death, 343

Juan, son of the last King of Granada,
listens to Faber at Ratisbon, 296

Juan of Arragon, accompanies Faber
to Portugal, 323

Juana or Juanita, Princess, 4. At
Naples, 8. Living near Valencia,
165

Julius III., Pope, gives property to
the college of Salamanca, 326. His
death, 456. His kindness to the
Jesuits, 457. Elected Pope, 372

Justification, subject of, discussed at
the Council of Trent, 353. Decree
of the Council on, 353

TTEMPIS, Thomas A-, his ' Following

_l\. of Christ,' 71. Love of Ignatius
for the book, 71, 149

Kessel, Leonard, first Superior at Co-
logne, 309. Failure of his efforts
there, 416. Ignatius' instructions to,
416. His violent death, 417

Kissing among men, disapproved of by
Ignatius, 282

Koster, Francis, remarks of Ignatius to,
280

T ANCILOTTI, Nicolo, teaches Latin

Jj in the seminary at Goa, 330

Landini, Silvestro, his illness at Rome,
266. Joins the Society, 266, 267.
His work in Corsica, 432

Lando, Pietro, Doge of Venice, invites
Laynez, and offers him a palace for a
lodging, 290

Laurent, Thomas, his attestation of the
innocence of Ignatius Loyola, 152

Laynez, Christopher, dismissed from
the Society, 441

Laynez, Diego, his learning and piety,
144. Joins Ignatius in Paris, 144.
Accepts a challenge to controversy
near Constance, 173, 174. Goes with
Ignatius and Faber to Vicenza, 184.
Journeys to Rome with Ignatius and
Faber, 192. His humility in entering
the city, 193. Desired by the Pope
to lecture on the Scriptures, l'J5.
Taken by the Cardinal St. Angelo to
Parma, 221. His vote for Ignatius
as Superior, 228. His observation on
marriage in the Council of Trent, 289.
Goes to Venice, 290. His sermons
there, 290. Before the Council of
Ten, 291. Establishes and rrucuintrs
the College of Padua, 292. His suc-
cess at Bassano, 292. Receives Do-
menech and his companions at Venice,
321. Goes to Brefccia, 327. His

LNDEX.

537

LAY

disputation with a monk there, 327.
His triumph, 328. His sermons in
the city, 328. Present with Salmeron
at the Council of Trent, 349. Igna-
tius' instructions to them, 349-351.
Their work there, 351. His seat of
honour in the Assmbly, 351. Cardinal
Sta. Croce employs him to collect all
the errors of heretics respecting the
Sacraments, 353. Receives a letter
from Ignatius, proposing to resign
his office, 355. Reprimanded by Ig-
natius for his remark on simony,
358. His work at Monreale, 374.
His oration at Palermo, 375. Ill
there, 375. Goes with De Vega to
Africa, 377. His address to, and
work with, the army, 378. Preaches
at Pisa, 379. Again at Padua, 379.
Again reproved by Ignatius, 379.
His answer, 380. Opens the debate
at the Council of Trent, 383. His
eloquence, 383. Taken by the presi-
dent for his councillor, 384. Taken
ill on his way to Rome, 431. His
illness and recovery, 508. Chosen
to be Ignatius' successor, 509. His
death, 509.

Lnynez, Martin, his fears for his bro-
ther's orthodoxy, 236. His exem-
plary conduct, 441

Laynez, -, beloved by Pope Mar-

cellus II., 458.

Laziness detested by Ignatius, 271

Lcdesma, Diego de, notice of, 500.
Placed over the Roman College,
501

Lega, Cardinal, his opinion of the Di-
vine origin of the Society, 241

Leo X., his death, 22

Lippomani, Andrea, lodges Laynez at
Venice, 290. Gives his priory of
the Maddalena at Padua to the
Jesuits for a college, 290. Made
perpetual administrator of the col-
lege, 291

Lippomani, bishop of Verona, Papal
nuncio at the Council of Trent,
381

Lisano, a suicide, restored by Ignatius
Loyola, 77

Loarte, Gaspar, a noviciate, his patience
tried, 281. His answer to Luigi
Gonsalez, 282

London, Ignatius in, 124. Kindness of
his countrymen there to him, 125

Lorenc.a, Dona, betrothed to Juan
Borgia, 447

Loreto, the companions at, 176

Lostio, Jacopo, becomes rector of the
college at Messina, 376

Louis de Blois, reforms his abbey of
Liessies, 494

'... LOY

Louis le Grand, College of, in Paris,
317

Louvain, successes of Faber and Strad;v
at, 306, 308, 309. System of study
at the College of the Three Tongues
at, 320. College founded by Faber
at, flourishes, 356. Ribadeneira at,
495

Loyola, neighbourhood of the castle of,
1. The castle of, destroyed, and
rebuilt, 1. The arms over the gate,
1. Domain of, passes to the house
of Ofiaz, 2. Sudden shock which
rends the wall of the castle, 21.
Odour of sanctity in the room occu-
pied by Ignatius, 25. Conversion of
the room into a chapel, 26. Pilgrim-
ages to the Tower, 26. Its subse-
quent history, 26 note

Loyola, Beltram Janez de Onaz y,
father of Ignatius Loyola, 2, 3

Loyola, Emilian of, leaves Paris for
Spain, 316. Joins the Society, 238

Lovola, Ignatius, his parents and birth,
2

— baptism and residence at Arevallo, 3

— training at court, and princess whom

he served, 3, 4

— writes poems, 5

— his character, accomplishments, and

personal appearance, 5, 6

— sent to suppress an insurrection in

Castille, 9

— at Pamplona, where he is wounded,

and transferred to Loyola, 15, 16

— his illness, 17

— his vision, and recovery of his

strength, 17

— his reading and reflections, 18, 19

— first lesson he received from God,

19

— shock to the castle, and vision of

the Immaculate mother and Divine
Child, 21

— his writings, 21, 22

— his answer to his elder brother's

remonstrances, 25

— leaves home, 25-27

— his argument with the Morisco, 28

— changes his dress, 29, 34

— arrives at Monserrat, 32

— the vigil of the armour, 34

— at Manresa, 35-38

— his ill-usage of himself, 37, 38

— in the cave of Manresa, 39

— his trials and temptations, 39, 40

— his scruples of conscience, 41

— his letter to a nun of Barcelona

quoted, 43

— his rules respecting scruples of con-

science, 43, 44

— his illuminations and progress in

divine knowledge, 45

538

INDEX.

LOT

Loyola, Ignatius, graces accorded to
him, 46, 47

— his trance at St. Lucy, 47, 48

— his success at Manresa, 49

— reviled and defamed there, 60

— leaves Manresa, 51

— at Barcelona, 52, 53

— his diminished austerities, 52

— reaches Gaeta and Rome, 55, 56

— goes to Padua and Venice, 66, 57

— sails for Cyprus and Palestine, 59, 60

— at Jerusalem, 60-63

— returns to Venice and Genoa, 64, 65

— taken for a spy by his countrymen,

66, 67

— at Genoa and Barcelona, 67, 68

— his studies and practical rules for

students, 69, 70

— disapproves of Erasmus's ' De Milite

Christiano,' but recommends
Thomas a Kempis's ' Following of
Christ,' 71

— his exercises and prayers, 71, 72

— his visits to the churches of Barce-

lona, 72

— his friends and enemies, 73

— his prayers in the church of the Con-

vent of the Angels, when he is
nearly beaten to death, 74, 75

— restores a suicide to life, 77

— his first three companions, 77

— rejects Migue"! Rodis and Juan Pas-

coal, 79

— goes to the University of Alcala, 80

— incidents of his life there, 81-87

— chooses Emmanuel Miona for his

director, 82

— his progress in the schools and in

the sanctification of souls, 84-87

— he and his companions denounced to

the Inquisition, 87

— their innocence proved, 88

— imprisoned at Alcala, and the rea-

sons for it, 89, 91

— acquitted, but condemned at the same

time, 93, 94

— removes to Salamanca, 96, 100

— examined by the Dominicans and

imprisoned there, 100-102

— his answers to his judges, and ac-

quittal, 103-105

— determines to proceed to Paris, and

takes his departure, 106

— state of the University there, 108,

109

— Ignatius's studies there, 111, 112

— visits Flanders and England, 112

— his three disciples in Paris, 113

— indignation of the Spaniards at Paris

against him, 114

— his journey to Rouen to visit a sick

youth, Do, 116
- charged with sorcery and magic, 116

LOT

Loyola, Ignatius, delated to the Inquisi-
tors of Paris, 116

— who declare him innocent, 117

— his divine foreknowledge of the

foundation of his Society, 118

— enters at the College of St. Barbara,

and commences his course of phi-
losophy, 119

— his discussions with Peter Faber, 119

— visits a patient afflicted with the

plague, 120

— resumes his exhortations, 1 20

— his treatment at college, 121, 122

— in London, 124, 125

— his letters to his brother and friends,

126-130

— takes a degree, and becomes a master,

129, 130

— his influence, and estimation in

which he was held in the Univer-
sity, 131

— his converts, 132

— his acquaintance, and subsequent in-

timacy with Faber, 134-136

— his ' Spiritual Exercises,' 137-139

— his friendship with Francis Xavier,

142

— Navarro's attempt to murder him,

143

— first assembly of his companions, 146

— his plans, 14*7, 149

— his personal austerities, and resolve

to leave Paris, 151

— again persecuted, and brought before

the Inquisition in Paris, 152

— returns to Azpeytia, 157

— his reception, loS

— visits Loyola at the entreaty of his

brother's wife, 159

— whose likeness he covers, 159

— his preaching in public, 159

— makes public reparation, 101

— attacks sins and bad customs, 161

— establishes at Azpeytia the confra-

ternity of the Holy Sacrament, and
his acts there, 162

— traditions of the people of Azp&ytia

about him, 163

— again ill, 163

— leaves Valencia for Genoa, 165, 166

— his dangers by sea and land, 166

— goes to Bologna and Venice, 1 66

— his letters to Cazador and Miona,

166, 168

— his companions leave Paris, and join

him again at Venice, 170-175

— left there, 176

— admitted to holy orders there, 183

— goes to Vicenza, and sends a letter

to Pietro Contarini, 184, 185

— his first niasj.s, 184

— denounced again to the Inquisition,

and again acquitted, 186

INDEX.

539

LOT

LOT

Loyola, Ignatius, settles the name to
be given to the Society, 190

— sets ont for Borne accompanied by

Faber and Laynez, 192

— his vision at La Storta, 192

— and of Hosez in heaven, 194

— reception of him and his two com-

panions by Pope Paul ILL, 195

— accused of ambition, 196

— hears of the death of Hosez, who is

replaced by Francis Strada, 196,
197

— his letter describing attacks on him
and on the company, 198-202

— declared innocent, 205, 206

— becomes confessor to Margaret of

Austria, 208

— his letter to his brother Martin, who

had died before it was written,
208, 209

— his first mass, 209

— his remarks to Michele Arrovira,

209

— constitution of the Order, 210-213

— draws up the form of constitution

for the Pope, 213

— the Order established by a bull,

214

— his reception of Eibadeneira, 216

— elected the first Superior, 227-230

— his objections and remonstrances,

230

— finally accepts the office, 231

— his form of vow, 233, note

— his preaching at Rome, 234

— his rules for the guidance of the

Society, 238

— his journal quoted. 240

— frames the Constitutions, 241

— his instructions to Salmeron and

Brouet, 252, 253

— his errands of charity, 261, 262

— inhibited for a time by the Pope,

262

— his mode of life, 262-264

— his especial care of the sick, 263

— his character, 268-287

— his viaticum, kept in the archives at

Borne, 289

— forms the House of St. Martha for

repentant women, and the House
for Jews, 300, 301

— his popularity, 301

— correspondence and fraternal alliance

of the Carthusians with the Societv,
309, 313

— mediates between the Pope and Joam

III. of Portugal, 311

— his love for Paris as the nursery of

his Order, 313

— desires his brethren only to live down

accusations, 318

— his influence in stopping duelling in

Portugal, and in establishing the
Inquisition there, 330
Loyola, Ignatius, his correspondence with
the King of Portugal respecting the
mission to Abyssinia, 330-332"

— his fresh trials, 335-338

— obtains for the Jesuits exemption

from church dignities and the
direction of nuns, 339-343

— his instructions to Laynez and Sal-

meron respecting the Council of
Trent, 349

— proposes to resign his office, 355

— but his proposition rejected unani-

mously, 355

— his advice to Borgia, 363, 364

— his letter sent with Salmeron and

Canisius to Bavaria, 368

— his letter to Duke Albert on the

method of instruction by the
Jesuits, 371

— obtains participation in the indul-

gences granted by the Pope for the
Jesuits and for the army under De
Vega, 377

— reproves Laynez, 379

— his value of Laynez, 381

— seized with severe illness, 386

— his letter to the Fathers, 387

— and to Yillanova, 390

— removes Rodriguez from Portugal to

Aragon, 392

— his letter to Rodriguez, 393

— his letters to Gonsalez and Mirone

about the spiritual directorship of
King Joam III., 405

— his answer respecting Canisius, 406

— heavenly beauty of Ignatius' face, 413

— his circular letters to the rectors of

colleges, 418, 421

— his difficulties when building the

college at Rome, 420

— his letter to the Margravine of Berg,

423

— his system of schools, 427

— his views respecting the study of

classic authors, 428

— goes to Alirto to reconcile Ascanio

CoJonna to his wife, 428

— his rooms at the Gesn, 434

— his obedience and humilitv, 436

437

— his bright countenance, 438

— his rules for decorum and modesty,

439

— his patience and calmness, 440, 441

— his exclusion of unsuitable persons,

441, 442

— his assumed severity, 443

— his indulgence to the young. 444

— his discrimination, 445

— his letter of thanks to Gerard Ha-

montan, 469

540

INDEX.

LOT

Loyola, Ignatius, personal attacks on
him cease, 461

— his letter respecting the German

College, 446

— sends Ribadeneira on a mission to

the Low Countries, 468

— success of his projects, 468

— his last college, 481

— Manares' reminiscences of him, 482

— decline of his health, 4 89

— his ideas of obedience, 492—494

— his last moments, 504-506

— his death, 507

Loyola, Dona Marina, becomes heiress
of the castle and lands, 237

Loyola, Don Martin Garcia, becomes
head of the house, 16. His wife, 16.
His remonstrances with his brother
Ignatius, 24. Letter from Ignatius
in Paris to him, 126. His death,
209

Lucena, Juan, accompanies Ignatius in
quest of alms, 95

Luther, introduction of the Doctrines
of, into Paris, 150. Proceedings of
his followers in Germany, 153. His
honourable conduct to the Emperor
Charles V., 153. His death, and posi-
tion of his party, 334

Lutheran preacher, converted by Igna-
tius, 236

Lutherans, their conduct in the sack of
Rome, 97, 98

MACERATA, work of the Jesuits at,
481

Madera, Juan, his accusations against
Ignatius, 114

Madrid, a college and house established
at, 325

Madrucci, Cardinal, at the Council of
Trent, 348. Quarrels with the pre-
sident, 352

Magnus, Olaus, at the Council of Trent,
348

Manares, Olivier, his discovery of a false
brother, 282, 283. Joins the Society,
307. Sent to the College of Loretp,
481. His success there, 481. His
answers respecting Ignatius, 482

Manresa, Ignatius Loyala at, 35, 47,
49. The town of, 36. The Hospital
of St. Lucy given to the Society of
Jesus, 51

Mansona, Francesca, joins her husband
in founding a college of the Society,
118

Marcellus II., chosen Pope, and sends
Delfini to remonstrate at Augsburg,
456. His short life and death,
458. The ' Mass of Pope Marcellus,'
459

MED

Marcos, Lopez, vicar-general of Sara-
gossa, defers the inauguration of the
Jesuits' house at Saragossa, 403. Meets
them on their return to the city, 404

Margaret of Savoy, regent of the Nether-
lands, her kindness to Pope Adrian
VI. when a boy, 23

Margaret, Queen of Navarre, shelters
Calvin, 150. Favours the Protestants,
150

Margaret of Austria, her kindness to the
Society, 208. Makes Codure, and
afterwards Ignatius, her confessor,
208

Maria of Portugal, her residence at
Valladolid, 324

Marillac, his hostility to the Jesuits in
Paris, 398

Marino, Antonio, dismissed from the
Society, 441, 442

Marot, his verses on the sorrows of
Renee, 191, 192

Marriage, Laynez' observation on, in
the Council of Trent, 289

Martha, St., House of, at Rome, formed
by Ignatius, 300

Martial, professor of theology in Paris,
his reverence for Ignatius, 123

Mary, daughter of Charles V., receives
Faber at Ocana, 303. Refuses to
authorise the establishment of the
Society in Louvain, 308, 309

Mascarenas, Doiia Eleanor, offers her
services to Ignatius, 93. Obtains a
bursary for Calisto at Paris, 141.
Furnishes money for a college and
house at Madrid, 325

Mascarenha. Pedro, requests to have
two of Ignatius' companions for the
Indies, 218. Accompanies two of
them to Lisbon, 219

Matteo, possessed by a devil, 231. Ex-
orcised by Ignatius, 231

Mattia, postmaster of San Cassiano, his
enmity to the Jesuits, 336. Causes
an inquiry to be instituted, but does
not appear, 336. His desire for
an accommodation, 336, 337. Sen-
tence of the judges, 337. Becomes a
benefactor to the Society, 337

Maurice of Saxony, turns against
Charles V., and drives him from Inn-
spruck, 386

Mayence, Faber at, 303. He restores
peace at, 303, 304. Alarm of the
faithful at the conduct of the Arch-
bishop of Cologne, 306. Tyndal's
translation of the Scriptures printed
at, 306.

Mazzi, Lorenzo, his temptation, and
Ignatius' cure, 275

Meduire, disciple of Rodriguez at Coim-
bra, 259

INDEX.

541

MED

Medina del Car..po, burnt by Antonio
Fonseca, 11

Melanchthon, his fruitless endeavours to
restore peace in the Church, 154, and
note. His works burnt at Naples,
224. Signs the document at Wittem-
burg relating to the Landgrave of
Hesse, 289. Invited by Francis I.
to Paris, 296. But forbidden to
come, 296. His work at Cologne, 307.
Draws up the ' New Confession of
Augsburg,' 384. Approves the Roman
usage of communicating, 385

Melangolo, Torre di, at Rome, Loyola
and his companions lodged in the,
198

MenJoza, Don Juan, captain of St.
Elma, wears his former dress during
his noviciate, 280

Mendoza, Christoforo, at Padua, 291.
- ists Domenech and his companions,
321.

Mendoza, Diego, his estimate of Igna-
tius, 266.

Mendoza, Herman de, becomes bishop
of Cnzquo, 511.

Mendoza, Don Lope, refuses an alms
to Ignatius* companion Lucena, 95.
Burned in his palace, 95, 96.

Mendozze, Luigi, of Tivoli, lodges Ig-
natius, 261.

:ia, College of, established at, 291.
And opened, 367, 374-376.

Mexia, Don Alonso de, conducts an in-
quiry into the conduct of Ignatius
and his companions, 88.

Michele, the Calabrese, his treason, 282.
Tried and sentenced to the galleys
for life, 283.

Milano, Giovanni, his despondency
comforted by Ignatius, 273.

Miona, Emmanuel, chosen by Ignatius
as his director, 82. Letter of Igna-
tius to him, 168. Joins the Society,
375. Kindness of the Baraabites of
Milan to him, 449.

Miron, Jacques, joins the Society, 315.
Sent to Lisbon, 316. Appointed Pro-
vincial in Portugal, 392. His cha-
racter, 393.

Modena, work of Salmeron at, 258.
His enemies there, 258.

Modesty and decorum, Ignatius' rules
for, 439.

Molina, his work on ' free will and grace,'
512.

Monreale, work of Laynez at, 374.

Monserrato, name of. 30. Church and
monasterv of, 30, 31. View from,
32.

Monte, Cardinal del (afterwards Julius
III.), suspends Giovanni di Torano,
338. One of the presidents of the

KAV

Council of Trent, 348. Elected to

the papal throne, 372.
Monte Mayor, Emmanuel, his work in

Corsica, 432.

Monte Pulciano, Brouet at, 257.
Montmartre, first assembly of the com-
panions of Loyola at, 1 46.
Morisco, the, and Ignatius Loyola,

28.
Morone, Bishop of Modena, at the Diet

of Ratisbon, 294. His efforts in

forwarding a German College, 424.

Sent to the Diet of Augsburg, 456.
Moscoso, lecturer in the University of

Paris, his reverence for Ignatius,

123.

Mountebank, derivation of, 256 note.
Muderra, Francis, helps to spread

heresy, 203. Sentenced to death, but

escapes from prison, 207.
Muhlberg, battle of, 329, 354-356,

'YTADAL, Jerome, becomes a disciple

ll of Loyola, 145, 146. Opens the
college at Messina, 374. Shipwrecked
on the coast of Africa, 374 note His
humility, 256. Goes to Rome, and
joins the Society, 415, 416. His ad-
vice asked by Ignatius, 453. Becomes
Ignatius' substitute, 490

Najera, Duke de, educates Loyola, 3.
Commands the army at Pamplona, 7.
Made viceroy of Navarre, 9.

Najera, Duke de, listens to Faber at
Ratisbon, 296. Seeks Dona Lorenca
of Loyola in marriage, 447

Najera, town of, captured from the
French, 7. Taken by Ignatius Loyola,
9

Naples, dissensions in the kingdom of,
222. Clerical scandals in, 222, 223.
The Moors and Jews of, 223. At-
tempts made to introduce the Inqui-
sition into, 224. Hateful edict of
Charles Y. in, 224. Works of Me-
lanchthon, Erasmus, end Valdez in,

224. The Inquisition established in,

225. The first Jesuit college in,
225

Navarre, conquest of, 7

-ro, Martin, his account of the col-
lege of Coimbra, 397 note

Navarro, Michael, his attempt to murder
Ignatius, 143. Who converts him,
143. His subsequent life, 203. Be-
comes Ignatius' enemy and calumnia-
tor, 203. His charges to the gover-
nor of Rome, 203. But discomfited,
205. Banished for calumny, 205.
His subsequent life, 207

Navera, Don Jorge, his spiritual con-
ferences with Ignatius in prison, 92

542

INDEX.

NEE

Neri, Philip, account of him and his
congregation, 412, 413

Nice taken by Barbarossa, 304

Nigusanti, Antonio, Bishop of Arba, ad-
mits Ignatius and seven of his com-
panions to holy orders at Venice, 183

Novices, treatment of Ignatius of, 275-
277

Noyon, treaty of, 13

Nun, a Dominican, near Bologna, 446

Nunez, Juan, chosen Patriarch of Abys-
sinia, 332. His departure for Ethio-
pia, but never assumes the authority,
431. His work, 432

Nunez, Melchior, admitted to the Society,
324

Nuns, the direction of, not allowed by
Ignatius, 344

Nuremburg, Faber at, 297. Diet of,
298. Bobadilla at, 298. Peace of,
154

OBEDIENCE, Ignatius' rules for, in
the Order, 492-494

Ochino, Bernard, 192. Preaches atFer-
rara, 192. Aided to fly by the Duchess
Renee, 192. His preaching, 233. His
hostile influence at Faenza, 257. Re-
spect in which he was held, 257.
Desire of Ignatius to bring him back
to the Church, 257. His subsequent
life, 257, 258

O'Gallagher, Redmond, Bishop of Kil-
lala, 251, 252, note

Olave, Martin de, a student at Alcala,
81. His subsequent life, 81. As-
sists Laynez, 381. Notice of, 382.
His prejudice against the Society,
but subsequently joins it, 382. Fills
the chair of Scholastic Theology at
the College at Rome, 418. Beloved
by Pope Marcellus II., 458. His
death, 506

Olives, Mount of, visit of Ignatius
Loyola to the, 63

Olivier, Bernard, catches the plague,
419. Recovers, but dies soon after-
wards, 419, 472, 499. Notice of him,
422. Enters the Society, 423. Re-
turns home for his health, 423

Onaz, house of, 2

Onaz, Lope de, becomes possessed of the
domain and castle of Loyola, 2

Onfroy, Francis, desires to retire into a
desert, 366. Ordered to Ferrara,
366

' Oratory of Divine Love,' members of,
177

Ori, Matteo, Grand Inquisitor at Paris,

116. Declares Ignatius innocent of
the charges brought against him,

117. His testimony in favour of

PAL

Ignatius, 206. Carries a letter to
the Duchess Renee, 400

Oriola, Maria d', attends Ignatius in his
illness, 163

Orphanages established at Rome by
Ignatius, 301

Ortiz, Pedro, his indignation with Ig-
natius, 114, 175. But eventually
becomes one of his earliest patrons,
176. Offers his assistance to the
companions in Rome, and presents
them to the Pope, 182. Goes through
the ' Exercises ' at Monte Cassino,
196. Goes into Spain, 302. Taken
prisoner by the French, 302. His
offer to the college at Alcala, 323.
His death, 323

Osorio, Dona Eleanoro, wife of Juan
de Vega, her assistance in the house
of St. Martha at Rome, 300

Otelli, Girolamo, at Padua, 291. His
activity and success, 292. Ignatius
displeased with a remark made by,
357- His penance,-358. Remark of
an old woman as to him, 358

Oviedo, leaves Paris for Spain, 316.
Accompanies Faber to Portugal, 323.
Desires to retire into a desert, 366.
Sent to Rome, 366. Goes as co-
adjutor to Ethiopia, 431

PACECO, Cardinal, at the Council of
Trent, 348. Notice of him, 348
note. Furnished by the Jesuits with
chief part of the proofs of the
Immaculate Conception of the Holy
Virgin, 352. Quarrels with the pre-
sident, 352

Pacheco, Dona Maria, wife of Padilla,
her sacrilege, 12. Her husband be-
headed, 13. Defends Toledo against
the Royalists, but compelled to flee
into Portugal, 13

Padilla, Juan de, leads the insurgents
at Segovia, 11. Drives away Ron-
quillo from before the town, 11.
Defeated near Villalur, and beheaded,
12, 13

Padua, Ignatius Loyola at, 57. Work
of Codure and Hosez at, 193. Lippo-
mani gives the Society the college at,
200, 291. Laynez at, 379. Success
of the college tit, 379

Palermo, college of, founded, 292.
Domenech's work at, 371. A college
established at, 375

Palestrina, his musical compositions,
459

Palliano, Duke of, his friendship with
Vittoria Colonna, 224

Piilmia, Benedetto, remark of Ignatius
to, 280. His open air sermons in

INDEX.

543

PAM

Rome, 302. Becomes a member of
the Society, 335

Pamplona, Loyola at, 7- Strength-
ened by the regent Cardinal Ximenes,
9. Occupied by the French, 14, 15.
The citadel defended by Loyola, who
is wounded, 15

Papino, Jerouymo, his testimony to the
exL'ellent lives of the Jesuits, 463

Para, Heruando de, lodges two of the
companions of Ignatius, .82

Paris in 1528, 107, 108. University
of, 107- The four portions, or na-
tions, of the University, 108, 109.
The range of studies in the schools
at this time, 109. Appearance of
the plague in the city, 120. Love
of Ignatius for, as the nursery of
his Order, 313. Unpopularity of the
Spanish name at, 316. Attacks of
the Sorbonne on the Society, 317.
A college founded at, 397. Hostility
at, 397. Decree of the University
against the Jesuits, 462. Prosperity
of the college at, 465

Parma, Laynez and Faber taken by the
Cardinal St. Angelo to, 221. They
evangelise the town, 222

Pascoal, Dona Inez, her piety and hos-
pitality, 35. Molested by the people
of Manresa, 50. Receives an account
of the holy places of Jerusalem from
Ignatius Loyola, 61. Friendship of
Ignatius for her and for her son Juan,
73. Ignatius' letters to, 111, 129

Pascoal, Juan, his account of Ignatius
Loyola at Manresa, 35. Secretly
watches Ignatius at prayer, 72. The
saint's friendship for, and conversa-
tion with him and his mother, 73.
Juan's stubbornness and disobedience
to his mother, 73 note Rejected by
Ignatius, 79 ; who predicts his future
life, and consoles him with his letters,
80.

Pa^sau, Bobadilla at, 356

Paul KI.; Pope, elected, 155. His in-
terview with the Emperor Charles V.,
169. His pontificate and court, 177.
Commencement of his papal life, 177-
His work of reformation, 178, 179.
His policy, 1"9. His sagacity and
humanity, ISO. His reception of the
companions at the Vatican, 1 82. His
reception of Loyola and his two com-
panions at Rome, 195. His vigorous
correction of abuses and immorality
in the Church, 210. Sanctions the
formation of the Order of the Jesuits,
213. His remark on the death of
Cardinal Giudiccioni, 214. Estab-
lished an Inquisition in Naples, 225.
Sends two nuncios to Ireland, 251.

PHI

Urged to convene a General Council,
295, 296. His quarrel with the
King of Portugal settled by Ignatius,

311. Meets the Emperor at Busaco,

312. Obtains Xovara, 328. His son,
Pier Luigi Farnese, 328. His ag-
grandisement of the Farnesi family,
and his regrets, 328. Charged by the
Emperor with double dealing, 328.
Joins the Imperial forces against the
German Protestants, 329. Withdraws
his troops from Germany to the dis-
gust of the Emperor, 329. Pier Luigi
killed, 359. Seized with compunction,
359. His troubles with his children,
359. His proposed concessions to
German heretics, 359. His afflictions
reach a climax, 360. His death and
character, 361. Perplexity caused to
his successor caused by his nepotism,
382

Paul IV., Caraffa elected Pope as, 459

Pedro di Alcantara, San. 447

Pedro of Castille, helps to spread heresy,
203. Imprisoned for life, 207

Pefia, professor of philosophy in Paris,
studies of Ignatius under, 119. His
vexation with Ignatius, of whom he
complains to Govea the rector, 121

Penances, some of the, of the Society,
284

Peralta, a student at Paris, becomes a
disciple of Ignatius, 113. His sub-
sequent life, 117

Perez, Martin, Ignatius at the house of,
in Valencia, 165

Pescaire listens to Faber at Ratisbon,
297

Petronio, Alessandro, friend and phy-
sician of Ignatius, 436, 491

Pezzano, Father, named procurator of
the Professed House in Rome, 490

Philip, Archduke, married to Queen
Joanna, 4. Their daughter, the
Princess Juana, 4. His death, 7

Philip, Landgrave of Hesse, his per-
mission from Melanchthon, Luther,
and Bucer to have two wives, 289.
His oath of alliance with the Elector
of Brandenburg annulled by Charles
V., 289. At the Diet of Ratisbon,
294

Philip II., King of Spain, his birth at
Valladolid, 95. Rejoicings for the
event, 96. Affianced to Maria of
Portugal, 306. His journey into
Castille, 306. His residence at Val-
ladolid with his bride, 324. Death
of his wife, 324. His reception of
the Jesuits, 324. His residence in
England, 404. His action respecting
the Jesuits in Brussels, 46", 468

Philonardi, Enrico, cardinal of St. An-

544

INDEX.

PIA

gelo, takes Laynez and Faber with
him to Parma, 221

Piacenza, kept by Charles V., 359

Picard, Francis, becomes a patron and
friend of the Society, 315

Pighini, Sebastian, Papal nuncio at the
second meeting of the Council of
Trent, 381

Pimental, declares himself protector of
the Order, 324

Pirates in the Mediterranean, 166.
Their rapacity and violence, 452

Pisa, Laynez at, 379. A college foun-
ded at, 379

Pistorius at Cologne, 307

Plague, appearance of, in Paris, 120,
411

Poggio, Nuncio at Bonn, advises Faber
to remain at Cologne, 306

Polanco, Giovanni, his belief that God
assisted the founders of the Society,
241. Translates the rules into Latin,
250. At Padua, 291. His success,
292. The friend of all the Society,

333. His regular life and character,

334. Joins the Society, 375. Finds
some coin newly minted, 375

Pole, Cardinal Beginald, his merits,
177. Congratulates Contarini on his
work, 178, 295. At the Council of
Trent, 348

Pontano, Eleutero, his description of
Ignatius and of his influence, 302

Ponzetta, Cardinal, tortured to death,
98

Portugal, establishment of the Jesuits
in, 259. Attacked by the Turks,
260

Portundo, Don Eodrigo, recognises Ig-
natius Loyola at Genoa, 67

Postol, the ' Wonder of the World,' 317.
Enters the Society, 317. Dismissed by
Ignatius, 318. But reconciled to the
Church, 318 note

Prat, Du, Bishop of Clermont, at the
Council of Trent, 348

Prat, Guillaume du, Bishop of Cler-
mont, founds a Jesuit College at
Billom, 317. And gives the Society
his Hotel de Clermont at Paris, 317

Prebend, the libertine, at Alcala, 85.
Converted by Ignatius, 85, 86

Protestants, proceedings of the, in Ger-
many, 153. Their claims, 153. Peace
of Nuremberg, 154. At the Council

' of Trent, 384

Pucci, Antonio, Cardinal-Penitentiary,
grants ordination to the companions
of Ignatius, 182

Pujol, Antonio, accompanies Ignatius
to Barcelona, 52. Lends him Looks,
69. Waylaid with the Saint, and
both nearly beaten to death, 75

EIB

QUADRATO, Pedro, Ignatius' fore-
knowledge of his foundation of a
college of the Society, 118
Quiroga, Gaspar, becomes Archbishop
of Toledo, 391. His admiration for
Ignatius and the Society, 391. His
account of Ignatius' personal appear-
ance, 491

OAINOLDA of Arnheim, her pro-

Xt phecy, 149

Eangon, Gui de, offers -6,000 soldiers
for the defence of .Rome, 97

Eatisbon, Diet of, 294, 456. Faber
at, 296. Le Jay and Bobadilla at,
297. Bobadilla at, 298

Eavenna, the companions at, 1 76

Eeggio, Brouet's work at, 257

Eeginald, Father, the Dominican, his
conversation with Ignatius, 446

Eeligious Houses, object of many per-
sons who enter, 226

Eemius, at the Council of Trent,
348

Eenee, Duchess of Ferrara, her attach-
ment to her own countrymen, 190.
Her Calvinism, 190, 191. Marot's
verses on her sorrows, 191, 192. Her
imprisonment and recantation, 400,
401. Her subsequent life, 401.

Eequesius, Stephana do, a friend of Igna-
tius Loyola, 73

Ehodes, surrender to the Turks, 51

Eibadeneira, Pedro di, his introduction
to the Society, 215. Notice of him,

215. His behaviour in the Vatican,

216. Kisses the Pope's hands, 216.
His noviciate, 216, 217. Sent by
Ignatius to study in Paris, 314. His
restlessness at Viterbo, 314. Makes
a convert there, 315. Eehm.s with
Domenech from Paris, 316. His open
air sermons in Eome, 302. His suc-
cesses at Louvain, 320. His melan-
choly and sinking courage, 320.
Eeturns with Domonech, 320. His
journey, 320. Faber's kindness to
him at Mayence, 320. Beaches I
tins at Eome, 321. His illness, and
tenderness of Ignatius to him, 333.
Sent to Padua to study, 333. His pr< >-
gressthere, 333. Falls ill at Florence,
375. Goes to Palermo, 375. His acci-
dentat Yalineto, 425. Bcjiruved l>v
Ignatius, 467- His mission to King
Philip in the Netherlands, 4G8. Sent
into Belgium, 495. His letter to Igna-
tius from Louvain, 495. His preach-
ing, 497. His work at Brussels, 50 1 .
His subsequent life and death, 510-
512. His relations, 511. His lite
of Ignatius, 512

INDEX.

545

BIB

Ribeira. a merchant, tlie author of the
outrage on Ignatius Loyola and An-
tonio Pujol, "6

Richelieu, Cardinal, his opinion of
Loyola's system, 251

Roeaberti, Sefiora Cepilla^her conversa-
tion with Ignatius, 54, 55

Rocca, Prince della, his munificence to
the Society at Naples, 225

Rodis, Miguel, rejected by Ignatius
Loyola, 79. Ignatius' prediction
respecting the son of Rodis, 79

Rodriguez, Simon, his learning and
piety, 144, 145. His friendship with
Ignatius, 144, 145. His dying father's
prophecy, 145. His memory of the
first meeting of Ignatius' companions,
148. Leaves Paris, but taken ill on
the way, 171. Temptations of a
dancing party, and impediments over-
come, 171, 172. Returns from Rome
to Venice, 183. Incident which hap-
pened to him there, 183. Goes with
Le Jay to Bassano, 184. His illness
there, 187. Resolves to desert his
engagements with Ignatius, 1 88. Who
receives him back with open arms,
189. Goes with Le Jay to Ferrara,
189. Goes to Padua to assist Codure,
194. Engages to accompany Xavier
to the Indies, 218. But ordered to
remain in Portugal, 219. His work
at Sienna, 258. Commences his col-
lege at Coimbra, 259. At court, 260.
His work in Portugal, 260. Desired
by Ignatius to make a compromise
between the Pope and Joam III.,
311. Letter from King Joam III.,
respecting a mission to Abyssinia,
331. Practices introduced by him
into Portugal, 391. Removed, 392.
Goes to Aragon, 393. Wishes to re-
turn to Portugal, 393. Ignatius'
letters to him, 393. 395. Summoned
to Rome, 395. Taken ill at Venice,
and returns to Portugal, 455

Rome, Ignatius Loyola at, 56. The city
taken and pillaged, 96-99. Arrival
of the companions of Ignatius at, 182.
Ignatius, with Laynez and Faber,
enter, 193. A famine in the city, 207.
The Jesuit College at, 417. Pelletier,
the first rector, 417. Difficulties of
Ignatius when building the college,
420. Foundation of the German
College, 423- 425. The modern Gesu
at, 434. State of the college at, 451,
452. Poverty of the German College
at, 460.

Romee de Chatillon, General of the
Dominicans, his declaration in favour
of the Jesuits, 326

Rome, Sebastian, sent to Corsica to

SAB

watch the Fathers there, 433. Dis-
pleases Ignatius, 481

Roof, the fallen, 439

Roser, Dona Isabel, her friendship with
Ignatius, 53. Who visits her and her
husband, 53. Revisited by Ignatius
on his return from Jerusalem, 68.
Letter from Ignatius to her, 127. Her
charity to Ignatius, 167. Follows
him to Rome, and persuades him to
receive her vows, 343. His letter to
her, 343. Her vows afterwards re-
mitted by the Pope, 344. Turns
against Ignatius, 345

Royas, Francis de, ordered to Portugal
from Paris, 316

SADOLET, Cardinal, his merits, 177.
His friendship with Vittoria Co-
lonna, 224

Saez, Martin, watches for Ignatius,
83

Salamanca, University of, 99. Cervan-
tes' description of, 99. Faber and
Araoz at, 324. Beginning of the
college at, 326. Gift of Julius III.
to the college, 326. Its progress
under Torrez, 327

Salmeron, Alfonso, his learning and
piety, 144, Joins Ignatius in Paris,
144. Goes with Xavier to Sanfelice,
184. And with Brouet to Sienna, 189.
His vote for Ignatius as Superior,
228. His journey with Brouet to
Ireland, 251. Ordered by the Pope
to return, 255. Imprisoned as a spy,
255. His work at Modena, 258, 259.
Present with Laynez at the Council of
Trent, 349. Ignatius' instructions to
them, 349-351. Their work there,
351. Catches a fever at Trent, but
recovers, 354. Sent to Bavaria with
Le Jay and Canisius, 367, 369. Hia
eloquence at the Council of Trent, 383.
Calumnies against him, 508. His
death, 509

Salmeron, Diego, brother of Alphonso,
sent to Padua, 333. His death, 333

Salzburg, provincial assembly at, 299.
Le Jay at, 299

Sanchez, Doctor Alonso, refuses com-
munion to one of Ignatius' followers,
87. His reverence for Ignatius, 87

Sanchiere, Jerome de la, goes to Rome,
462

Sancho, Don. of Castille, listens to Faber
at Ratisbon, 296

Sanfflice, Xavier and Salmeron at, 184

Saraceni, Cardinal Giovan Michele, his
petition to Paul IV., 459

Saragossa, opposition to the Jesuits at,
who are reeallrd, 403, 404

N N

546

INDEX.

SAE

Sarpi, Father Paoli, his history of the
Council of Trent, 348, and note

Sauli, Beato, his work in Corsica, 432

Scalecati, disciple of Rodriguez atCoim-
bra, 259

Schloss, a false brother, his calumnies,
319

Schools, range of studies in the, in the
16th century, 109. Information of
Ignatius respecting schools and scho-
lars, 427

Schorich, Father, sent to Ingoldstadt,
369. And.to Vienna, 370

Scotland, condition of, in 1542, 255

Segovia breaks out into revolt, 10.
Ronquillo compelled to retire before,
10, 11

Seguier, his hostility to the Jesuits in
Paris, 398

Self-control of Ignatius, 271

Self-examination practised and enjoined
by Ignatius, 270

Serapion, Abbot, his sayings, 139

Seripandi, at the Council of Trent, 348

Sfondrato, Nuncio, recalled from the
Imperial Court, 359

Siculo, put to death for heresy, at
Ferrara, 400

Sienna, passion of the people of, for
plays, 258. Conversion of the drama-
tic priest of, 258, 259

Siliceo, Juan, Archbishop of Toledo, his
hostility to the Jesuits of Alcala, 389,
390. His death, 391

Silva, Michel da, 311. Made bishop of
Visieux, and a cardinal, 311. Quarrel
in consequence, 311. Sent as am-
bassador to the Imperial Court, 3 1 2

Silvio, Pietro, his unauthorised devo-
tions, 274

Silveira, admitted to the Society, 324

Sixtus V., Pope, revives the question of
the name of the Society of Jesus, 227
note

Smalkald, assembly at, 154

Society of Jesus, plan of the Society
supposed to have been revealed to
Loyola in a vision, 47, 48. Bishop
Cardona's gift to the Society, 51.
Ignatius' first three companions, 77.
His fourth companion, 81. Their
dress, 82, 83. Defence of the Jesuits
of the college of Clermont by Pere
Earnez, 110. First assembly of the
companions of Ignatius Loyola, 146.
The name given to the Society, 190.
Constitution of the Order, 210-213.
Established by Bull from Pope Paul
III., 214. Limitation of the number
of the Professed, 214. Objections of
Dominic Soto, 226. The name of the
Society fixed, 2L'6. 'I'll »«!'. Seal of
the Society. 227. Ignatius, chosen as

STR

its first Superior, 227. The word
Jesuit when first used, 227 not?.
The companions take their vows at
San Paolo-fuori-le-Mura, 232. The
institute of Loyola, 242-250. Cha-
racteristics of the Society, 250, 257.
Their mode of life at Rome, 262, 263.
Their poverty, 267. The heritage of
the Passion never to fail the Society,
according to Ignatius, 271. Union in
the Society, 275, and note. Invitation
of the companions to many places,
290. Accusations against the Society,
319. Exemption from dignities in
the Church and from the regular
direction of nuns obtained by Ignatius,
339. The lives of the Jesuits ad-
mitted to be blameless, 355. Their
method of instruction, 371. Har-
mony of the members, 376. Hostility
to the Society at Paris, 397. Dis-
cussions in the Parliament of Paris
and University respecting the legality
of the Society, 398. Opposition at
Saragossa, 403, 404. Providential care
of the Society, 461. Testimonies to
their blameless lives, 463, 464. In-
fluence of the lives of the Fathers,
502. Testimonies of various authors
to the importance of the Jesuits, 515-
525

Soldeviglia, Fra -Antonio, his unau-
thorised devotions, 274. Sent by
Ignatius to Naples, 274

Solyman, Sultan, takes Rhodes, 51

Sorbonne, its enmity to the Society,
317. Complaint of, against the
Society, 462

Soto, Dominic, his mistaken judgment
respecting the Jesuits, 226. At the
Council of Trent, 348

Spain, its quiescence even to stagnation,
107. Religious feeling in, compared
with that of Germany, 310

Spec, Frederic, lifts up his voice against
burning for -witchcraft, 479. His
poems, 479

Storta, La, vision of Ignatius at, 192.
Father Laynez' relation of this vi-
sion, 192

Striidn, Antonin, gift, of a reliquary
from Iirnat ius Loyola to, 72

Strada, Francis, 197. Joins the Society,
197. His subsequent work, 197.
His extraordinary eloquence, 257-
259. His success at Louvain, 300,
Studies unilcr.Ii nime Doinenech, 315.
Leaves Paris, 316. Accompanies
Faber to Portugal, 323. At I>a
Carogna, 324

Strada, Luigi, his testimony to the
harmony of the members of the
Society. 376

IXDEX.

547

STU

Students, Ignatius Loyola's practical

rules for, 7"
Superstition discouraged by Ignatius,

rPASSO, Torquato,his education by the

J_ Jesuits, 373. His love of bis
masters and of learning. 373

Tavera, Cardinal of Toledo, protects
the Order, 324

Teatini, Order of the, 167-225 De-
nounce heretics, 225

Theodoric, Father, decides that Ignatius
should accept the office of Superior,
231

Tivoli, quarrel of, with Castel Madama,
261. Ignatius at", 261. Who settles
the quarrel, 261, 262

Toledo, remonstrance of the inhabit-
ants of, 10. The Cathedral stripped
of its ornaments, 12. Defended by
Maria Padilla, 13

Toledo, Pedro di, his government of
Naples, 223. His unreasonable and
arbitrary tyranny, 224. Obtains the
establishment of the Inquisition in
Naples, 225

Torentino, the companions at, 177

Tolet, Francis, made a Cardinal, 511

Tommaso di Modena, master of the
Sacred Palace, at the Diet of Ratis-
bon, 294

Torano, Giovanni di, his charges against
the Society, 337. Suspended from
the Divine "offices, 338

Tordesillas, convention of the revolted
towns at, 11. Capture of the Queen
of Castille at, by insurgents, 12.
The town taken and the Queen re-
covered, 12

Torrez, or Turriano, Michael, his dis-
like to the Society, 325. His inter-
view with Ignatius, and joins the
Society, 325. Sent to Salamanca,
326. Goes to Melchior Cano and
defends his Order, 327. Ignatius'
value of him, 327

Toulon, Barbarossa winters in the har-
bour of, 304

Trent, Council of, decided upon, 325.
Opening of the Council, 328, 347.
Divines and learned men present,
348. Acts of the, 348-354. Quar-
rels at the. 352. Proposal to re-
move it, 352, 353. Kemoved to
Bologna, 354. Assembles a second
time, 381. Its work, 383. The
Lutherans at, 384. Dissolved, 386

Trevisani, Marc-Antonio, his learning
and holine-

Treviso, some of the companions at,
184

VEE

Tristano, Lorenzo, Ignatius and, 444

Truschsez, Otto, Bishop of Augsburg,
invites Le Jay to Dillingen, 299.
His advice to Ignatius, 452

Truthfulness of Ignatius, 273

Tunis besieged by the Turks, 155,
Taken from them, and mass per-
formed in a mosque, 378

Turks, the, take Rhodes, 51. Effect of
the battle of Lepanto on, 51. Plun-
der the coasts of Italy, and besiege
Tunis, 166. At war with Venice,
183. A crusade against them by
Charles V., 377. Their daring and
violence on the coasts of Italy, 452,
453

Tyndal, Matthew, his translation of the
Bible printed at Mayence, 306

UNIVERSITIES, probable origin of
the ' town and the gown' disputes
in, 99 note

YADO, Maria del, one of the pilgrim
ladies of Alcala, 91. Her disap-
pearance, 91, 92

Valdez, his ' II Beneficio di Christo,'
favour with which it was received in
Naples, 224. Encouraged by Vittoria
Colonna, 224

Valencia, Ignatius at, 165. Sermons of
Araoz at, 324. A college at, resolved
upon, 324

Valladolid, open mutiny of, against
Charles V., 10. Made the seat of
government, 11. Joins the revolt of
the towns, 1 1. Becomes headquarters
of the insurgents, 12. Philip and
Maria reside at, 324

Vallo, De, lecturer in the University of
Paris, his reverence for Ignatius, 123

Vega, Juan de, Viceroy of Sicily, re-
ceives Domenech as his confessor,
374. Commands an expedition to
Africa, 377

Velasco, Don Inigo de, Constable of
Castille, becomes coadjutor to Cardi-
nal Adrian, 12

Velasquez, Luisa, one of the pilgrim
ladies of Alcala, 91. Her disappear-
ance from the town, 91

Vellardo, Peter, teaches Peter Faber,
134

Venice, Ignatius Loyola at, 57, 166, 167.
The companions rejoin Ignatius at,
175, 183. Their charitable work at,
183. War declared between Venice
and the Turks, 183. Preaching of
Laynez at, 290

Veralli, the Nuncio, ordains some of
the companions at Venice, 183

548

INDEX.

VER

Verona, some of the companions at,
184

Veronica, Lady of Correggio, attempt of
infidel pirates to carry her off, 452

Viaticum of the blessed Father Ignatius,
289

Vienna, Bobadilla's work at, 298. Le
Jay and Schorich at, 370. Mission-
• aries wanted for, 370. Canisius and
his companions at, 450, 451

Villalar, battle near, 12

Villanova, Francis of, notice of, 321.
Admitted by Ignatius into the Society,
321. "Who sends him to Alcala to
found a college there, 322. His suc-
cesses there, 322, 323. Satisfies a
tribunal respecting his house, 323

Villanova, Thomas of, Bishop of Valen-
cia, his life and poverty, 396

Villila, miraculous bell of, 9

Vink becomes a member of the Society,
308

Vinucci, Francesco, his advice and aid
to Ignatius, 300

Viola, John Baptist, studies at Paris,
315. Assists Laynez, 381

Vishaven, Cornelius, his hospitality to
Faber at Louvain, 306. Joins the
Society, 306. Violence of his towns-
people to his teachings, 308. Called
to Eome, 308

Viterbo, Eibadeneira at, 314

Vito, St., hermitage of, Kodriguez and
Lo Jay at the, 187. Antonio the
hermit of, 187, 188

Vittoria, daughter of Charles V., affi-
anced to the Duke of Vend6me, but
never married to him, 328

Vives, Luis, of Bruges, his remark re-
specting Ignatius, 118

TTTALDENSES, the, hunted out and
VV exterminated in Calabria, 225

Waucop, Robert, Archbishop of Ar-
magh, 251. Petitions for an Apos-
tolic Nuncio, 251. Returns to his
see, 255. His subsequent life and
labours, 256. At the Council of
Trent, 348

Wayfarer, the unhappy, 136

Wilhelm, Duke of Bavaria, his fervent
Catholicism, 299. Obtains three bro-
thers for Ingoldstadt, 369. His death,
369

Witches, burning of, 479. First pro-
tost against, that of a Jesuit, 479,
480

Women, refuge for repentant, at Rome,
formed by Ignatius, 300. The Fa-

ZAB

thers always forbidden to visit a
woman alone, 439

Worms, Diet at, 399. Ortiz and Faber
at, 292, 293. Faber's account of the
clergy of, 293

"YAVIER, Don Juan, father of
.A. Francis, notice of him and his

family, 142 note

Xavier, Francis, poem on the love of
God attributed to, 5. Receives the
Doctor's degree at Paris, 135. Re-
verence in which his career is held,

141. Shares the chamber of Ignatius,

142. His lectures on Aristotle, and
studies at Paris, 142, 143. His im-
pediments and penance, 172. His
charity to the sick, 175. On the
journey from Venice to Rome, 176.
Goes with Salmeron to Sanfelice, 1 84.
His illness and recovery, 189. Goes
to Bologna with Bobadilla, 189. His
work there, 194. Kindness of Don
Casalina to him, 195. Casalina's ac-
count of him, 195. At Rome, 198.
Sent to the Indies, 219. Takes a
letter to Ignatius' nephew at Loyola,
219. At Bologna on his journey,

219. 220. His unwise biographers,

220. The King of Portugal charmed
with him, 221. Sails for the Indies,

221. His vote for Ignatius as supe-
rior, 229. Designed by Ignatius for
his successor, 396. Xavier's death,
396, 414. Interest with which his
letters were read at Rome, 413. His
apostolate in India, 414

Xavier, Maddalena, entreats her father
to allow her brother Francis to re-
main at Paris, 143

Ximenes, Cardinal, becomes regent of
Spain, 9. Drives out the French from
St. Jean-pied-de-port, and strengthens
Pamplona, 9. Reduces the power and
possession of the Spaish nobility, 10.
Founds the University of Alcala, 80

T70UNG, solicitude of Ignatius for
1 the, 274

F7APATA, Francis, accompanies Sal-
Zj mcron and Brouet to Ireland, '2i>'2.
Left to his studies in Paris, 255. Kn-
ters the Society, 256. But expelled,
256. His subsequent life, 256
/unite, Pedro do, his proposal for a
college for Jerusalem, 454, -155

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